Abstract
Over the past several decades, there has been a considerable shift in the form of masquerade costumes worn during Trinidad Carnival. With the growing popularity of Carnival, there are increasing concerns about whether the modern style of costume will lead to the disappearance of Carnival s traditional meanings. This study employs an ethnographic methodology to understand dress at Carnival in the context of a 21st century global society. Data collection took place in Trinidad during the Carnival season and employed the methods of participant observation, depth interviews, and photographic documentation. Data were analyzed for emergent themes, and an interpretation of the significance of changes in masquerade costume for understanding Carnival was developed. Further research on the role of the dressed body at Trinidad Carnival is needed to fully examine the power of dress to define Carnival and shed more light on its importance.
Masquerade dress, one of the most visible expressions of Trinidad Carnival, is deeply rooted in Trinidad’s colonial history of oppression and rebellion (Franco, 2007; Hill, 1972; Pearse, 1956). 1 During Trinidad Carnival (hereafter referred to as Carnival), masqueraders transform their appearance through the use of clothing, accessories, and makeup (Roach-Higgins & Eicher, 1992), a practice that began in 1783, when Catholic slave owners migrated to Trinidad with their slaves and held extravagant pre-Lenten masquerade balls (Batson & Riggio, 2004). Slaves were allowed to participate only in servant roles until their emancipation in 1838, when they were free to rebel against the oppressive social structure through participation in the parties and events that continue to mark Trinidad Carnival today.
After emancipation, there were considerable changes to the style of dress worn for masquerade during Carnival celebrations. Traditional styles of dress were primarily designed to represent characters or communicate themes based on folklore and significant sociopolitical, economic, and historical events. After World War II (WWII), however, an increasing number of independent female masqueraders emerged to challenge traditional masquerade dress styles. Specifically, these female masqueraders have sought more body-revealing styles, and in the past few decades, designers have changed their offerings to meet the demand. As a result, today’s masquerade dress for female adult masqueraders reflects a shift to a sexier style comprised primarily of a bikini and headpiece adorned with beads and feathers also known as “pretty mas” (where “mas” is short for “masquerade”).
The purpose of this study was to examine the factors important to understanding masquerade dress at Carnival. Although researchers such as Franco (2007), Hill (1972), and Riggio (2004) have investigated masquerade dress for its historical significance, few studies have focused on how the shift to the popular pretty mas style reflects Carnival now. Included is an examination of factors that have led to the change in dress and how these factors reflect socioeconomic and cultural changes in Trinidad. As Scher (2002) notes, this major shift in masquerade style has fostered a division between those who emphasize tradition and those who embrace the idea of a modern Carnival. With the growing popularity and global attention paid to Carnival, there are increasing concerns among those who value tradition as to whether the modern style of dress will lead to the disappearance of the traditional aesthetics and cultural meanings of Carnival. Thus, this study explores what masquerade dress means in the context of a 21st century global society.
Background
Trinidad Carnival: Origins and Meanings
Carnival germinated from seeds of rebellion in 1783 (Green & Scher, 2007; Hill, 1972; Mason, 1998; Riggio, 2004), evolving from the Catholic pre-Lenten “carne-vale” masquerade ball that celebrated the upcoming 40-day fast from meat. Attending the ball were the transplanted French slaveholders and plantation owners who donned costumes and masks and indulged in excess consumption. Parties and masquerades continue to be the hallmarks of present-day Carnival, but as both Warner-Lewis (1991) and Bishop (1991) point out, many, if not most, of the activities that mark the celebration, including dancing, drumming, singing, and masking, are actually vestiges of West African religious and secret society practices. Slaves were not allowed to participate in the Carnival of their masters, so they held separate celebrations in which elements of their own cultural heritage were incorporated. Lee (1991) suggests that one way to understand Carnival in Trinidad and similar celebrations is to see them as the “collective expression of the perceptions, meanings, aspirations, and struggles engendered by the material conditions of social life and informed by the cultural traditions of [a] group” (p. 417).
Transformation of self and expression through “masking yuhself” 2 provided the slaves with anonymity and an outlet for unified rebellion and release through role reversal and mockery (Riggio, 2004). As Wilson (2003) explains, “The question of costume…is one of enormous importance for those who wish to appear to have what they do not have because that is often the best way of getting it later on” (p. 33). The slaves’ “janus-like” behavior, mocking their masters’ behavior, represented a taste of independence and (pseudo) power that they hoped for in the future. On the flip side, the ruling class might have also had secret desires to be the “other.” For example, it was common for upper-class white women to dress in the disguise of a “mulatress,” 3 while the white men would be costumed as field slaves (Franco, 2007; Hill, 1972). Eventually, lines between the two groups blurred as emancipation led to integration of the two different Carnivals, which ultimately shaped how it is celebrated in Trinidad today.
Recently, researchers have directed attention to the evolution of meanings associated with masking or masquerading as a Carnival practice. Some argue that today’s masquerader participates more for the solidarity it provides than for the purposes of rebellion (Franco, 2007; Mason, 1998). This motivation was and is evident in the past and present, with participants working together to create their own meaning-laden celebration. That is, Carnival continues to be a “leveler of social distinctions” (Hill, 1972, p. 10). Some argue that the younger generations have little respect for the traditions (e.g., wire bending to make large costumes or headpieces) and heritage of Carnival and believe that traditional meanings are being lost in translation within contemporary society (Green, 2007). Meanings that today’s masqueraders assign to Carnival have yet to be adequately explored in the literature even though this Trinidadian festival is gaining in global popularity. As Mason (1998) asserts, Carnival may now simply be an opportunity for individuals of all walks of life “to experience intimacy under a costumed cloak of anonymity, to behave as they like without any care for their everyday status in society” (p. 109).
The Emergence of “Pretty Mas”
Until WWII, Carnival was dominated by men, reflecting the patriarchal structure of Trinidad society. Male masqueraders dressed as characters depicting personalities that represented repressive sociopolitical figures and spoke of difficult economic conditions. Costumes such as the Midnight Robber and stick fighters were common and were always played by male actors. Masqueraders invested hours of practice rehearsing oratories, stylized dance choreographies, and theatrical dramas to personify their characters (Franco, 2007). Sometimes this meant transvestism; men would cross-dress as female characters because women were relegated to the role of Carnival spectator (Franco, 2007; Hill, 1972; Mason, 1998). Those women who were brave enough to participate did so only in the “dirty” masquerade celebrations called jouvert, which were held before sunrise on the morning of Carnival Monday (Mason, 1998). Mud and oil were used to paint their bodies to provide the anonymity they needed. Although women were excluded from general masquerade participation, their presence was essential to the success of Carnival performances because they provided the requisite audience for the male masqueraders.
In the 1940s, women’s role in Carnival became more prominent. Men’s participation in WWII meant that women filled vacant jobs and thus gained economic independence. This shift had a ripple effect with regard to the role of women during Carnival. Marginalized for so long in Carnival celebrations, independent women sought the opportunity to express themselves and exercise their newly attained purchasing power, so much so that they quickly outnumbered men in the parades (Franco, 2007; Mason, 1998). Women began to demand styles that represented their freedom to choose and wanted onlookers to decipher this newly attained social identity from their dress (Feinberg, Matarao, & Burroughs, 1992). As a result of their participation, a style of masquerade dress emerged that is now referred to as pretty mas or masquerade dress with a primary focus on aesthetics and female beauty rather than representations of historic, masculine characters.
Overwhelming female participation in masquerade brought about a shift in Carnival focus from that of rebellion and oration to using the experience as a means of letting go and having fun. For example, it is common for women today to choose a band not because of its status but in order to “lime” (have fun) with friends (Scher, 2003). 4 Some researchers, however, have posited that the attitudes of women at Carnival closely parallel that of the traditional masquerade era in that women who choose to “play mas” (participate as a masquerader in a masquerade band) want their voices to be heard and seek release from the confines of everyday life (Mason, 1998). Participation in Carnival, therefore, extends beyond just the opportunity to wear masquerade dress and parade through the streets. It remains a way of releasing stress by having a good time.
The Global Reach of Carnival
Researchers have recently begun to focus on the spread of Carnival through the many hybrid forms staged throughout the Caribbean, as well as every major city in North America and Britain (Nurse, 1999). As Cohen (2007) points out,
While Caribbean countries may put on festivals for different occasions and may even try to distinguish their celebrations by referring to them as Festival rather than Carnival, it is from Trinidad’s Carnival that they take their inspiration, form, and structure. (p. 898)
Increased foreign demand for immigrant labor as a result of global industrialization contributed to the emigration of Trinidadians and ultimately what some call the “transnational Trinidadian” (Green & Scher, 2007; Nurse, 1999; Scher, 2003). The movement of Trinidadians to North America and Britain in pursuit of employment and educational opportunities resulted in the cross-pollination of cultural practices. Just as the slaves relied on their African heritage and traditions to create their own style of Carnival, so have the transnational Trinidadians brought local Carnival practices to their new countries. These Trinidad-style carnivals have become some of the most popular and anticipated celebrations in these countries (Manning, 1990). The Internet offers instant access to a virtual marketplace where foreign Carnival participants can purchase Trinidadian masquerade dress.
This foreign consumer demand has provided an opportunity for some to capitalize on Carnival, making it a multimillion dollar business. For example, a recent study estimates that in 2009, Caribana (carnival in Canada) contributed US$438 million to the country’s economy (Yates, 2010). Carnival has become a profitable institution. As a result, some question whether or not those who profit from Carnival and its hybrid versions are doing so for the betterment of the country’s people and culture (Green, 2002). Thus, promoters’ marketing of Carnival has led to debate between those who are considered traditionalists and those who seek to promote a more international version of Carnival. The former argue that the Carnival portrayed by foreign carnival entrepreneurs and marketers is not totally representative of its Trinidadian origins; they fear that some of its authenticity may be lost in this appeal to foreign culture (Green, 2007). 5 For instance, reggae is often used in foreign Trinidad-influenced carnivals, but reggae is seldom played at Carnival in Trinidad because it is not the country’s traditional music. Instead, one will hear steel drums and soca/calypso played by local musicians in traditional Trinidadian rhythms (Nurse, 1996). On the other hand, those who are largely responsible for the success of hybrid foreign carnivals believe they are “promoting cultural identity and sociopolitical integration within the Caribbean diasporic community as well as with the host society” (Nurse, 1999, p. 675).
Those who are concerned with keeping Carnival authentically, Trinidadians worry that if visitors do not know the rich history behind the celebration, they might get the impression that it is simply about partying, drinking, “wining” (Trinidad-style dance), and having a good time. Some even suggest that the modes of expression, such as modern styles of masquerade dress, are not unique to Trinidad and are thus interchangeable with other carnivals, such as the New Orleans Mardi Gras (Scher, 2003). They argue that it is possible that a loss of authenticity will mean a loss of the cultural memory that is expressed through Trinidad Carnival. Yet, as is illustrated by the present study, though the forms of Carnival may be changing as its global popularity increases, masquerade dress continues to play a central role in the overall Carnival experience.
Method
An ethnographic research approach was used to explore Carnival in general and masquerade dress in particular. Data collection took place in Trinidad over an 11-day period encompassing the preparation for Carnival and incorporated most events leading up to and during Carnival including parties, competitions, and parades. An ethnographic research design was employed in order to examine the phenomenon of Carnival in as much detail as possible and while it was actually happening (Belk, Sherry, & Wallendorf, 1988). Specific methods used to collect data in the field consisted of in-depth interviews, participant observation, and photographic documentation and journals.
Photographs were taken of masqueraders as well as of general Carnival events to supplement the interviews and observation data (Prosser & Schwartz, 1998). Depth interviews were conducted with nine participants aged 25–60 (five females and four males, both local and foreign-based) who were actively involved in planning for and engaging in Carnival activities that require a particular appearance (see Table 1). These included costume designers, masquerade group directors (known as “mas band managers”), and masqueraders.
Demographics of Research Participants.
Note: Length of participation included in Role in Carnival column.
aSeasoned indicates that the person has participated in Carnival at least 3 times.
The participants had varying levels of experience with Carnival, from first-time masqueraders to those who have been a part of the celebration all their lives. Participants were selected through referrals from the first author’s local contacts via the snowball sampling method (Patton, 1990). Based on the depth, scope, and saturation of data collected, nine was deemed a sufficient sample size for understanding the topic of this study (Kvale, 1996; McCracken, 1988). Interviews were conducted at locations convenient to participants. Objectives of the research were disclosed to the participants, and each was asked to consent to participate in the research process per requirements of institutional review board of the researchers’ university. A semistructured interview schedule was followed to allow flexibility for exploring participants’ responses. Interviews lasted between 45 min and 2 hr and were audiotaped with the participants’ permission. Questions explored the participants’ perception of Carnival, its traditions and meanings, and how he or she prepared for it. Questions ranged from the specific to the more general, such as
Describe the masquerade dress you plan to wear during Carnival.
What does Carnival mean to you?
What about the Carnival experience is reflected in your dress?
Additional probing was done for clarification to ensure correct interpretation of concepts and local terms. Interviews were transcribed and then analyzed for emergent themes.
The goal of data collection and analysis was to capture the essence of Carnival (van Manen, 1990). Multiple methods of data collection within the field provided depth to the research design and interpretation. The researcher kept a personal journal to ensure reflexivity and objective analysis (Lincoln & Guba, 1985). Once data collection was complete, analysis followed a back and forth process, moving from the particular to the whole, a procedure commonly used to interpret lived experience (Spiggle, 1994). Similarities and differences across participant responses were examined within the context of Carnival and relative to the overall experience, as captured through photographs and participant observation. The goal of the interpretation was to achieve a rich description (Geertz, 1973) of the ways that masquerade dress is central to participants’ Carnival experience.
Interpretation
Three conceptual areas were identified through data analysis and are used to structure the interpretation: Pretty Mas Form and Function, Value of Tradition, and Commercialization of Carnival. Themes that emerged from the data deemed pertinent to understanding dress at Carnival are discussed as individual facets within the whole of the overall interpretation (Spiggle, 1994). For the purposes of participant confidentiality, pseudonyms are used in place of real names.
Pretty Mas Form and Function
Decorating bare bodies
Modern forms of masquerade dress are in stark visual contrast to traditional styles (see Figures 1 and 2). In the past, individuals most often dressed to embody a character and did so in a manner that was more body concealing than body revealing. Today it is clear that the focus of masquerade dress is the body itself. For females, the foundational components comprise a bikini top and bottom, which are embellished with a combination of beads, sequins, and feathers. Male masqueraders wear shorts and are barechested. Masqueraders, both male and female, also decorate their bodies with glitter, temporary tattoos, and cosmetics to further draw attention to the revealed body areas. According to participants, the move has been away from representations of characters having historical and social significance and toward styles designed to highlight the body. As Helen explains:
Costumes are a little skimpier…[there is] a distinction between the Carnival now and the Carnival of the ‘60s and ‘70s…when my parents will have played. Then there was more an emphasis on…our folklore characters [and]…there was more cloth. (Helen)
Traditional masquerade costume. This image depicts the full body character style of traditional costumes.
Pretty mas costume. This image depicts the body revealing bikini, beads, and feathers style of modern day costumes.
Similarly, as Kate, a “Section Leader” (costume designer) describes, traditional masquerade dress is known for being much more modest in appearance and distinguishable by character: “The old time mas were more dragons and folklore and things…but now the focus for mas is more pretty…[and] it is more naked.”
Individualism and uniformity
Participants had differing opinions about the broader implications of the evolution from individuality to uniformity in masquerade dress. For example, Michael, who has designed masquerade styles for more than 30 years, believes that there is too much uniformity in modern day Carnival dress: “It’s pretty boring and the costumes from (mas) bands do not vary much…it is just different colors of bikini, beads, and feathers.” In fact, all participants actually referred to today’s Carnival masquerade dress as “pretty mas” comprising a combination of “bikini, beads, and feathers” (hereafter referred to as BBF). When discussing this popular form of dress, Kate pointed to a concomitant shift in meanings associated with the purpose of masquerade:
The costumes have definitely evolved [as well as] how we play mas…It has different meanings for us. [For a] long time it was because of history and whatever we did to get away from our daily routine and have our own party and such, and like mock people…mock our plantation owners. And now…I think people have lost the real reason why Carnival is around. It’s more naked and just the meaning has dissolved. (Kate)
Because Kate is a costume designer, she was asked to describe her designs. She replied, “[They are] very, very naked” (Kate). Although she lamented the decline in traditional masquerade styles, she clearly embraces the sparer yet much more popular styles in her own designs.
Satisfying consumer demand
All of the participants talked about why they thought the modern day BBF masquerade style was popular and what it says about Carnival in Trinidad today. John, the general manager of a large masquerade band, explains the change was inevitable because unlike in the past, what the dress looks like now is largely determined by the masquerader, not the designer:
Going back to the days of George Bailey, Irving McWilliams, Ken Morris [masquerade designers from the 1950s]…you [would]…create a product and put it on the shelf and hope that people will buy it. Now what is required is what the masquerader wants. If the customer wants creativity, but they want it with less cloth, it is the obligation of…any band to provide that.… There are those bands that equally provide more in terms of covering and clothing, and it is equally beautiful…it satisfies that customer. (John)
For John, Carnival is a business, and he thinks that it is the masqueraders who are doing the most to drive changes in masquerade styles. As he points out, what the masquerader wants to look like ultimately determines what Carnival looks like:
I can guarantee you for the young person…that is in a lot of the younger bands, if you put them in a bolt of cloth and say that “This is your costume” they will ask you, “Are you crazy?” (John)
For some, the lack of visual differentiation among masquerade bands simplifies the selection process. For example, participants visiting from foreign countries, namely Shelly and Kristy, admitted to trusting a friend or boyfriend to pick out their masquerade dress for them. However, this did not mean that they wore the styles without making slight changes. For example, Shelly recalled that she knew her friends would select the style appropriate for their band and told them, “Whatever you guys decide [is fine], I am going to be half naked [anyway].” She went on to explain that in the end, she made some modifications based on her own comfort level:
I was a little apprehensive about the coverage in the costume and I ended up wearing my boy-shorts and not my bikini bottom because it was showing a little [too much]…I thought we were scantily clad, but, that is a little inappropriate for me. (Shelly)
Similarly, Kristy trusted her boyfriend to choose her dress, but out of a degree of self-consciousness gave him a few additional requirements, specifically that “Everything needs to be covered in terms of all the vital bits” (Kristy). Interestingly, Kristy’s self-consciousness was also framed by the fact that she did not know anyone in Trinidad aside from her friends and boyfriend. She explained that this anonymity helped her feel comfortable with wearing the sparse styles while “playing mas.”
For many participants, a key consideration of the dress is the cut of the bikini bottoms. A trend toward the Brazilian style of bottom (a cut that allows for broader hips and rear) helped some to feel more comfortable, even though the overall style was quite revealing. Kristy explained:
Black women have butts…some big, some small, some medium…and the Brazilian cut, they take into consideration that we have a butt. But less of the skimp.…I want to cover all of here [points to erogenous zones] and reveal elsewhere. (Kristy)
Some participants commented on the extent to which the overall “look” of the dress is starting to mirror that of Brazilian Carnival. As Rose describes:
The trend for costume demand in Trinidad is going down the route of Brazilian Carnival, where certainly more detail is going into the ladies costumes, but they are also getting less and less in size and more and more skimpy…and you see more and more of this Brazilian style bra top, where it is more of a wire frame with a nipple covering, as opposed to a bikini-like top. And the bikini brief is brief. And thongs are now an option, which more girls are taking up…appropriate or not. (Rose)
Preparing for pretty mas
Although much of the details of the BBF are dictated by the masquerade band’s yearly theme, it appears that there is also room for adjustments based on personal taste and style. Participants described going through an extensive decision-making process to pull together their masquerade dress, including purchasing the right cosmetics, tights, and jewelry. There was an interesting contrast between male and female participants regarding the level of attention paid to putting the styles together. Male participants admitted that it is popular to work out to be fit at carnival time, but that they personally chose not to do that. Most participants instead believed that masquerade dress is more about showing off the female body. According to Rose, however, this may be changing:
I have a noticed in Trinidad there is a real emphasis on body art…. for example spray painting has become very, very, popular.…I was laughing at a few guys who spray painted a six pack on [their abdomens], which I could see growing in popularity over the years. So [men’s] body art is going to be a new facet. (Rose)
Figure 3 illustrates an example of male masqueraders. Like women’s dress, creative efforts for male masqueraders’ “pretty mas” costumes reveal an emphasis on dress as a vehicle for displaying the body—an emphasis traditionally associated with women.
Male masqueraders. This image depicts male masqueraders in pretty mas costumes with body art.
The Value of Tradition
Preserving cultural knowledge
Much like the previously mentioned discussions on Carnival in the literature review (Green, 2007; Scher, 2003), participants expressed concern about the eventual disappearance of traditional masquerade dress and a desire to preserve its traditional forms. They believe that traditional masquerade dress and performances communicate the history of Trinidad, something they fear will soon be nonexistent at Carnival. For example, Rose, who believes that “Carnival is becoming too commercial,” is concerned that the presence of traditional styles and awareness of what they mean will eventually disappear. She explains, “I think it [traditional Carnival costuming] is losing popularity as generations…do get older and the skills…are not passed on.” When asked to explain what she meant by “skills,” Rose went on to say:
There is the traditional skill of making a costume…One of those is bending where you shape and create a wire frame over which is stretched cloths of different material, over which the sequins are applied and the glitter applied, that all has traditionally been done by hand. The skill of wire bending and the hand-crafting of costume-making is being lost. It’s time consuming, labor intensive…so to make the return and the revenue on carnival, you have to be economical about it. (Rose)
As Michael elaborates, traditional masquerade told a story:
Old-fashioned Carnival has evolved. In those days you played something…your costume was something…. the designer’s perception of an abstract thought…. you got the feel in the design, in what you wore. As a child, I remember going to Carnival to see the historical mas…. things from Greece and Rome…. ancient history most times. (Michael)
Older participants expressed greater concern over the potential disappearance of the traditional forms and were also less optimistic about a possible revival. For them, BBF is what everyone wants to wear, thereby leaving little chance of reverting to the styles of past times. However, other participants think that the modern styles can coexist with the traditional. John is one who believes that there is room for traditional styles, provided masqueraders want them:
It is finding out what the customer wants, in recognition that there is space in the Carnival for [both] of the art forms, and not that one is better than [the] other. It’s all about choice, and that is why you have so many bands because people have [a] choice [about] how much money they are prepared to spend. (John)
Similarly, Helen thinks that both the modern and the traditional represent Carnival:
People will say there was more of an artistic element…in that they were trying to portray a whole theme…and they would say that now it is just bikini and beads and feathers, and they don’t necessarily see the art in that and probably think it is the same thing every year…I see the beauty of the Carnival today, or the “pretty mas” of today, as it is called, it is vibrant…to me it is beautiful, but I would also hate for us to lose our roots, to lose the bands of the style of Carnival that came before as well. (Helen)
Considerations of comfort
Although participants expressed a desire to preserve the traditional forms of Carnival, it should be noted that most did not appear to be willing to dress themselves in the masquerade styles of the past. Shelly, who confessed to being more reserved in her pretty mas, nevertheless found it difficult to imagine wearing a traditional style of dress, particularly when she compared her own style to that of her mother’s from a few decades ago.
And I have seen pictures of her that looks nothing like what the costumes look like today…. like a whole long-sleeved top and a long pants and a scepter.…I did not get it…. but I just imagined…. gosh it is hot out there…. what are you going to do…it’s hot and you’ve got on all this cloth. (Shelly)
Indeed, the perceived discomfort of dancing and parading all day in full-length garments is often provided as a justification for the more minimalistic BBF. As Michael explains:
[You] wore spandex as your main body and then you had all these accessories to your body…. but not bathing suits…. we wore pants and the ladies wore skirts. Now, everybody wants to show their body…. people think [the old styles are] too hot. (Michael)
Contradictory emotions expressed by the participants point to a tension between the new and the old represented by contrasting Carnival masquerade dress. Participants felt strongly about preserving the traditions and equated the loss of traditional styles to a loss of Carnival authenticity. Most, however, also admitted that they prefer to “play mas” in BBF rather than the traditional styles. The significance of this tension for the future of masquerade dress was particularly clear when participants discussed the increasing commercial popularity of Carnival.
The Commercialization of Carnival
A focus on profit
In talking with participants about how masquerade dress in Trinidad has changed over the years, the idea that Carnival is now primarily a moneymaking business surfaced frequently. This focus on profits and the commercialization of Carnival to expand its global appeal mean that bands are targeting more foreign customers (masqueraders). To do so, they must provide easy access for interested participants to view and purchase styles, regardless of where they live. Consequently, many masquerade bands sell their offerings through the Internet and also host local band launching parties. As Shelly explains, globalizing access to Carnival has actually made it easy for her to participate and prepare for Carnival while living in England and to get to know others who will be in the same band.
We had to go to a club to sign up [for our costumes]…. all in London…It is a very small group [the Trinidadians]…and they all know who to ring to get something done. It is like a professional, social thing. I could go hang out…they call it “lime”…. and even though I am not Trini[dadian] it is the kind of group I could relax in. (Shelly)
Shelly’s band has become very successful in targeting a global market. Every year, they hold a party in London where the band’s style of dress is unveiled. The party environment suggests that it is a fun band to join. Masqueraders place orders for dress at the party or online and then pick them up when they arrive in Trinidad for Carnival.
The all-inclusive “party” experience
According to the participants, today’s Carnival band is not just selling the opportunity to play mas but is promoting an overall Carnival “experience.” The idea is that the masquerader pays his or her entrance fee by purchasing the masquerade dress and in exchange gets an all-inclusive Carnival experience. Both John and Kate are managers of bands that seek to provide their masqueraders with this experience. As John explains, “We are creating an all-inclusive experience with a party area, a bathroom area, a food area, and a cool down area…all [on] mobile trucks.”
6
The masquerader is provided with a worry-free experience in the safety of his or her band. Some bands have even shifted the focus away from seeking to win the long-standing competition for the “Band of the Year” title
7
to providing the best Carnival experience for their customers/masqueraders. As John explains, the goal is to become known for being a fun band:
We want to have a fun band. If we get “Band of the Year” and we discipline ourselves in terms of our portrayal, that will be great. But our primary goal or objective is that every masquerader on Tuesday feels at the end of Tuesday night that their hard earned money and the services they were provided were all worth it. So when they go back to work, or their respective island or country, they will say “Yes it was worth it. And I will work for another 12 months and put aside the money so I could do it again.” (John)
The cost of globalization
Globalization of Carnival and the masquerade experience has not come without a price. For example, when participants were asked what they liked least, many discussed the misperceptions about Carnival prevalent today. In particular, Rose responded that the commodification of the experience takes attention away from the more culturally significant facets of the celebration:
Visitors who just come for Carnival for Monday and Tuesday only see one aspect of Carnival. They see the fetes [parties] that run on Sunday and Monday until 5 in the morning. You sleep through the day…collect your costume, body art…hit 3–4 late night parties and then you are on to Carnival day. But there is so much more culturally and historically that Carnival in Trinidad is that does not get enough coverage. (Rose)
Several participants believe that a consequence of the focus on the party and parade aspects of Carnival is that foreign visitors are not getting an idea of the breadth of the cultural significance of Carnival. Minimized cultural aspects include the soca/calypso competitions, traditional mas character presentations, and steel drum competitions. It should be noted, however, that this party focus was clearly integral to the participants’ own experiences with Carnival; it was the “feting” (partying) and playing mas that were most frequently talked about during the interviews.
The making of masquerade dress is another facet of the globalization of Carnival. As Carnival has become more commercial, masquerade dress production has shifted overseas to cut costs and increase efficiency. Some think this is problematic because it will eventually eliminate the need for domestic costume making. As Rose explains, “The costumes are now made overseas in China and India and then shipped back to Trinidad and [then a] few extra bits of plumage [are] added on.” John, however, argues that this outsourcing is necessary because everything that is required to produce masquerade dress cannot be done domestically:
Materials have to and can be sourced from outside. Trinidad does not manufacture raw materials. There is employment of local skilled mas makers that we use in Trinidad…Plumes you can get in Trinidad, but the dyeing process has to be done on the outside since no one does it in Trinidad. (John)
The new pretty mas design has made outsourcing necessary in that it is an economical approach, particularly since everyone in a specific band wears the same style, requiring only differences in size. However, as costume-making skills are replaced by mass production of the BBF, it further endangers the traditional styles. As a result, BBF and a focus on pretty mas may continue to prevail in Carnival over those styles that are more reflective of the authentic cultural meanings inherent to Carnival.
Conclusions and Implications
As seen through the interpretation of data, Carnival has evolved from its localized origins and is now juxtaposed between old and new ideologies, as it adapts to changing global tastes and trends. The tradition of Carnival has been folded into a more commercialized, marketable form of cultural expression and a profitable avenue for those capitalizing on Carnival’s global appeal. As seen with the experiences of the participants, the modern masquerader may not think about the historical expressions of rebellion, mockery, or role reversal as primary reasons for their participation during Carnival. Instead, the focus has shifted to the parties, parades, and the wearing of pretty mas. As a result, the “look” of Carnival is in stark contrast to the origins of the festival. However, findings from this study do in part support the literature that suggests that although the aesthetics of the celebration have changed, the reasons for participating in Carnival remain relatively unchanged (Franco, 2007; Mason, 1998; Scher, 2002). As suggested by the term “playing mas,” reasons like masquerading for fun and the release from the confines of everyday life continue to be relevant.
This study revealed the tension that exists regarding pretty mas and BBF as symbols of the new, more global Trinidad Carnival. This tension points to how social roles in Trinidad have evolved, particularly signified by the increased participation of women as masqueraders. Young women are currently the driving force behind the popularity of Carnival and its profits. Although it is evident that they value the tradition of Carnival and are concerned about its decreasing influence, as participants in this study illustrate, many identify more with the Carnival of today. This identification is achieved through the wearing of the body-revealing, pretty mas BBF style.
As an index of social change, masquerade dress points to another tension revealed by the study: the notion that though Carnival is central to the experience of Trinidad culture, Trinidad culture may no longer be central to the experience of Carnival. The cultural question arises as to whether the focus should be on achieving a broader market appeal by commercializing Carnival to foreign markets or on keeping it local to preserve its cultural authenticity. Based on the interpretation presented here, it may be possible to achieve both. That is, due to the global Trinidadian diaspora, Carnival itself has become transnational (Scher, 2003). Its significance now reaches far beyond the country of Trinidad to those countries where new forms of Carnival are being celebrated. This, in turn, fosters greater awareness of and interest in the original.
As seen in this study, Carnival now exists within a framework of globalization, and this framework has become a mixed blessing. On one hand, global travel and communication across cultures have allowed for global participation in the event. On the other hand, widespread access to Carnival means that the event and the masquerade styles worn for it have taken on a more generic “look” (BBF) rather than maintaining styles reflecting Trinidad’s unique history and culture. Masquerade bands offer an all-inclusive party experience that seems to enhance its global appeal, as participants travel to Trinidad for the sole purpose of gathering with friends and enjoying the experience of Carnival together.
Other dimensions of globalization that emerged in this study suggest fruitful areas for further research. For example, the increasing use of outsourcing to produce masquerade dress, which mirrors the move to a more generic BBF style rather than styles representing individual figures of historical significance, points to the need to record traditional means of producing costumes before they are entirely lost to time. Moreover, findings of this study suggest that styles worn at other events, such as Brazilian Carnival, are influencing the look of pretty mas. Although beyond the scope of this study, the integration of design elements from the carnivals of other cultures into that of Trinidad’s is an area of study that could help shed light on the degree to which a global Carnival masquerade style may be emerging.
Although this study has highlighted the role of dress in today’s Carnival celebrations, continued exploration of the power of dress to define the Carnival experience is needed. Specifically, men’s masquerade dress is in need of investigation, as men are becoming more engaged in creating a pretty mas-like appearance through body-revealing modes of dress. Through the Internet, participants gain official access to the Carnival experience by registering with and purchasing a specific outfit from a masquerade band. Thus, masquerade dress functions as a mode of communication regarding group membership as well as a means for entry into the group. Likewise, research on the use of masquerade dress to communicate social and economic status is needed. Different masquerade bands have different identities, some more popular than others, suggesting a stratification among masquerade bands that can be explored through continued research on complexities of dress within the Carnival experience.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.