Double Consciousness of Black Millennial Consumers: Their Experiences in the Retail Space

Abstract

Black consumers have been long overlooked as a major consumer base in the United States, despite their increasing buying power. Few scholars have investigated the factors that influence the purchase behaviors of Black millennial consumers (BMC). Persistent discrimination in retail spaces creates psychological effects leaving BMCs in potentially harmful environments that may alter their consciousness. The racialized environment is central in the conceptualization of Black Critical Theory and W.E.B Du Bois’ double consciousness. Through these lenses, we investigate BMCs’ shopping experiences, in-store perceptions, and purchase intentions in retail spaces. Semi-structured interviews with 10 consumers who self-identified as Black and millennial were conducted. Situations of double consciousness are revealed and explored in the context of shopping in retail spaces. Our study findings are expected to make important contributions by centering relevant and authentic voices of BMCs. Future areas of research are suggested to produce more equitable, safe, and welcoming retail environments.

Keywords

black consumers millennials shopping experiences consumer behavior purchase intention self-perception

Black consumers have been long overlooked as a major consumer base in the United States, despite their increasing buying power. The buying power of Black consumers is estimated to be $1.54 trillion by 2022 and $1.8 trillion by 2024 (Cavill, 2019; Chitrakorn, 2020). A prominent segment of consumers within this group are millennials, who have significant buying power, high brand sensitivity, and vigilance toward social justice issues (Chui et al., 2021; Zaczkiewicz, 2019). Although scholars have explored topics related to Black consumers or factors that influence their engagement with brands (Chui et al., 2021; Hale, 2021), few researchers have investigated the factors that influence purchase behaviors for Black millennial consumers (BMC).

Factors that influence Black consumers’ engagement with brands include authenticity, connection, and the brands’ place regarding awareness of social and cultural issues (Refuel Agency, 2020). With the recent emergence of social justice movements such as Black Lives Matter, brand communication strategies have responded to social issues through marketing and brand messages, but consumers still express concern that the marketing messages are not being translated into practice. Marketers and brand managers have historically and systemically defended white spaces while undervaluing and underinvesting in Black potential (Francis & Robertson, 2021). Further, retailers are brands. By endorsing brands and brand identities through product offering, retailers continue to build their identity and value through their marketing messages as well as their experiential venues.

For decades, Black consumers have experienced racial discrimination in the marketplace (Chitrakorn, 2020; Feagin, 1991; Repko, 2020). Distinctions of segregated spaces reinforced the normalcy of areas where Black people were absent, not expected or accepted, or marginalized. Such spaces led to the colloquial reference “the white space” (Anderson, 2015). In a society that was overwhelmingly marked by “white only” areas through legislation and reform of racially segregated spaces, Black people began to occupy spaces previously occupied only by white people. Previous research has discussed Black people feeling like the “other” when occupying “white spaces,” contributing to instances of uneasiness and feeling unwelcome, including retail spaces (Anderson, 2015; Francis & Robertson, 2021). Retail spaces can become racially charged, perpetuating social segregation and spatial exclusion. When entering these spaces, Black people are at risk of being viewed through a racialized lens (Pittman, 2020), adopting “strategies” such as minimizing their presence to avoid pressures of surveillance and discrimination. The Black person attempting to minimize or erase their presence is result of the racialization in the United States or the “white gaze.” The white gaze centers white perception as the primary reference, implying whiteness as whole and superior (Pailey, 2020). However, resisting or decentering the white gaze is a precursor to liberation for Black people (Hierospace, 2016). According to Du Bois (1903), people in oppressed groups such as Black consumers often experience double consciousness which is an internal conflict in an oppressive society. This internal conflict is a division in identity and a tension between who the oppressed individuals believe they are and what society identifies them as.

If brands and retailers expect continued patronage, they should not be indifferent about issues that concern their consumers (Vredenburg et al., 2018). In this regard, considerable previous research has been focused on the racial discrimination and disparate treatment toward Black consumers in retail spaces (Bennett et al., 2015; Francis & Robertson, 2021; Pittman, 2020), their perceptions of discrimination (Crockett et al., 2003), and the psychological aspects of discrimination (Gabbidon et al., 2008; Wakefield & Hudley, 2005). However, no previous scholars have explored how potential discrimination impacts Black millennial consumers (BMCs)’ dual consciousness based on in-store perceptions and experiences, and their purchase intentions. In particular, we are interested in exploring how BMCs’ in-store experiences and others’ perceptions toward BMCs in retail spaces affect emergence of double consciousness and purchase intention. The following research questions guide the current study: (a) How do BMCs perceive retail spaces? (b) Do retail spaces influence BMCs’ consciousness? If so, in what ways? (c) How do BMCs’ perceptions affect their shopping experience, consumer-related decisions, and consciousness? This study is expected to provide a better understanding of how retail firms may actively meet the needs of various racial groups (Reed, 2015).

Literature Review

Discrimination in Retail Spaces

Retail spaces are “brought into being, orchestrated, performed in interaction, and [are] negotiated, accepted, resisted, and interpreted by consumers” (Gregson et al., 2002, p. 1663). Many dimensions and elements of public shopping/retail spaces contribute to consumers’ perceptions and purchase intentions, including atmospheric factors (Turley & Milliman, 2000), social factors (Baker et al., 1992), and interpersonal service quality perceptions (Baker et al., 2002). Retail spaces facilitate “micro-interactional relations”; specifically, they allow opportunities for individuals to engage in racial profiling, making them important sites to investigate persistent racism and anti-Black bias (Pittman, 2020). Consumer perceptions of retail spaces, particularly those of minority consumers, are often shaped by racial discrimination (Bennett et al., 2015; Crockett et al., 2003; Schreer et al., 2009), which creates stressful and unfair shopping environments.

Discrimination that occurs within these spaces is often based on multiple factors, including perceived traits (e.g., ethnicity) characterized by “in-groups” and “out-groups” (Crockett et al., 2003), the recipient's perspective, and the interaction between customers and service providers. Previous literature has demonstrated that people of color are more likely to experience racially and ethnically motivated discrimination in consumption environments (Bennett et al., 2015; Harris et al., 2005; Schreer et al., 2009). Racial discrimination, the unequal treatment of groups or individuals based on racial or ethnic origin, is usually carried out in blatant or subtle ways that can have a lasting psychological impact on a person (Feagin, 1991; Sellers & Shelton, 2003). Further, these psychological effects of discrimination may affect shopping-related decisions. However, no previous studies have explored how shopping experiences in retail spaces shape BMCs’ dual consciousness based on their self-perceptions and the discernment of external perceptions.

To avoid these types of discrimination, Black people utilize a repertoire of strategies when entering spaces to reduce their likelihood of being exposed to discriminatory pressures (Crockett et al., 2003; Francis & Robertson, 2021). Sellers and Shelton (2003) revealed that African Americans with differing connotations of their racial identity experience racial discrimination in their everyday lives, but some may be better trained than others to handle it. Processes of reconciliation will then differ between individuals due to differing interpretations of racial discrimination and the cultural context of the experience. For example, Crockett et al. (2003) found that some Black men face internal limitations in negotiating emotional and behavioral responses when combatting perceived marketplace discrimination, suggesting differences in their perceived social identity and personal identity.

Conflicting ideas of one's view of self and the worldview of self are reflected in an individual's development of self-construction, which involves both social identity and personal identity (Cheek & Briggs, 1982). The balance of both social and personal aspects refers to an individual's self-consciousness, the consistent disposition to direct attention to oneself, both inwardly and outwardly (Fenigstein et al., 1975). The concept of self-consciousness includes two aspects, private (inward) and public (outward), involving an individual's awareness of their inward disposition and their existence in public display as a social stimulus. Instances where consumers of color are seen as social stimuli are influenced by forms of overt and covert racial discrimination. Thus, Black consumers will undergo processes of reconciliation to avoid situations that challenge potential negative perceptions toward their racial identity (Crockett et al., 2003; Francis & Robertson, 2021). We explore the experiences of Black millennial consumers to understand existing factors that impact their perceptions, experiences, and purchase intentions, and ultimately, their consciousness.

Black Millennial Consumers (BMC)

Generation Y (or millennials) consists of people born between 1980 and 1996, a group including about 72.1 million people in the United States. As a distinct consumer group, they spent $1.4 trillion in 2020 (Kasasa, 2021) and show unique shopping patterns, including being confident with purchase decisions (Barber et al., 2009) and expecting inviting atmospherics to meet their fun and social needs (Eastman et al., 2013). A distinct set of consumer patterns have been associated with millennials. Compared to other generational groups, they are more “culturally tolerant” (Meyers & Morgan, 2013). Millennials encourage social change and increasingly make conscious efforts to spend their dollars with companies that have compatible values and are also aware of social issues (Deloitte, 2016). Due to a recent rise in engagement with social issues, Black millennial consumers (BMC) are establishing their own distinct profile as consumers. As of 2017, BMCs say they are likely to buy from brands that respond to race-related issues, and BMCs are 75% more likely to consider brands that positively reflect Black culture (Google, 2017). BMCs are deeply connected to their cultural identity and are conscious of social issues, to such a degree that 79% indicated that their cultural/ethnic heritage is a part of who they are, and 81% desired an equal opportunity for everyone (Refuel Agency, 2020). Brands that are “authentic,” “connected,” culturally relevant, and engaged with social issues resonate with BMCs (Cavill, 2019), emphasizing the need for genuine social and cultural engagement in BMCs’ shopping experiences. So far, most research on the millennial segment has been from a Euro-centric cultural perspective, but statistics show that Black millennials may have vastly different experiences.

Conceptual Background

Black Critical Theory

To better understand the experiences of BMCs navigating apparel retail spaces, we used the Black critical theoretical lens. Black Critical Theory (BlackCrit) is focused on the identities, experiences, and aspirations of Black people (Roberts, 1998). According to BlackCrit, which is theoretically grounded in the Critical Race Theory, anti-Blackness is endemic and is central to understanding social, economic, historical, and cultural dimensions of human life. BlackCrit is led by three explanations to guide understanding of the treatment of Black people. First, anti-Blackness explains the socially constructed antagonistic relationship between Blackness and humanity. Second, Blackness is in tension with neo-liberal multicultural imaginations where Black people are seen as the least assimilable standing in the way of multicultural progress. Third, there should be creation of spaces for Black liberatory fantasy that resist the dangerous white supremacist narrative. Through this framework, we gain an understanding of the treatment of Black people in a larger system of repression and develop strategies to eradicate occurrences of anti-Blackness (Dumas & Ross, 2016). Black consumers deserve spaces where they are free of discriminatory perspectives and treatment, and accounts of their retail shopping experiences should be appreciated as valuable information that contributes to equitable implications for retail spaces.

Double Consciousness

Both Black Critical Theory and double consciousness challenge structural racism and transform the identity construction of racialized groups (Dillette, 2021). Identity is constructed and reconstructed through social processes and interactions (Itzigsohn & Brown, 2015). For Black people, double consciousness helps us to understand social constructions of self.

Double consciousness was conceptualized by Du Bois (1903) in the revolutionary book The Souls of Black Folk. In the book, Du Bois describes double consciousness through three dimensions: the veil, the second-sight, and twoness. Itzigsohn and Brown (2015) conceptualizes each dimension. The veil is a structure that situates how individuals see and experience the social world. For example, based on their own understanding, the racializing will perceive the racialized, and those perceptions are their reflections of the social world. The second-sight is the “gift” or the ability for the racialized to see themselves through their own view, as well as through the “revelation of the other world.” Twoness is the racialized taking the position in both worlds: the Black world, constructed on the racialized side of the veil, and the white world that does not fully acknowledge their existence. These dimensions reveal the complexities in the Black identity and realization of Black existence through the ideas of occupying a duality as both American and Black. The concept of double consciousness provides a variety of connotations to establish a reference point to explore the potential existence of racial experiences in retail based on Black shoppers’ consciousness.

Method

The purpose of this study was to understand how factors within the apparel retail space impact BMCs perceptions, experiences, and intentions. We assumed that multiple complexities might exist that would affect the relationships presented in this study such as socio-cultural context and the U.S. racial history. Due to the multiple underlying complexities, we used a semi-structured interview approach that reflect awareness of the interviewees’ varying interpretations of the world (Gubrium & Holstein, 2003).

Reflexivity Statement

Researcher 1's positionality as a Black, English-speaking, cis-gender woman played a role in the research design, interpretation, and analysis. While the researcher's positionality may be potentially biased while discussing discrimination and other race-related issues toward Black people, it is noteworthy that the lead researcher remained mindful of positionality to mitigate potential biases to propose more equitable practices beneficial to all consumers of color (Manohar et al., 2017). Ultimately, it is believed that Researcher 1’s lived experiences provided insight for context and development of the research design that enabled a sound an important study.

Data Collection

The recruitment was based on purposive criteria (Leung, 2015), whereby eligible participants self-identified as (a) Black and (b) a millennial. Participants were self-screened as individuals who identified as Black and were born between 1981 and 1996. In this study, “Black” is defined as a person whose ancestry originates in Africa and comprises multiple African ethnicities, both on the continent of Africa and in the international African community (Winkle-Wagner et al., 2020). Participants are referred to as Black American to demonstrate the social constructions of race in the U.S. context, but it should be noted that each participant has distinct racial and ethnic identification.

Participants were recruited through social media utilizing a snowball sampling (Noy, 2008). Given the exploratory nature of the study and the use of a qualitative approach, a small sample size was appropriate and sufficient to suggest directions for future studies (Sit et al., 2018). A total of 10 BMCs were interviewed, and the participants characteristics were as follows: birth year [1988 to 1995], sex [80% female, 20% male], race/ethnicity [60% African American, 30% Black, 10% African], level of education [80% graduate/professional degree, 10% college degree, 10% some college], and social class [working to upper-middle class].

Participants were asked 11 questions which were developed to investigate the research questions. The interviews were audio-recorded and transcribed using the Zoom videoconferencing and Otter software. Further, the experienced qualitative researchers manually visited the transcribed data to correct any errors. Interviews were conducted from March-June 2021 and lasted between 30 and 190 min.

Data Analysis

To serve the nature of a pilot study and gain an understanding of an undertheorized area of research, analysis of the data was guided by the variables proposed in the research questions: shopping experiences, perceptions, and consumer-related decisions. The lead researcher annotated the 10 interview transcripts in the side margins noting distinct experiences and commonalities between interviewees. After a detailed analysis, the researchers compared categorial themes across transcripts (McAndrews & Brooks, 2020). Through an iterative process of reflection and analysis, the categorical themes were refined to represent each participants’ shopping experiences in apparel retail spaces. The themes were then broken down into smaller sub-themes (Thorén, 1996). To ensure reliability, the interviews were repeatedly checked by the lead researcher for determined theme categories. Based on Silverman’s (2009) five approaches to enhancing the reliability of the data analysis process, the data was analyzed based on the consistency and richness of the data.

Findings and Discussion

Review of the interview transcripts led to developing three theme categories: a) surveillance strategies, b) store atmospherics cues, and c) (Against) worldview perception. Each of the themes was influenced by the over-arching theme of race, affirming that institutions are not racially neutral (Francis & Robertson, 2021). Our analysis confirms that when Black consumers enter institutions such as retail spaces, racial remnants of U.S. society overflow into these spaces, influencing how Black consumers are perceived and treated. The Black millennials’ experiences aligned with and added to previous literature on Black consumers’ experiences in retail settings (Bennett et al., 2015; Crockett et al., 2003; Francis & Robertson, 2021), double consciousness (Du Bois, 1903), and self-consciousness (Fenigstein et al., 1975).

Surveillance Strategies

BMCs undergo an inward and outward negotiation of self which impacts their holistic experience and consumer intentions. If BMCs perceived that they were being watched, these perceptions influenced their purchasing intentions. Further analysis of this theme category revealed three sub-themes: (a) being followed around the store, (b) the vetting process, and (c) being targeted based on race.

Being Followed Around the Store

Participants described instances of being followed around the store as moments when the shopper would repeatedly notice an employee. Valerie expressed not liking when sales associates “assertively” assisted her in the store and said that when she felt she was being followed around, she “just [doesn't] go back.” Eposi explained her perceptions of being followed around the store further.

Eposi:

“You have a sales agent that's like, Hey, can I help you with something? Where they’re just kind of walking around with you. That's happened to me sometimes. And it's like, […] you can tell they’re trying to give off the vibe of, oh I’m being helpful, but it's just kind of like, Why are you following me?”

Nae also shared her perceptions of being followed around while shopping and tried to relate this “treatment” to possible store policy.

Nae:

“I understand that maybe that's their policy. Personally, ask me one time, greet me. Ask me do I need anything? And just say, hey, I’ll be over here if you need help. I don‘t like for [it] to seem like you keep finding me.”

Their perceptions of being followed while shopping left them feeling unwelcomed and uncomfortable, altering their consumer decision-making processes. These types of shopping experiences illustrate the potential subtle and overt forms of degradation and denial based on race and ethnicity in the U.S. marketplace experienced by people of color (Harris et al., 2005), including millennial consumers.

Vetting Process

The vetting process creates an uncomfortable and bewildering experience for the BMC, leading them to ask, “What's the motive here?” wondering, “Don't you want my money?” and thinking, “You should be happy you made a sale today.” Eposi explained further the type of interview process she might experience when shopping in the retail store, implying doubt from the sales associate in her abilities to shop in the chosen retailer. A conversation with a sales associate involved questioning her line of work “to make conversation” and the sales associate being “surprised” and “shocked” about her qualifications and her having a “really prestigious job” constructing a perception that she was not capable of shopping.

Being Targeted Based on Race

The assumption of being highly surveilled in the retail store stemmed from a potentially negative stereotype against African American consumers. Shayla acknowledged a clear pattern for African American women being targeted, and detailed her experiences in a small women's clothing retail store.

Shayla:

“[…] continu[ing] to see the same person coming up to me like hey, you got it? Did you find anything you were looking for? So, then I start feeling like okay, are you watching me? I don't like that feeling. […] And I remember where it happened in [store]. It always seems to happen with African American females. I’ve seen it happen before. It‘s happened to me.”

Although much of the literature focuses on discrimination against Black consumers in the retail space, no studies have discussed the experiences they have when shopping specifically in predominantly Black areas. AJ recalled not being watched or surveilled and feeling more comfortable while shopping in stores in Black areas, attributing these experiences to the predominantly Black staff.

AJ:

“I know being Black walking into a store, depending on who the attendants are at the time, kind of determines how comfortable I feel. Most of the footwear stores that I go to, they’re young, Black people that are working. So, them being attentive, but also, to be honest, them being Black makes me somewhat comfortable. Like I don‘t feel as though I have to look over my shoulder to see whether somebody is watching me or not.”

AJ's experience provides a newer narrative, one that aims to explore the position of Black people as suitable retail employees that create welcoming and safe environments for Black shoppers. AJ's experience demonstrates how cultural compatibility and elimination of the racializing gaze contribute to an attentive and comfortable shopping experience. This finding aligns with research which shows that Black millennials value a brand's cultural relevance and association with Black culture (Cavill, 2019; Google, 2017).

Store Atmospherics Cues

The BMCs tended to notice negative atmospheric cues of retail stores which caused them to lose the desire to shop at the location or question the retailers’ methods of serving customers of color. The perceived negative experiences were illustrated through the three sub-themes: (a) lack of employee assistance, (b) presence of “exclusionary” symbols, and (c) customer-employee interaction.

Lack of Employee Assistance

Black millennial consumers reported feeling like “nobody seems to want to help me.” Eposi recalled being greeted and not receiving any further assistance, framing a perception the employee had no intention of providing shopping assistance.

Eposi:

“There's been times where it's like, oh, hi, welcome to the store. And nothing else. But when I see somebody else walking behind me, they’re like, how are you doing today? Like the effort to make conversation is there. They were busy and stopped being busy after me or something like that.”

Leslie shared a shopping experience at a luxury brand retailer when she planned to purchase, but she could not receive any shopping assistance, a consistent feeling Black consumers experience while shopping in high-end stores (Pittman, 2020).

Leslie:

“Every time I go, I have like a weird experience. It's like, nobody seems to want to help me. But when I go, I usually go with cash in hand and it's because I’m ready to buy something specific, and nobody seems to want to help me.”

Such experiences have been described by the term “shopping while Black,” instances of Black consumers being ignored often in favor of a white patron (Claytor, 2019). This sub-category highlights a paradox for BMCs to feel as if they are highly surveilled while shopping while also being ignored.

Presence of “Exclusionary” Symbols

The presence of exclusionary symbols also created perceptions of rejection or prejudice and feelings of being unsafe and unwelcomed while in or around the apparel store. External variables are the first cues seen by the consumer (Turley & Milliman, 2000). Due to red-lining and de facto segregation, Black neighborhoods are systemically located in “low-access” neighborhoods perceived as risky by retailers (Chui et al., 2021), leaving BMCs to travel to neighborhoods that are predominantly white. Valerie's description of “whiter” areas included displays of perceived “exclusionary” symbols such as a “bunch of American flags or confederate flags.” These perceptions, in result, led her to feel that she no longer wanted to shop in the area. Kandi also perceived that people of other races view Black consumers through a “white lens,” and that Black consumers’ experiences are “institutionalized.” Black consumers are often at risk of being viewed through a racialized lens, leaving them more susceptible to discriminatory treatment (Pittman, 2020).

Kandi:

“When you go into those stores, [they] are usually highly surveilled. They have cameras, mirrors… What makes you feel like a criminal, that‘s intentionally put in your face is, you know, [posted signed with messages such as] “these bracelets look nice if you steal something,” but it is a picture of handcuffs. Why do you assume that we are just here to steal your products instead of here to purchase something without having to feel like we are always a stereotype?”

AJ did not report having adverse experiences while shopping, rather he reported feeling welcomed and comfortable, due to the staff and the exterior neighborhood being predominantly Black. AJ's experience demonstrates that Black millennials have positive experiences and sense communal space when shopping in retail spaces where the consumer identifies and connects with the employees (Cavill, 2019).

AJ:

“I really can't think of any bad experiences. It always feels like community. So, nine times out of 10 they are invested in making sure that the person, and the consumer that‘s coming in is knowledgeable on what they’re buying. And then also the fact that they’re Black.”

Customer-Employee Interactions

BMCs’ perceptions of their interactions with the employee also resulted in seeking alternative purchasing solutions. Sasha shared that despite visiting a store multiple times, she received “sideways” looks from an employee, creating feelings that led her to leave the store and not make her intended purchase. Mimi recounted receiving an “accusatory” reaction while shopping rather than being informed of possible store policy.

Mimi:

“[My mother] use to send me to pay her bill, something I just did throughout high school. […] And I guess I made the mistake of just saying something like, Oh, it's for my mom or it's my mom's card or something like that. And the cashier refused to let me make the purchase.”

Despite having a history of using her mother's card and being honest with the employee about the purchase, Mimi perceived the employee as reproachful. The interaction led Mimi to contemplate the store policy to find a reason for her experience.

“When I come in, I do it for her. […] So, it just felt like very accusatory if that's the right word. She just felt like I was doing something wrong, and I was stealing and there was no explanation. […] And it just felt like she thought I was trying to steal from this person's card, and I don't know what their policy is [for] having other people's card because in my mind, I felt, well then have me arrested. Like if I have somebody else's card, take or confiscate the card from me. […]”

Although Mimi was denied the opportunity to complete the purchase with the sales associate, her actions were not advised by any existing store policy, eventually leading her to complete her purchase with another associate.

(Against) Worldview Perception

In the analysis, the participants indicated “constant harassment” from employees, and this perception encouraged a range of consumer-related decisions. However, some participants also reported challenging the potential negative worldview perception and not allowing those perceptions to guide the shopping experience. This exploration uncovered two sub-themes: 1) perceived as suspicious and 2) perceived as unable to shop.

Perceived as Suspicious

In this sub-theme, the activity of leisure shopping became a privilege to which BMCs were denied. When sales associates cast BMCs in the role of “potential shoplifter,” consistent with the findings of Singletary (2018), shopping was stressful rather than leisurely. Leslie, reflecting outcomes noted by Pittman (2020), spoke about “not look[ing] like you’re trying to steal something” and acknowledged sometimes purchasing items she did not want to avoid a stereotypical perception.

Leslie:

“I’ll buy [an item] just because, and I’ll just let them sit in my car with the intention of returning them because I don‘t want them to be like she stole the shorts she has on. That might be another reason I don't like to go into fitting rooms. That might be unconsciously why I don‘t like to because they might [think] she‘s in there taking the tags off stuff. That might also be why I carry a very small bag when I go shopping, like a small purse.”

Also reflecting the lack of access to leisure shopping that Singletary (2018) has documented, KB shared feelings of being profiled and perceived as someone who will steal based on his clothing in both an “urban” store and high-end store. He further elaborated on the mitigating role his clothing choice plays in the urban store but noted that even when dressed commensurately to the merchandise in a luxury store, he received consistent discriminatory treatment.

KB:

“(referencing wearing jeans and a t-shirt) My thought process is, I’m assuming people dressed like me may steal. They may be some of the culprits stealing more of their merchandise versus somebody in a suit and tie who's not stealing their merchandise. So, I would imagine that for the urban store. The high-end store, I’m not sure because I’ve still been treated disrespectfully in some higher end stores [while] dressed in a suit and tie.”

KB's account reveals that the perceiver's perception could be based on two factors, clothing and preconceived ideas about the consumer. Regardless of his clothing, he encountered a potentially racially charged environment, eventually avoiding the possibility of further escalation, and feeling that the “best thing for [him] to do is leave.”

Perceived as Unable to Shop

Based on their accounts, BMCs perceived these types of negative experiences when shopping at luxury retail stores. High-end apparel stores have been identified as “hot spots for discriminatory treatment” by African American consumers (Pittman, 2020). BMCs reported this experience as well. Leslie described an interaction with an employee at a luxury retail store where she was not helped until she was associated with people who were wearing the luxury brand.

Leslie:

“[The employee] was hesitant to help me until my cousin came up to me and she said, did you find what you’re looking for? She had a [luxury brand] bag on her shoulder and then her daughter also came up with a [luxury brand] fanny pack on and it seemed, then, oh, maybe she does have money.”

Kandi felt no concern about the employee's perceptions, but her awareness of potential perceptions heightened her consciousness of a “dual” existence in navigating retail spaces.

Kandi:

“I really don't care what you think about me. If I need to come in here and get something I will come in and get it because we can't have our cake and eat it, too, even though we fight for that. I think it precedes my shopping experience in that I become more aware of what I deserve, sometimes in these spaces. It kind of helps me engage with some of my friends to be like, hey, do you feel the same way? Have you experienced this when you went here or there? How can I figure out a solution to not feel as if I have to look a certain way or [be] the “ideal customer” for how that store's marketing is targeted?”

Kandi's account implies the twoness Black Americans feel as both Black and American, and she possesses the “gift” of second-sight to see beyond the racialized gaze to combat the worldview. Kandi's experience gives a newer narrative, providing a portrait of a BMC overcoming the racialized perception, affirming their space as a customer deserving of equal treatment, and raising their consciousness by using private reconciliation to their advantage in navigating public retail spaces. AJ stated, “Black dollar goes a long way.” However, how much of the responsibility should BMCs employ for their mistreatment within the retailing environment?

Each of the BMCs’ accounts suggests their experiences were potentially motivated by social, cultural, and historical misconceptions of Black consumers. Through the lens of Black critical theory, we can conclude that some BMCs live through anti-Black experiences in the retail space. These anti-Black experiences challenge their positions in humanity and show instances where they are treated differently when not resembling certain characteristics deemed “worthy” of humanizing treatment. Our analyses indicated, however, there is a way to create space for Black liberation and safety while fighting and resisting white supremacy in the retail space. In the forthcoming section, we discuss implications based on their experiences that motivate examining and re-structuring of the current state of retail spaces.

Implications, Limitations, and Future Research

This study highlights BMCs’ perceptions of apparel retail stores and the factors that influence their consciousness, shopping experiences, and consumer-related decisions. BMCs experienced challenges while shopping in apparel retail spaces and perceived that shopping is not a leisurely activity but a battlefield for overcoming perceived negative perceptions. However, some of the BMCs were able to navigate beyond potential negative perceptions of the perceiver and regulate their experiences and their consumer decisions despite the perceiver. While pivoting into the implications, it is worthy to note that this research is not a representative of damage-centered research but is intended to suspend it (Tuck, 2009). We are not thinking of BMCs as “broken”; rather the goal is to fix broken systems and practices.

Academic Implications

The findings from this study add to previous literature in several ways. First, our study serves as a pilot for exploring BMCs’ experiences in the retail setting, adding to existing literature on discrimination against Black consumers and the reproduction of discriminatory practices (Francis & Robertson, 2021; Pittman, 2020). Second, the present study extends the extant literature by including Black Americans’ double consciousness experiences while shopping in apparel retail spaces. Some BMCs within this study were aware of their invisible yet hyper-visible existence while shopping in apparel retail spaces but controlled how they chose to navigate the retail space. Theoretically based on the concepts of second-sight and twoness, our findings elaborated the lived experiences of BMCs in the retail space and confirmed existence of discriminatory behaviors and cues based on the perceptions of others while also leaving space for the liberatory imaginary. Finally, the previous implication guides how Black people and people of color should be represented in disciplines that educate students on the retailing environment. Traditional clothing and textiles, retailing, and fashion programs should consider how identity categories are “driving factors” of discrimination (Love, 2019, p. 39). Critical theories and concepts such as intersectionality (Crenshaw, 1989) should be used to understand the multiplicity of identity and connect social, cultural, historical, and political structures to our understanding of and engagement with the retail environment.

Practical Implications

Our study findings highlight differential treatment of BMCs in retail spaces and how this treatment is systemically connected to American society's history of color-coded spaces. These findings offer some practical implications.

First, our society should begin acknowledging that racism is the antecedent of negative experiences for people of color, and this is no different for retailing spaces. Love (2019) contends that “racism that is built on centuries of ideas that seek to confuse and manipulate [those] who are dark into never mattering to one another or this country” (p. 41), which explains the domination of racial discrimination and superiority in the retail space. Retail leaders and change agents must seek ways to avoid employment and social policies that contribute to racial discrimination by implementing diversity trainings, anti-Black racism trainings, anti-biased trainings, and methods of active employee monitoring. Expanding and diversifying the workforce are an important step toward inclusion and building a welcoming customer service environment. Creating welcoming environments may involve monitoring the interaction between the employees and the customers and requesting evaluations from customers regarding their shopping experience. These interactions may be monitored through voluntary customer surveys, employee evaluations, or job shadowing.

Secondly, addressing “persistent, structural barriers” (Love, 2019, p. 10) of racism, discrimination, and concentrated oppression, and lack of access is important when redressing treatment of Black consumers in retail spaces. Implementation of racially inclusive practices (Francis & Robertson, 2021), such as evaluating accessibility standards, expanding job opening advertisements, establishing diverse interview panels, and re-structuring and reevaluating hiring processes, can potentially change the outcome for Black people and other people of color.

Limitations and Future Studies

Similar to Francis and Robertson’s (2021) study, the first major limitation in this study was the limit of Black voices. Black people should be the primary individuals to share how they perceive and how they are being perceived by the world. The sample was sufficient for the purpose of this pilot study and allowed conclusions (Sit et al., 2018); however, these experiences are not representative of all Black people. Further studies should include a larger and more representative sample to strengthen the current findings and explore other minority consumers in retail spaces. Moreover, a future quantitative approach with a larger sample size and the development of a survey instrument is encouraged. Second, a further inclusion of diversified sample is encouraged since 80% of the participants of this study holds graduate/professional degrees. Recent studies have shown that those with higher education are more likely to report instances of discrimination (Bennett et al., 2015). Thus, a future with varying demographic backgrounds can bring more insights. Third, the experiences described in this study demonstrated that BMCs undergo an internal conflict that affects their shopping experiences and motivates them to act based on the perceiver's potential perception. As suggested by Sellers and Shelton (2003), future studies could examine the relationship between coping strategies, perceived racial discrimination, and mental health. Fourth, some of the BMCs mentioned experiencing racial tension in luxury brand retail stores leading to discrimination or denial of assistance. Future studies should examine the environment of the luxury fashion retail space and the differences in experiences between different racial groups to find ways to improve luxury retailers’ brand reputation. Fifth, some of the BMCs were not given the opportunity to explore or imagine a shopping space where they were not perceived as being discriminated against while shopping. Black critical theory allows us to imagine and value the creation of space that welcomes Black liberation and resists White supremacy narratives (Dumas & Ross, 2016). Future research should include imagining, implementing, and practicing non-discriminatory and non-anti-Black retail spaces in the interview protocol to understand how safer spaces may be constructed. Moreover, due to the reported demographics of the participants, future studies can conduct an intersectional analysis analyzing the confluence of oppressions based on class, race, and sex on consumer experiences using systems such as intersectional methodology (Haynes et al., 2020). Also, some of the BMCs expressed their negative experiences were contextual and “case-by-case”. This may be based on the habits, beliefs, and knowledge internalized by newly hired employees. Future studies should include examining the impact of formal and possible informal employee job training on consumer experience.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Supplemental material

Supplemental material for this article is available online.

ORCID iD

Jewon Lyu

Author Biographies

Kristian Hogans is a graduate student in the department of Textiles, Merchandising, and Interiors at the University of Georgia. Her research interests explore diversity, equity, and inclusion of historically marginalized communities in the global apparel supply chain, connecting education and industry practices. She utilizes both quantitative and qualitative research methods.

Jewon Lyu is an Assistant Professor in the department of Textiles, Merchandising and Interiors at the University of Georgia. Her research stream lies in understanding the impacts of advanced technologies on consumer behavior in various contexts. Her work has been published in peer- reviewed journals, including Computers in Human Behavior and presented in multiple regional, national, and international peer-reviewed conferences.

Appendix A Interview questions

(This table is only for reviewers. Not to be included in the main manuscript text)

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