Abstract
At the center of Race and Gender in the Classroom are important questions about the role of education in addressing social justice and social inequalities. Stoll provides an insightful account of daily life in three Chicago public schools. Her research focuses on the following questions: “Can education address racism and sexism?” “Are teachers trained and supported to do social justice work?” “Should we expect teachers to be change agents within their schools?” “Is public policy the solution to increasing awareness and support for anti-racist and anti-sexist ideologies in schools?” Stoll’s goal is to provide “a story about how the institution of education itself operates in a ‘post-racial’ and ‘post-gendered’ society” (p. 16).
The book consists of six chapters. Thematically, these range from examining how color- and gender-blind classrooms are constructed to understanding and mapping ruling relations in public education. Stoll examines the working conditions of 18 public school teachers in District 21 and features three elementary schools in Lakeview, a community described as progressive by many of the teachers. Morgan Elementary has the largest concentration of white students, with black and Hispanic students in the minority, and less than a third of Morgan students are low-income. At Mason Elementary, black students are the dominant group, with Hispanics the second largest. Of the three schools, Mason enrolls the smallest number of whites and has the highest concentration of low-income students. Hispanics are the largest group at Helis Elementary followed by white and then black students. About 50 percent of Helis students are low-income, and Helis has the largest number of English Language Learners. Students at Morgan consistently earn high test scores, and the school is highly ranked in Illinois. In contrast, Mason and Helis struggle to meet the standards set by No Child Left Behind, including adequate yearly progress based on test scores.
Stoll offers a piercing view into the complicated social and political terrain educators must navigate. The paradox of working and living in an area known for progressive politics creates tension because of a “disconnect between the social justice ethos of Lakeview and the everyday reality of living in Lakeview” (p. 98). Paradoxically, “it is Lakeview’s reputation for social progressiveness, that shields many privileged residents from being forced to acknowledge the pervasiveness of racial and gender inequality” (p. 96). Stoll provides numerous examples of relatively privileged parents, administrators, and educators routinely dismissing or minimizing efforts to support dual language programs, multicultural curriculum, and cultural competence training for teachers. Her research adds a valuable dimension to scholarship on colorblind diversity in public policy and institutional practice. Although none of the educators in Stoll’s book advocated for less opportunity for black, Hispanic, or low-income students, their interactions with students and families often reflected paternalistic attitudes favoring white parents and students, and middle- and upper-class norms. There was often little peer support for teachers who sought to institutionalize policies highlighting the value of diversity.
Stoll takes care to provide multiple voices and perspectives. Teachers, in particular, are allotted a great deal of space, providing a rare glimpse into the daily events of working with children, and how policy impacts curriculum choices, teaching style, and format. Stoll’s research highlights the extraordinary amount of care and good intentions her interviewees believe they have for their students, and the frustrations teachers experience from the lack of resources to achieve federal- and state-mandated goals. Stoll astutely argues that education reform tied to assessment, narrowly defined learning outcomes, and a structured curriculum as viable resolutions to address education gaps—without having any firsthand knowledge of the students, educators, or communities—will ultimately fail. In light of recent education policy debates, particularly those focused on the leaky pipeline for marginalized students, to read about the daily work of teachers is a rarity. Importantly, Stoll does not let teachers “off the hook,” as she provides a refreshingly critical analysis of how teachers fit within the map of ruling relations in educational institutions by limiting their own political power through embracing colorblind diversity.
The section on research methodology provides a valuable overview for readers interested in institutional ethnography. Stoll includes autoethnographic notes, including her personal reflections as a mother, feminist, and antiracist scholar struggling with the tension between wanting the best for her own family while also addressing inequality in schools. Her candid perspective provides another layer of nuance to the efforts of researchers dedicated to challenging institutional discrimination while also coming to terms with and navigating their own privilege.
The book is appropriate for students at all levels. In particular, students in education, sociology, ethnic studies, or gender studies would benefit by reading her work as would parents, policy makers, teachers, and educational administrators dedicated to promoting social justice. Stoll strongly advocates that policy makers and administrators speak with teachers, meet families and students, and visit classrooms before making policy decisions. She offers no easy answers to the myriad problems confronting educators. Instead, Stoll provides a compelling argument to examine carefully the lives of students and teachers to do antiracist and antisexist social justice work in education.