Abstract
This paper investigated the motivations, activities, satisfaction levels, and organizational perceptions of members of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard (Polgárőrség) based on a nationwide quantitative survey of 431 volunteers. Using descriptive statistics, cross-tabulations, and hypothesis testing, the study identified key factors influencing member satisfaction and future commitment. Results showed that higher volunteering hours and frequent cooperation with the police were strongly associated with greater satisfaction and organizational loyalty, while demographic variables such as gender, age, and education exerted minimal influence. Open-ended responses further revealed pressing challenges related to recruitment, public recognition, resource distribution, and institutional collaboration. The results emphasize that the organization’s future sustainability depends primarily on active member engagement and improved public visibility. The findings signal the need to adapt policy toward a sustainable future for the Civil Guard underpinned by greater involvement, public recognition, and integration.
Keywords
Introduction
The idea of citizen-organized patrols to protect communities during emergencies has deep roots in Hungarian history. Traditionally, these groups operated voluntarily and without remuneration. In Hungary, social crime prevention evolved gradually and only began to gain significant traction with the end of communism and transition to political democracy in 1989, as earlier socialist-era policies largely framed criminality through ideological lenses such as class struggle, prioritizing enforcement and deterrence over participatory or preventive measures (Fellegi, 2009; Kerezsi, 2005; Lévay, 2010). The post-transition period, marked by rising levels of theft, burglary, car crime and violent crime and associated heightened public anxiety, underscored the urgent need for more strategic and community-oriented approaches to public safety (Lévay, 2010). Civilian self-defense groups emerged to support the police in ensuring public safety.
Over the past three decades, the Hungarian auxiliary police have evolved from informal volunteer neighborhood patrols into a nationally coordinated, legally regulated (but still locally rooted) public safety volunteer institution. Currently numbering approximately 67,000 volunteer members organized into around 2,000 local associations, the Civil Guards across Hungary contribute millions of volunteer service hours each year (Kardos, 2025).
The Civil Guard today functions in many respects like volunteer “auxiliary police” in other countries. Civil Guards wear an identifying uniform, they undertake visible patrol supporting the paid-service police, and they undertake a host of other operational support roles for policing, such as police dogs, mounted patrol, drone support, border policing, tactical support, and motorcycles, again bearing similarities to other “auxiliary police” models. Civil Guards are also heavily involved in community crime prevention, initiatives to reduce drug harm in society, work with schools and young people, and a range of proactive neighborhood policing type activities.
The Civil Guard differs from many other models of volunteer policing internationally in several ways. First, the scale of the movement is comparatively far larger than “auxiliary police” programs elsewhere. Second, the democratic election of leaders. Local members elect leaders in each local association, who then elect regional leads, and the regional leads elect national representatives. Third, this is a volunteer-led organization, situated and governed outside of the policing organization. Civil Guard associations have a statutory duty to collaborate with the police, and in practice, there is close working, but this is nevertheless not the “command and control” internal (and often subordinate) relationship common to volunteer police in most other countries. Civil Guard associations sit independently, and are funded by a mix of donations, local authorities, and national government, alongside being funded and often working very closely with municipal policing (Fellegi, 2009; Kardos, 2024a).
Although the volunteer Civil Guard plays a prominent role, police voluntarism remains a relatively underexplored area of police scholarship in Hungary. While there is a globally developing field of study on volunteer police programs, existing empirical research has tended to concentrate on long-established police volunteer models with full police powers in the United States and particularly in the United Kingdom (Britton & Callender, 2018; Britton et al., 2018, 2022; Britton & Knight, 2021; Callender et al., 2018; Dickson, 2021; Greenberg, 2015). This Anglophone bias has contributed to a lack of attention toward alternative models developed in other countries (Cheah et al., 2018, 2021, 2024; Krulík & Klíma, 2024).
The Hungarian case illustrates some interesting distinctions from these U.K. and U.S. models, having developed more recently and in very different political and societal circumstances. The Hungarian model began as a grassroots movement in local communities rather than a police service initiative. It has evolved into a structured and regulated organization, with professionalized training, statutory recognition, operational regulation, and ethical governance, yet remaining independent of the police and democratically led (Christián & Kardos, 2019). As such, it resituates from conventional Anglophone understandings of the co-production of public safety through police internally managed and controlled volunteer models.
Despite the Civil Volunteer Guard’s growing role, existing studies have primarily focused on legal and organizational frameworks (Christián & Bacsárdi, 2018; Kardos, 2024a). However, little empirical research has assessed members’ lived experiences, motivations, and perceptions. There is limited data on volunteer hours and activity. There is an administrative census of activity and headcount undertaken annually, which indicates between nine and ten million hours volunteered each year, although this may be an undercount and is likely highly approximate. This study seeks to begin to fill some of these gaps, providing a comprehensive analysis of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard by combining a review of its historical development, legal framework, and internal regulations with original empirical findings from a nationwide survey of active members. Furthermore, this article aims to explore the demographic, motivational, and organizational factors that influence member satisfaction, commitment, and perceptions of cooperation, and to identify key challenges and opportunities for the future sustainability of the volunteer policing organization.
Origins and Early Development
The Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization, or “Polgárőrség,” has evolved into a fundamental pillar of public safety over the past three decades. Its journey from spontaneous citizen groups to a legally recognized national organization reflects both societal needs and legal developments (Kardos, 2025) as a primary source.
Historically, communities across Hungary and Europe organized civilian guards during times of crisis such as threats to security, times of lawlessness, or of potential invasion, to protect people and property. These voluntary groups operated without financial compensation, rooted in the community’s intrinsic interest in safety (Kardos, 2025). Following the political changes of the late 1980s, Hungary underwent rapid social and economic transformations. The surge in criminal activities, including violent crimes and property offenses, overwhelmed law enforcement and fueled public anxiety (Kardos, 2025; Kerezsi, 2005; Lévay, 2010).
In response, self-organized neighborhood patrols began to emerge, initially coordinating informal community walks and safety measures. Initiatives such as the “Neighbors for Neighbors” movement laid the foundation for structured civilian crime prevention (Kardos, 2025). Legislative support came with the 1989 Act II on Freedom of Association, allowing the formal establishment of civil organizations, including self-defense groups and, later, Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard associations.
By 1991, the growing number of local organizations coalesced into the National Federation of Self-Defense Organizations, later renamed the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards Organization (OPSZ; Christián & Bacsárdi, 2018). The name change signaled a wider shifting of practice from the original, somewhat “vigilante,” physical defensive presence in communities to more of a community “guardian,” social crime prevention ethos. The unification provided coordination and a common framework for the emerging movement. OPSZ became the largest and most influential civil crime prevention organization in Hungary, partnering with municipal authorities, the police, and environmental protection initiatives (Kardos, 2025). Despite its broad social acceptance and importance, the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards lacked specific legal authorization for their operational activities. While the law recognized their right to organize, it did not detail operational standards or legal protections, creating uncertainty among citizens and law enforcement alike (Lippai & Kardos, 2021).
Legal Framework
Recognizing the need for a coherent legal basis, the Hungarian Parliament adopted the first Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Act (Act LII of 2006). This legislation formally integrated the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization into the national legal system, acknowledging their contribution to public order and safety (Kardos, 2025). The Act established several fundamental principles. Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards were not granted law enforcement authority and were explicitly prohibited from carrying weapons or using coercive measures. To prevent confusion with official police forces, auxiliary officers were required to wear distinctive vests clearly marked with “Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard.” Despite their limited authority, they were entitled to detain individuals caught in the act of committing a crime until law enforcement authorities arrived. A significant advancement introduced by the Act was the recognition of Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards as public duty performers under criminal law, thereby affording them heightened legal protection against offenses committed during the exercise of their functions (Kardos, 2025).
Despite the achievements of the 2006 legislation, practical challenges persisted. Instances of unauthorized groups misusing the “Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards” identity revealed weaknesses in the regulatory framework and emphasized the need for stricter control. Consequently, the Hungarian Parliament enacted a new, more comprehensive Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards Act (Act CLXV of 2011), which remains in force today. This legislation introduced substantial innovations to consolidate auxiliary policing within a disciplined and lawful framework. Under the 2011 Act, Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard organizations were required to enter into formal cooperation agreements with their respective regional police headquarters. Membership eligibility was restricted to individuals with clean criminal records, certified through official documentation. To carry out even basic policing duties, organizations were obliged to affiliate with the OPSZ. In addition to these external requirements, enhanced internal regulations, such as mandatory compliance with the OPSZ Service Rules and Ethical Code, became compulsory for all members (Kardos, 2025). The principal aim of the new Act was to exclude rogue groups and ensure that auxiliary policing activities were properly supervised, standardized, and aligned with national public safety objectives. In response to emerging societal challenges, the regulatory framework governing the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization underwent further amendments in 2015 and 2023. The 2015 amendments reinforced organizational integrity by mandating membership with OPSZ nationally and regionally. It also introduced the “Youth Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard” initiative, allowing young people aged 14 to 18 to join under strict supervision. This development aimed to foster early engagement with public safety activities and create a future generation of trained, responsible auxiliary officers (Kardos, 2025). The 2023 amendment further expanded the range of Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard responsibilities to include support for state border protection efforts, particularly against illegal migration. In parallel, auxiliary officers were granted limited authorization to use surveillance technologies, such as body-worn cameras, during specific missions related to border surveillance and the search for missing persons. Recognizing the importance of professional and ethical conduct, the 2023 amendments also introduced stricter penalties for service or ethical misconduct, including the possibility of lifetime bans from Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard activities for severe violations (Kardos, 2025).
Today, Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard organizations operate within a multi-layered legal environment designed to balance their civic nature with the demands of public safety operations. From a civil law perspective, these organizations are recognized as civil entities governed by the 2011 Act on the Right of Association and on Non-Profit Organizations (Act CLXXV of 2011). Internally, core documents such as association statutes, the OPSZ Service Rules, and the OPSZ Ethical Code establish standards for governance, ethics, and operational conduct. Ministerial decrees, issued primarily by the Ministry of Interior, provide further regulatory detail regarding training protocols, equipment usage, and the administrative responsibilities of Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard organizations. Together, these overlapping legal instruments ensure that Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard activities are conducted within lawful, transparent, and standardized frameworks, all while retaining the essential civic and voluntary character of these organizations (Kardos, 2025).
Core Internal Regulations
Naturally, ethical codes and service regulations are vital elements found across effective volunteer policing organizations worldwide (Clarke, 1992). The Hungarian Civil Guard plays a fundamental role in maintaining public order and enhancing security at the community level. Over the past decades, the organization’s functioning has become increasingly formalized through an intricate internal normative framework (Kardos, 2024a).
At the heart of the Civil Guard’s regulatory structure lies the Statutes of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization (OPSZ). Serving as the organization’s foundational document, the Statutes define the fundamental organizational framework, including the roles and responsibilities of key bodies such as the General Assembly, the Executive Board, and various Committees. They also establish membership criteria and obligations, emphasizing the necessity of active citizen engagement in promoting public security. The Statutes outline the operational rights and responsibilities of affiliated associations, ensuring that their activities remain consistent with the federation’s overarching mission. Crucially, membership in OPSZ is contingent upon the conclusion of formal cooperation agreements with local police authorities and the observance of strict legal and ethical standards (Kardos, 2024a). Through these mechanisms, the Statutes not only provide a constitutional framework but also guarantee a degree of standardization across the widely dispersed network of Hungarian Civil Guard organizations.
Complementing the statutes are the Organizational and Operational Regulations (SZMSZ), which function as a detailed administrative and procedural manual. The SZMSZ delineates the internal workings of OPSZ’s governing bodies and officials, describing their competences, decision-making protocols, and obligations regarding transparency and accountability. It sets clear rules for inter-organizational collaboration, resource allocation, and internal oversight mechanisms. By providing detailed governance structures, the SZMSZ ensures a uniform operational culture throughout Hungary, facilitating the smooth cooperation of thousands of members across diverse local contexts (Kardos, 2024a). Without such internal cohesion, the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards would struggle to maintain their credibility and effectiveness at a national level.
Operational standards are further elaborated in the Service Regulations, which specify the conditions under which Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards perform their duties. These regulations aim to balance the needs of public safety with the protection of human rights and the maintenance of professional service quality. As stated earlier, among the core requirements is the obligation for each Hungarian Civil Guard association to maintain a cooperation agreement with the regional police headquarters. Service activities are clearly categorized, covering tasks such as patrolling public spaces, monitoring for suspicious activities, securing public events, and assisting during emergencies. In addition, protocols for public communication, crime prevention efforts, and the handling of minor public disturbances are carefully defined (Kardos, 2024a). A key operational rule stipulates that Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards must perform their duties visibly, adhere to uniform standards, and typically work in teams of at least two members to enhance accountability and personal safety. These rules not only protect citizens but also safeguard auxiliary officers by providing legal clarity about their permissible actions.
Ethical conduct is addressed in the Ethical Code of OPSZ, which establishes behavioral expectations for all members. The Code emphasizes several key values, including commitment to duty, personal integrity, impartiality, collegial cooperation, political neutrality, and strict adherence to both laws and internal regulations (Kardos, 2024a). Ethical violations, whether involving breaches of service standards or misconduct undermining public trust, are treated with utmost seriousness. When such violations occur, they are investigated by the Ethics Committee of OPSZ, a national internal judicial body with the authority to impose sanctions ranging from formal warnings to expulsion from the organization. By enforcing a consistent ethical framework nationally, OPSZ strengthens its internal culture and enhances the Hungarian Civil Guard’s reputation for fairness and professionalism. These national internal compliance mechanisms play a pivotal role in sustaining the Civil Guard’s credibility and effectiveness.
The key functions and operational practices of the Civil Guard, as codified in the 2011 Act and internal OPSZ regulations, reflect a broad mandate to assist in maintaining social order. Core tasks include patrolling public spaces to deter crime, monitoring suspicious activities, providing security at public events, and conducting traffic control duties, particularly around schools, to protect children. In addition to these primary functions, Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards engage in a wide range of supplementary activities. These include supporting disaster management operations, participating in environmental and wildlife protection initiatives, and assisting in searches for missing persons (Kardos, 2024a).
Training System Development
The establishment of a structured education system for the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards marked a major turning point in the organization’s professionalization. In 1998, the year declared by the OPSZ nationally to be the “Year of Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards Education,” represented a milestone, as it witnessed the launch of unified national training programs. During this period, the OPSZ developed a comprehensive basic knowledge curriculum designed to prepare new recruits for the responsibilities of service. Completion of the “Basic Knowledge Exam” became mandatory for all members, ensuring that officers possessed a foundational understanding of crime prevention strategies, legal frameworks, and civic cooperation principles (Kardos, 2024b).
The objectives of this education initiative were threefold. First, it sought to equip Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards with the ability to recognize public safety risks within their local communities. Second, it aimed to promote self-protective behaviors among the broader population through proactive engagement and education. Finally, it emphasized the importance of understanding the legal rights and duties of the volunteer auxiliary officers of the Civil Guard, ensuring that their service activities would consistently adhere to lawful conduct standards during patrols and interventions (Kardos, 2024b). As new societal challenges emerged, the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards training system expanded in both content and structure. Developments such as increased migration, the spread of cybercrime, and the societal impacts of pandemics and energy crises necessitated the continual adaptation of training programs to meet evolving operational needs.
Today, the training system encompasses multiple interconnected tiers. Basic training is compulsory for all new recruits and covers essential topics such as public order maintenance, crime prevention methods, legal responsibilities, and the general operations of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards. Beyond the introductory level, specialized training programs have been developed to address particular duties, including border security activities, drone operations, and disaster response services. Continuing professional development (CPD) initiatives ensure that members regularly update their knowledge to keep pace with changes in legislation, operational best practices, and emerging public safety threats. Furthermore, leadership training programs have been established to support association and federation leaders. These programs focus on organizational management, strategic planning, cooperation with other agencies, and financial administration, thereby strengthening internal governance capacities.
At the apex of the education system stands the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards Academy, an institution established in partnership with the National University of Public Service (NKE). The Academy offers advanced training for officers with leadership ambitions, emphasizing both international best practices and the development of high-level professional competencies necessary for managing large-scale public safety operations.
Specialized and thematic training areas form an increasingly significant part of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards education framework. Traffic safety is a critical domain. Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards, especially those affiliated with the National Accident Prevention Committee, undertake training focused on accident prevention strategies, pedestrian safety measures, and the active involvement of youth members through the “Ifjú Polgárőr” (Youth Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard) initiative (Kardos, 2024b). The growing reliance on drones for surveillance, disaster management, and crime prevention introduced specialized drone operation training. In disaster management, volunteer guards are educated under the Disaster Protection Educational Program, which prepares them for roles in flood response, fire containment, and industrial accident support (Kardos, 2024b). In response to the heightened pressures of illegal migration, a specialized border protection training module has been introduced.
Meanwhile, youth members receive preparatory education that integrates crime prevention strategies, civic engagement, and patriotic education. Initiatives such as “One School – One Auxiliary Officer” have been designed to create stronger ties between young citizens and public safety efforts. Overall, the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards’ education and training system represents a cornerstone of its operational capability and public legitimacy. As Kardos (2024b) underscores, maintaining high training standards is not merely a technical necessity but a fundamental condition for the continued success, credibility, and societal relevance of auxiliary policing in a dynamically changing environment.
Method
While the historical, legal, organizational, and educational frameworks provide a detailed account of the structural and normative foundations of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards, they represent only one side of the picture. To complement this analysis, the following section presents empirical findings from a survey conducted among Civil Guard members. Through this investigation, we explore the motivations, activities, and perceptions of the volunteer members of the Civil Guard through a quantitative survey-based research design. The primary aim was to generate empirical insights into the sociological and operational characteristics of Polgárőr (Civil Guard) membership, as well as their attitudes toward collaboration with the police and the perceived effectiveness of the organization.
Survey Design and Distribution
A structured questionnaire was developed using Google Forms to ensure accessibility and ease of participation. The questionnaire included both closed-ended and Likert-type-scale items covering demographic characteristics, length and intensity of service, educational background, motivations for joining, perceived challenges, satisfaction levels, and views on the public perception of the organization. A mix of multiple-choice and matrix-scale questions allowed for the collection of both categorical and ordinal data suitable for statistical analysis.
The survey was distributed electronically between March 6 and March 25, 2025. The link to the survey was disseminated via the official communication channels of the Polgárőrség, specifically through county leadership offices, who forwarded it to local mailing lists of active Polgárőr members. Participation was entirely voluntary, and no monetary or material incentive was offered. Informed consent was addressed through supplying participation information, participants having the opportunity to withdraw responses, and emphasis that participation in the study was voluntary. To ensure ethical standards, all responses were collected anonymously, and no personal identifiers were recorded at any stage of data collection.
Sampling and Participants
The survey was distributed to a relatively small sub-section of the entire 67,000-strong membership due to limited resources to disseminate it across all members. The survey employed a non-probabilistic convenience sampling method due to practical constraints, albeit efforts were made to reach a broad and representative cross-section of the Polgárőr population, particularly by engaging volunteers with varying lengths of service, from different areas of the country, and across different age groups. While there were responses from all regions, volunteers in Budapest were massively over-represented – 65% of all responses – marking the only substantial difference between the survey response and the population of volunteers as a whole. A total of 575 volunteers were approached, and 431 responses were received during the data collection period, a high response rate from those approached to participate (circa 75%). After excluding a very small number of incomplete or invalid entries from specific analyses, valid response counts varied slightly by question (typically n = 424–431). Where only a very small number of responses were missing in a very small proportion of surveys, it was felt appropriate to use the data where available, thereby accounting for the very small and non-material variation in the valid response count.
Data Analysis
Data cleaning and preprocessing were performed using Python and pandas. Cases with missing responses were excluded pairwise in each statistical analysis to preserve statistical power. Descriptive statistics were calculated for all variables, and visualizations were generated to illustrate key distributions. Hypothesis testing was carried out using Pearson correlation, Chi-square tests, and ANOVA, depending on the variable types and research question. Only valid, non-missing responses were included in each test. Significance was assessed at the conventional alpha level of .05. Where appropriate, correlation strength was interpreted based on the magnitude of Pearson’s r values. This methodological approach ensures both statistical rigor and practical relevance in exploring the lived realities and organizational views of Polgárőr members in contemporary Hungary.
The study, as with all research, has limitations. The convenience sampling method may limit the generalizability of results beyond the respondent group. Self-selection bias may have influenced the results, as more engaged or satisfied members may have been more likely to respond. Finally, the cross-sectional design restricts the ability to infer causality between variables. These limitations do not, nevertheless, weaken the ability to gain insights from volunteers.
Results
This section presents the descriptive statistics, cross-tabulations, and hypothesis testing results derived from the survey. The objective of the analysis is to gain a comprehensive understanding of the demographics, motivations, activity levels, satisfaction, and perceptions of the organization’s members. All analyses were conducted using valid responses (non-missing values), with a typical response base ranging from 424 to 431 individuals.
Descriptive Statistics
Participants were predominantly male (78.6%), with females representing 21.4% of respondents. The most prevalent age group was 46–55 years (31.9%), followed by 36–45 years (25.1%) and those 56 years and older (23%). With regard to service length, the largest proportion (35.0%) reported 10–20 years of experience, with 25.4% reporting 5–10 years, 24.7% over 20 years, and 14.9% under 5 years. This service profile in the responses – which is reflective of data for the Civil Guard as a whole nationally – signals a much greater success in retaining longer-service volunteer careers than the U.K. Special Constabulary (Britton, 2023), and reserve and auxiliary programs in the United States (Wolf et al., 2015) and the Netherlands (van Steden & Mehlbaum, 2019).
The majority of respondents had either a high school diploma (38.1%) or a college degree (39.5%). Those with college degrees were likely over-represented in the survey compared to the population as a whole, although data are not available nationally for comparison. The data reveal that, on average, 33.3% of respondents volunteered for more than 21 hours per month, while 29.8% contributed 11–20 hours and 28.7% contributed 5–10 hours. The majority of respondents were based in Budapest, with representation from almost all counties.
The survey revealed that the predominant motivations for enlistment were community service (78%) and public safety (65%). Social ties (32%) and prior experience of the police or of being a victim of crime (25%) were next. The future commitment of the respondents remained strong, with 69.1% planning to stay active over the next 5 years. Surveys of volunteer police in other countries (c.f. Callender et al., 2018 in the United Kingdom, Wolf et al., 2015 across U.S. Sheriff’s Officers, O’Connor et al., 2021, in the Ontario Provincial Police) have also shown quite high rates of positive intention to remain, but nevertheless the results in this survey are comparatively stronger, indicating a majority see themselves continuing to serve over the relatively long-term future.
Another finding was that 78% of respondents indicated that they would encourage others to join. This is largely in line with similar findings regarding the U.K. Special Constabulary (Callender et al., 2018), reflecting that, whatever some of the challenges identified elsewhere in the findings, the overall experience of volunteering is sufficiently positive that those involved would encourage others to join.
The occurrence of aggressive, confrontational, or hostile behaviors directed toward volunteers during their service in the Civil Guard was infrequent: 42% never experienced it, 52% rarely encountered it, and only 5.8% often did so. The other surveys internationally have not specifically explored this question in a comparative way, but other research into volunteer experience suggests levels of violence and confrontation toward serving volunteers are much higher in the United Kingdom and the United States, perhaps reflective of volunteer roles that have full policing powers and therefore operate in more naturally confrontational frontline contexts. Britton et al. (2022) identified exposure to violence and confrontation for early career Special Constables, and related trauma, to represent a particular challenge for retaining new-in-service volunteers. Experiences of trauma and the confrontational nature of the role are identified as being a major factor in the scale of emotional labor of being a Special Constable (Britton & Knight, 2021b).
The extent to which communication was established with the police varied but was typically high. Interaction occurred on a daily basis for 3% of the sample, at least on a weekly basis for 42%, and less frequently for 55%. The international picture is mixed on this, with some studies pointing to integration between volunteers and the policing organization (Callender et al., 2018; Cheah et al., 2024), while others highlight challenges of disconnection and lack of regular and effective communication (Britton & Knight, 2021b; Dickson, 2021). The mean satisfaction score for the organization was 4.30 (SD = 0.76). The respondents rated the question of cooperation with the police (M = 3.78, SD = 1.05) and the question of public perception of the service (M = 3.71, SD = 1.03) positively. Perception of the police service is generally positive among volunteers in international comparators (Cheah et al., 2024; van Steden & Mehlbaum, 2019).
Cross-Tabulations
Cross-tabulation analyses were conducted to explore potential associations between key demographic, activity, and perception variables. These findings complement the inferential analyses and provide a deeper descriptive understanding of underlying group differences within the sample. A number of significant patterns were identified, as shown in Table 1.
Summary of Cross-Tabulation Results.
Initially, a cross-tabulation of monthly hours volunteered and job satisfaction indicated a positive relationship. The Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards who reported volunteering 21 or more hours per month were disproportionately represented among those with high satisfaction ratings (scores of 4 or 5 on a five-point scale). Conversely, those volunteering fewer than 10 hours per month more frequently reported moderate satisfaction levels. This resonates with previous research (Callender et al., 2018) that identified links between morale, satisfaction, and engagement levels. It is to be expected that those who find their volunteering most satisfying will tend to volunteer more. There is also potentially a causative relationship in the other direction, too, in which volunteering more hours in turn builds competency, opens up new paths of contribution, and strengthens positive relationships (Britton et al., 2022; Ramshaw & Cosgrove, 2020, for discussion of this in the context of U.K. Special Constables).
An examination of relationships between experience and education level revealed a tendency toward a slightly higher concentration of individuals with a vocational or high school education among those who had served for over 10 years in the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards. Conversely, those with a college degree were marginally more represented among individuals with less (5–10 years) of experience.
Finally, communication frequency with the police was cross-tabulated with perceived cooperation ratings. The analysis indicated that respondents engaging in more frequent communication (weekly or more often) tended to assign higher cooperation ratings, reinforcing the critical role of institutional collaboration in shaping Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization’s perceptions and satisfaction.
The cross-tabulation of gender and age group demonstrated that male respondents were over-represented in every age category. This is a consistent pattern internationally, with volunteer police programs often underrepresenting female volunteers (Frayling & Britton, Forthcoming). There were no significant findings in the survey, specifically in relation to gender influences intention to remain. There were significant findings that gender influences monthly hours volunteered, with men volunteering more. Volunteering more hours is linked to positive satisfaction.
Correlation Between Key Perception Variables
A Pearson correlation matrix (Table 2) revealed moderate and statistically significant relationships. In order to explore relationships between key evaluative dimensions, a correlation heatmap (Figure 1) was generated to illustrate the interconnections between job satisfaction, public perception, and cooperation with the police. The analysis revealed a moderate positive correlation between satisfaction and perceived police cooperation (r ≈ .44), as well as between satisfaction and public perception (r ≈ .35). The strongest correlation emerged between public perception and police cooperation (r ≈ .50), suggesting these constructs were closely linked in the minds of respondents. These findings underscore the pivotal function of external perceptions and institutional collaboration in shaping the satisfaction of Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards.
Correlation Matrix: Key Perception Variables. The Analysis Utilized Pearson Correlation to Examine the Relationships Between Member Satisfaction, Police Cooperation, and Public Perception.

Heatmap of correlations between key perception variables
Hypothesis Testing Results
A total of 22 hypotheses were tested using ANOVA, Pearson correlation, and Chi-square tests. The key findings are summarized in Table 3. This table provides an overview of the that were tested, the methodology employed in the testing process, the resulting p-values, and a concise interpretation of the results.
Hypothesis Testing Summary Table.
The results of the hypothesis testing process reveal patterns in the organizational dynamics and satisfaction drivers among Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards. The overall impact of demographics was found to be negligible. A moderate correlation was observed between age and years of service, younger members demonstrated significantly greater concern regarding recruitment and succession. The impact of gender on number of hours volunteered was observed, yet no influence was detected on either hostility experiences or commitment to stay.
The findings of this study indicate organizational engagement factors emerged as critical. It was demonstrated that volunteering on a more frequent basis was indicative of a greater sense of job satisfaction and a stronger commitment to maintaining active participation in the future. It was found that members who maintained more frequent contact with the police gave more positive ratings of cooperation and reported higher levels of overall satisfaction. The role of external validation in this context was also found to be quantifiable. Positive perceptions of public support exhibited a weak but significant correlation with higher satisfaction. In contrast, educational attainment and county of service demonstrated no significant impact on satisfaction, cooperation perceptions, or motivation to advocate for members of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization.
The findings indicate that hostility experiences and the aspiration for augmented authority within the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization did not exert a substantial influence on satisfaction levels. This suggests that internal morale may be more robust to negative encounters than anticipated. The findings also indicate that volunteer activity levels, institutional collaboration, and external public validation are the primary determinants of satisfaction and commitment among Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards, while static demographic traits exert a relatively minor influence.
Open-Ended Survey Responses: Identifying the Biggest Challenges
The survey included open-ended questions that were thematically analyzed, aimed at capturing more nuanced insights into the experiences and perspectives of Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards Organization members. One of the questions, concerning the perceived challenges currently facing the organization, was deemed particularly relevant in order to enhance the overall findings and broaden the discussion of the study. The question, along with a thematic summary of the responses, is presented below.
The question asked, “What do you think is the biggest challenge facing the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guard Organization today?” The responses obtained revealed several key themes. Thematic analysis identified challenges of recruitment and retention as of most concern. A key concern among respondents was the issue of attracting new members, especially younger demographics, alongside maintaining engagement among existing members to achieve longer-service volunteer careers, which have been a mainstay of the sustainability of the model in the past. There was sentiment that the organization was characterized by an aging membership, which was not being refreshed with relatively few young people joining. This demographic shift was regarded as a significant obstacle to the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards’ capacity to continue the sustainable program at scale over the long-term future.
Another salient theme pertained to public perception and recognition. Participants reported that the organization suffers from limited public awareness and appreciation. There was a belief that the public lacked a comprehensive understanding of the mission and contributions of the Hungarian Civil Volunteer Guards. This resulted in a dearth of societal support and, in certain instances, the perpetuation of negative stereotypes and misconceptions.
Furthermore, another identified key theme was the issue of resources and funding. Participants emphasized that there was an inadequacy of financial support, equipment, and training opportunities necessary for effective service delivery. Concerns were raised not only about the absolute shortage of resources but also about their uneven distribution across different branches of the organization.
The relationship with the police emerged as a significant topic. Respondents noted that challenges were experienced in relation to unclear role definitions, insufficient communication, and a perceived lack of institutional support from law enforcement agencies. These issues were identified as impediments to effective collaboration. The issue of relationships with the police, and professional identities and status for volunteers within policing contexts, is resonant with prior research internationally into the culture of paid-service personnel toward volunteers (Britton et al., 2021), and the strategic culture of leaders at senior level within policing organizations (Britton & Callender, 2018; Callender et al., 2021; Phillips, 2013). The culture of paid-service police personnel toward volunteers has been identified in previous research as a key factor influencing motivation, morale, and retention (Callender et al., 2018; O’Connor et al., 2021; Ramshaw & Cosgrove, 2020; van Steden & Mehlbaum, 2019). The Hungarian context, given that volunteers are situated in an independent organization outside of policing, provides an interesting new lens through which to consider this important relationship dynamic, critical to the future success of volunteering in policing contexts.
Finally, respondents expressed internal organizational issues. The concerns highlighted encompassed issues such as bureaucracy, lack of transparency, and the necessity for improved internal management and operational efficiency.
Discussion
Volunteer-based auxiliary policing systems have long existed across different countries, yet they often remain marginal in scholarly discourse and policy reform. The Hungarian Civil Guard (Polgárőrség) offers a notable departure from conventional models by exemplifying a community-rooted, independently organized, yet police-aligned approach to public safety. Unlike many auxiliary forces that operate under the direct supervision of professional police organizations, the Polgárőrség is constituted as a separate independent organization, governed through volunteer leadership elected at local, regional, and national level, and functioning outside the formal police command structure. Its model is both large-scale and operationally diverse, with over 67,000 active volunteers contributing to crime prevention, public order maintenance, and increasingly, national border security. This extensive integration of civil society into safety governance challenges traditional paradigms of policing and highlights the potential for alternative configurations of public security provision (Lippai & Kardos, 2021; Túrós, 2023).
The findings affirm that organizational engagement – in the form of greater volunteering hours and frequent collaboration with the police – is a critical driver of member satisfaction and commitment. Volunteers who dedicated more than 21 hours per month and maintained regular contact with law enforcement reported notably higher levels of satisfaction, perceived cooperation, and intention to remain active. This underscores the importance of not merely recruiting members, but fostering active, engaged participation through meaningful duties and regular inter-institutional collaboration. Lessons from international volunteer policing models suggest that sustainable auxiliary policing requires strong collaboration, clear governance, and public legitimacy (Clarke, 1992; Garland, 2001).
External validation, as reflected in positive public perceptions of the Civil Guard and the work it undertakes, also plays a measurable role. Although the correlation between public perception and satisfaction was weaker than that between police cooperation and satisfaction, it was statistically significant. This suggests that public legitimacy was not only vital for operational effectiveness but also for sustaining volunteer morale.
In contrast, static demographic factors such as gender, education, and county of service exhibited minimal influence on key outcomes like satisfaction, perceptions of cooperation, or future commitment. While gender differences in monthly hours volunteered were noted – with men generally contributing more time – neither gender nor education had a significant impact on retention, satisfaction, or perceptions of hostility. This finding suggests that organizational outcomes are shaped more by dynamic involvement and institutional relationships than by fixed personal characteristics.
Notably, negative experiences, such as hostility from the public or frustrations related to limited authority, did not significantly diminish satisfaction levels. This resilience points to a strong internal organizational identity among members, although open-ended responses highlighted that public recognition and support remain pressing concerns.
The open-ended responses further contextualized these findings by revealing widespread concerns about recruitment and retention, public visibility, resource allocation, and police relations. The dominant narrative of an aging membership base aligns with the statistical finding that younger members are more concerned with succession, signaling an urgent need for strategic recruitment initiatives. Similarly, perceptions of inadequate public appreciation and strained police collaboration reflect critical areas where organizational development efforts should be concentrated.
Policy Implications
Given these findings, several policy implications emerge. Given the strong relationship between volunteering frequency, police cooperation, and satisfaction, it is recommended that the Civil Guard develop programs that actively encourage greater member involvement. The relationship between engagement, morale, and retention has been evidenced in studies internationally (Callender et al., 2018; van Steden & Mehlbaum, 2019). Initiatives could include recognizing high-commitment members, offering flexible scheduling options to increase participation, and creating structured opportunities for more frequent interaction with the police. Strengthening institutional ties and increasing hours of engagement are likely to foster higher levels of satisfaction, enhance commitment, and improve overall organizational cohesion. This is consistent with recent work in the United Kingdom focused on longer-service volunteer commitment and the volunteer Special Constabulary (Britton, 2023). There is a growing body of work internationally that points to how police volunteering programs engage members and interface and integrate with the police as being critical to program the sustainability and positive growth (Britton & Knight, 2021a; Britton et al., 2018; Callender et al., 2021; Cheah et al., 2021; Dickson, 2021).
As is the case with many volunteer police programs internationally (Britton et al., 2018; Cheah et al., 2021; Greenberg, 2015), addressing the issue of an aging membership base will prove critical for the long-term viability of the volunteer police organization. Recruitment efforts should specifically target younger populations through campaigns that emphasize the social value, career development benefits, and personal fulfillment associated with volunteering. Partnerships with schools, universities, and youth organizations, along with the use of modern communication channels such as social media, could be leveraged to attract a new generation of members committed to community safety and service. This could draw on international learning on police youth volunteering programs (Britton & Knight, 2021a).
The survey findings underscore the pivotal role of public perception in influencing member satisfaction. Therefore, proactive public relations strategies are needed to elevate the organization’s visibility and improve its public image. This may include public awareness campaigns, community engagement events, and highlighting success stories and individual contributions through various media outlets. Improving the public’s understanding of the Civil Guards’ mission and achievements could not only strengthen external support but also bolster internal morale among current members. This again is resonant with research internationally (Britton, 2023).
Concerns about inadequate and uneven resource distribution highlight the need for more strategic allocation of financial, technical, and training resources. Efforts should focus on ensuring that all units, regardless of geographical location, have access to the necessary tools and opportunities to perform their duties effectively. In addition, investment in member training and professional development would enhance service quality and job satisfaction. A transparent and equitable resource management strategy would contribute significantly to improving operational effectiveness and overall member satisfaction. Program consistency, in terms of standards, training, support, and delivery, has been identified in international research as being core to the sustainability and growth of volunteer programs (Britton, 2023; Britton et al., 2022; Callender et al., 2021).
Conclusion
The Civil Guard’s sustainability rests less on demographic characteristics and more on fostering active engagement, strengthening institutional partnerships, and enhancing public recognition. Addressing challenges in recruitment, public image, and organizational support structures will be essential for maintaining and revitalizing the organization in the coming years. Through targeted efforts in these domains, the Hungarian Civil Guard organizations can continue to sustain their mission in an evolving social landscape.
Footnotes
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Data Availability Statement
Data sharing is not applicable to this article, as no datasets were generated or analyzed during the current study.
