Who qualifies for vacant principal positions in Sweden? Enabling trajectories to principalship

Abstract

School principals are vital to schools, yet many countries struggle to attract school leaders. As a result, leadership succession planning has become increasingly important. As official job descriptions shed light on role expectations, this study uses official job descriptions from 98 job advertisements to provide an overview of pathways to principalship in Sweden. Five types of qualifications leading to principalship were identified. The main pathway involves a broad set of criteria, including a relevant university degree and prior experience as a (school) leader. Through the lens of legitimate peripheral participation, assistant principalship is seen as an inbound trajectory to becoming a full insider, while a role as teacher leader (i.e., ‘first teacher’) is considered a boundary practice. A specially qualified principal type is on an outbound trajectory towards other roles. By mapping these pathways, this study provides material that can inform policy and structural discussions.

Keywords

assistant principal career paths legitimate peripheral participation principal recruitment

Introduction

School principals are important for schools and student outcomes, yet many nations find it increasingly challenging to attract school leaders (Doyle and Locke, 2014; Heffernan and Pierpoint, 2022; Snodgrass Rangel, 2018; Zepeda et al., 2012). Therefore, leadership succession planning – not only to fill vacancies but also linked to career paths – has become important for nations, regions and schools (Bush, 2013; Lee, 2015). Building pipelines to leadership roles requires defining the role clearly and focusing resources on developing intentional pathways (Anderson and Turnbull, 2019; Goldring et al., 2021).

Although finding a leadership route might appear simple, aspiring principals often lack useful information due to unclear role expectations and limited transparency about the types of experience needed for principalship (Armstrong, 2009; Turnbull et al., 2015). This means aspiring principals arrive via a variety of routes, with their decisions shaped by a combination of personal and professional reasons (Armstrong, 2009;Jerdborg, 2026).

The national context shapes employees’ experiences through cultural norms and policies (Shevchuk et al., 2019), as well as the career choices of principals. Their transition to the role can be understood as an interplay of societal structures and individual agency (Montecinos et al., 2022), where employers can support ‘principal readiness’ (Clemans et al., 2016). Addressing barriers to advancement can enhance transparency, provide guidance along the pathway to principalship and highlight the need for clearer certification requirements, policies and procedures (Armstrong, 2009; Goldring et al., 2021).

However, few studies explore intentional pathways for principals in different contexts. This is also the case in Sweden, the location of this study (cf. Andersson and Salj, 2024; Liljenberg, 2025). Sweden serves as an informative example because of its complex mix of centralised and decentralised governance. Despite extensive decentralisation reforms in the early 1990s (Prop., 1990/91:18), the Swedish school system is still characterised by high social regulation and cohesion (Blossing, 2022). Because socialisation, norms and legal processes affect the job market (Riehl and Byrd, 1997), and the way selection procedures are carried out in different contexts is critical – particularly given that many new principals leave their positions – interaction between policies and principal preferences is essential (Béteille et al., 2012). That is, explicitly designing roles as stepping-stones to future principalship remains a critical issue (Goldring et al., 2021). In countries where the number of assistant principal positions has increased, this brings experience that prepares these persons for future principalship. However, it is not clear whether the role is an apprenticeship for the principal position, or a career leadership role of its own – clearly separated from a stepping-stone to the principalship – or both (Goldring et al., 2021, p. 45).

As official job descriptions can shed light on role expectations and how a role is defined in specific contexts, this study uses official job descriptions from job advertisements to provide an overview of the pathway(s) to principalship in Sweden. With this backdrop, the study is framed by the following research questions:

What is the ‘main way’ to qualify for principalship in Sweden?

How can common pathway(s) to principalship be understood?

The Swedish context

While in some countries educational decentralisation transferred authority to individual schools, in Sweden, decision-making power was transferred to local authorities in the early 1990s. These authorities became responsible for organising, funding and delivering education, as well as employing leaders and staff, thereby reforming principal employment (Ekholm, 2015; Jarl, 2024). In addition, a school choice reform was introduced, in which municipalities distribute state funding to both municipal and independent schools (Lundahl et al., 2002). Meanwhile, the state retained responsibility for the national curriculum, principal education and evaluating local school performance (Jarl, 2024).

Since then, the responsibility for attracting principals for employment has fallen on municipalities and boards of independent schools (Ekholm, 2015). That is, there is no specific regulation regarding the pathway to principalship, meaning employers must develop their own policies and make their own judgements of competency. However, legislation states that ‘having pedagogical insight through education and experience’ is necessary (Prop., 1989/90:41). The educational requirement is met by at least 30 higher education credits in pedagogy, while the ‘pedagogical experience’ criterion is fulfilled through several years of work experience. This experience does not need to be obtained within the school system (Skolinspektionen, 2014). Most principals in Sweden (about 90%) have qualifications and experience in teaching (Skolverket, 2016), even though neither is a formal criterion for being a principal (SFS, 2010, 800). Having held middle leadership roles is common, and being a ‘first teacher’ is a state-initiated middle leadership role (e.g., Alvunger, 2015; Jerdborg, 2024). Additionally, when appointed as a principal, completion of the three-year in-service introductory programme for principals, the national principal training programme (NPTP), run by universities on behalf of the state, is mandatory (Jerdborg, 2022).

However, Sweden's 290 municipalities differ in many ways – including recruitment policies – and these differences change dynamically over time; mergers of areas, divisions and changes in managerial functions are common (Antonsson, 2024). Furthermore, the high turnover rates of novice principals in Sweden indicate serious problems (Jerdborg, 2026; Richard, 2025; Richard and Ahlstrom, 2025).

Previous research

Having a clear system of national requirements, agreed-upon frameworks of knowledge and standards of preparation for school leaders has been exceptionally unusual worldwide. In recent years, however, many countries have given this priority (Bush, 2013; Clarida and DeMatthews, 2026; Enterieva, 2025). In most countries, a critical qualification criterion for principalship is holding a teaching licence and having teaching experience (Enterieva, 2025; Huber and Hiltmann, 2010). Consequently, the pathway to principalship most often begins with teachers becoming teacher leaders, then moving into assistant principalship and finally progressing to principalship. Still, there is considerable diversity in the appointment models used across countries and policy contexts (Aravena, 2022; Bolam, 2004; Bush, 2013; Murphy, 2023), and more explicit data on principal pipelines would be of value (Perrone et al., 2022).

A ‘self-nominating’ approach is typically used in decentralised school systems, whereas centralised systems often follow a planned approach, with promotion decisions made at the central level (Bush, 2013; Grogan and Andrews, 2002). The approach taken also affects job advertisements (Huber and Hiltmann, 2010). That is, decentralised systems appear incompatible with planned approaches, making career development primarily the responsibility of applicants rather than employers (Browne-Ferrigno, 2003; Bush, 2013; Clarida and DeMatthews, 2026).

In some countries, such as England, emphasis has been placed on succession planning, shaping fast tracks and encouraging schools and local authorities to ‘grow their own’ school leaders (Aravena, 2022; Bush, 2011). In the United States, although each state has its own requirements, these typically include classroom teaching experience, a minimum degree, completion of a state-approved leadership preparation programme and a licensure exam (Goldring et al., 2021). Several districts have introduced a pipeline by adopting standards to guide principal preparation, hiring, evaluation and support; delivering preservice preparation to candidates; and using selective hiring and placement (Anderson and Turnbull, 2019; Perrone, 2022).

Moreover, in recent years, many schools have shifted to leadership teams comprising assistant principals, principals and teacher leaders – shaping leadership experiences and, consequently, recruitment practices (Anderson and Turnbull, 2019; Bastian and Henry, 2015; Camburn et al., 2003; Hitt and Player, 2019; Spillane et al., 2001, 2007). This is also relevant in the Swedish context (Ahlin, 2025; Andersson and Salj, 2024). Notions of fit with the local context typically influence principal appointments as well as leadership experience (e.g., Clarida and DeMatthews, 2026; Cruzeiro and Boone, 2009; Goldring et al., 2021; Perrone et al., 2022; Roza, 2003).

Theoretical framework

This study is grounded in the perspective of situated (social) learning and legitimate peripheral participation (LPP) (Lave and Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998). From this perspective, institutions and organisations are social designs directed at practice, contributing to the making of the organisation (Wenger, 1998, 241). Institutions define roles, qualifications and the distribution of authority, and they provide a repertoire of procedures, contracts, rules, processes and policies – a focus of this study. Designing processes and policies is important to support practice, while reifying these structures provides material for localisation and for opening new issues to negotiation (Wenger, 1998, 259).

If neither process nor competence is clarified and institutionally managed, access is denied, and it becomes difficult for newcomers to decide how much energy to invest (Lave and Wenger, 1991). Clarity and transparency for newcomers regarding available opportunities – through both official and idealised versions – are important.

Legitimate peripheral participation is a process of learning for newcomers in a reciprocal relationship between individuals and practice in motion. LPP moves in a centripetal direction, driven by the growing use-value of participation as newcomers become full practitioners. Newcomers shift position as they move centripetally through practice, creating possibilities for understanding the world (and the work) (Lave and Wenger, 1991, 122). This process occurs in a social world, dialectically constituted through reproduction, transformation and change.

Methods and data

This study employed a qualitative design (Miles et al., 2020). The data consists of job advertisements for principal positions (n = 98), systematically collected over 12 months (March 2023–February 2024). The advertisements were monitored on the digital platform Platsbanken [the Job Bank], Sweden's largest job broker, operated by the Swedish Public Employment Service – a state agency tasked with contributing to a well-functioning labour market. On this platform, employers register job vacancies that job seekers can access. Although Platsbanken does not capture total recruitment needs – since private and municipal employers are not obligated to register vacancies – it provides a broad overview (Zetterberg, 2017). For this study, the keyword ‘Principal’ [Rektor] was used within the category ‘Managers and executives: Managers, primary and secondary schools and adult education’, as this combination yielded the most relevant advertisements.

To capture variation in population size and characteristics (SKR, 2022), 13 municipalities from five strategically selected regions (cf. Flyvbjerg, 2011) were chosen and followed, based on advertisements from both municipal and independent employers. The selection criteria for advertisements were any principal position vacancy in compulsory and upper secondary schools, including special schools responsible for these school forms. The advertisements were downloaded and documented, with personal information removed. Duplicates and advertisements not meeting the study criteria were excluded. In total, 98 advertisements were included.

Analysis

The analysis followed several steps (cf. Miles et al., 2020). First, data reduction was conducted through sorting and summarising. Different types of positions were identified and classified. All advertisements were read closely, and notes were added. Qualification requirements and desirable skills were organised into matrices to create a data display (Miles et al., 2020).

Second, qualification requirements were grouped into categories, or ‘types’ (Weber, 1977), and then verified against the advertisements. Further analysis was conducted using the theoretical constructs. According to Wenger (1998), institutions need to find expression as identities in practice. This means that newcomers must engage in practice to understand it and become full members. Thus, the ‘ways’ in which the requirements enable participation were deconstructed and displayed in figures.

Further, possible trajectories were (de)constructed. These do not imply fixed courses or paths to be foreseen, but rather continuous motion within a field of influences taking place in a social world (Lave and Wenger, 1991, 121; Wenger, 1998). The field of influences includes location and organisation in communities; power, access and transparency; and the tension between continuity and displacement (Lave and Wenger, 1991, 123). As trajectories connect the past, present and future in peripheral, inbound, insider, boundary and outbound forms, these concepts are used for drawing conclusions and understanding the ways to principalship (Wenger, 1998, 154–155).

Results

In this section, qualification criteria for principals, as defined and presented by employers in job advertisements, are first described. Thereafter, possible pathways to principalship are presented, providing an overview of routes to principalship in Sweden. An analytical summary is then given, using the theoretical framework.

To qualify for principalship

The job advertisements for principals and assistant principals across school levels included lists of criteria to be met, falling into three main domains: higher education, leadership education and experience. The advertisements also listed additional, desirable – but not mandatory – skills and competencies. Some requirements that appear as general criteria in certain positions appear instead as additional desirable skills and competencies in others (which explain why the same requirement can appear in different columns of Tables 1 and 2).

Table 1.

Qualification requirements for principals.

Category/type	General requirement specification	Additional desirable skills and competencies
The specially qualified principal	- Academic degree, at least a bachelor's degree (180 credits) with a pedagogical focus - Completed principal's training (NPTP) - Requirement of experience in leading other managers - Requirement of several years of experience as a fully responsible school leader - Previously had financial, personnel and work environment responsibilities - Demonstrated proof of keeping a budget	- Well-established in the governing documents for all curriculum-driven school types - Experience in union collaboration - Skills in financial management - Extended leadership training with a focus on leading other managers
The qualified principal	- Pedagogical university degree - Experienced in the school form - Skilled in combining pedagogical, personnel and administrative issues in a holistic perspective - Experience of working as a manager or leader within a politically controlled organisation - Experienced with development work/change management	- IT skills - Completed principal training (NPTP) - Extended leadership training - Extended leadership training with a focus on leading other managers
The less qualified principal	- Pedagogical university degree - Experience in qualitative pedagogical work - School leadership experience in the school system Meritorious: - Started principal training Other common requirements: - Familiarity with the school's governing documents - Experience in development work - Experience in budgetary responsibility and employer responsibility	- Experience in leading educational work - Experience in current school type/specialisation - Driver's licence

Table 2.

Qualification requirements for assistant principals.

Category/type	General requirement specification	Additional desirable skills and competencies
The specially qualified assistant principal	- Academic degree, at least a bachelor's degree, 180 credits, with a pedagogical focus - Requirement for teaching certification in the school system and to have experience teaching in the school system - Requirement for previous experience as a school leader, at least two years - Previously had financial, personnel and work environment responsibilities - B driving licence	- Experience in leading educational work as a first teacher or development manager - Knowledge of digital systems, scheduling, distributing duties - Several years of experience in teaching and management in the current school type/specialisation - Good didactic ability - Familiar with research - Experience in systematic quality work - Well-established in the governing documents - Experience in conducting development work and knowledge-developing working methods - Experience in and interest in conducting change work, sometimes directed at specific school types - Experience and interest in specific challenges of school type - Background as a special education teacher - Skilled leader with interest and willingness to work based on trust-based management and control - Started or completed principal training (NPTP)
The normally qualified assistant principal	- Pedagogical university degree - Experience in pedagogical work - Leadership and/or school leadership experience Meritorious: - Principal training or equivalent Other common requirements: - Familiarity with the school's governing documents - Experience in development work - Experience from the school system	- Experience in leading educational work as, for example, a first teacher or development manager - Knowledge in scheduling and distribution of duties - Experience in teaching and management functions in the current school type/specialisation

The requirements were grouped into a typology (Weber, 1977) to organise the diversity of qualification criteria into cohesive and comprehensive categories. Three types were identified for principals: the less qualified principal, the qualified principal and the specially qualified principal (Table 1). Two types were identified for assistant principals: the normally qualified assistant principal and the specially qualified assistant principal (Table 2). Both roles are further described and analysed in the following section.

As shown in the tables, in some cases, there are higher qualification requirements for assistant principals (i.e., the specially qualified assistant principal) than for principals (i.e., the less qualified principal) due to differences in role design. Further, for all positions – including that of assistant principal – prior experience as a school leader is expected. Consequently, it is unclear how the first step into school leadership can be taken: to gain experience as a school leader, one needs such a position, but to obtain such a position, one needs experience as a school leader. However, the ‘normally qualified assistant principal’ type allows for broader ‘leadership experience’, which could include, for example, experience of middle leadership.

Furthermore, advertisements state that completion of the NPTP is required (i.e., the specially qualified principal), or that having started the NPTP is meritorious (i.e., all other types). This makes the pathway to principalship unclear for aspiring principals, because to start the NPTP, one must hold a principal position or be employed as an assistant principal for at least 50% of working time, according to national regulations. But according to the job advertisements, to gain a position as even an assistant principal, you should preferably have started the NPTP.

The national regulation requiring ‘pedagogical insight through education and experience’ to qualify for a principal position is clearly addressed and articulated in the job advertisements, even if some details vary. For all positions, an academic degree is specified. For some, the length of academic education is stated in terms of academic credits (180 credits, i.e., 3 years of university studies). In certain advertisements, a pedagogical focus on academic education is highlighted. The ‘specially qualified assistant principal’ type stands out in that certification for teaching is an explicitly stated requirement.

Regarding experience, all types except one (the specially qualified principal) specify experience both from pedagogical work (teaching) and from development work and the school system, combined with experience in leadership and administration, as requirements. For the ‘specially qualified principal’ type, experience in leading other leaders or managers is instead the primary articulated requirement. Only the ‘normally qualified principal’ type requires experience in the specific school form, although several types list this as an additional desirable skill and competency.

The specially qualified assistant principal stands out for the exceptionally detailed list of desirable skills and competencies. Another notable feature is that several types require a driving licence, indicating that the principal may need to take responsibility for multiple schools located at a distance from one another.

Overall, the analyses show that to obtain a position as a fully responsible principal, one preferably needs experience as a(n) (assistant) principal, considering the requirements as a whole. To become a ‘specially qualified assistant principal’, 2 years of experience as a school leader are required, and first teacher experience is desirable. To become a ‘common assistant principal’, first teacher experience or similar experience may suffice. This indicates that first teacher experience is highly valued, though not as highly as administrative and management experience. The advertisements list management experience – preferably as an assistant principal – as a requirement, while first teachership is interpreted as a lower or alternative career step.

This means that, for those aspiring to principalship, it seems necessary to gain knowledge of the local field of influences – understanding the location and organisation of specific communities, establishing contact with sources of power and accessing ongoing leadership practices – to acquire any form of leadership and management experience. This may provide entry in this local context or elsewhere. That is, the ongoing tension between continuity and displacement (Lave and Wenger, 1991, 123) may not be resolved locally but aspirants must be open to both possibilities to gain access to ‘the fortress of principalship’, either locally as continuity in their service or elsewhere as displacement to achieve principalship.

Pathway(s) to principalship

Presenting possible pathways to principalship, the study results first show that a prospective principal does not need to have been a teacher, although this is the most common route. However, they must have gained some administrative and management experience before becoming an assistant principal. Serving as a first teacher may be a desirable experience, but it is not required, according to the advertisements.

Second, since prior experience as a principal is a requirement for obtaining a principal position, assistant principalship is interpreted as the main (ideal) pathway to gaining practical experience in school leadership. That is, the ‘highway’ to principalship should pass through assistant principalship, even though the transparency of this role as an actual stepping stone to principalship is low.

The pathway that would logically lead to future principalship, according to the study results, is shown in Table 3.

Table 3.

The main way to principalship.

Table 4 shows a close-up of the main pathway to ‘specially qualified principalship’. Here, the first teacher position is marginalised and functions more as a detour, since the first teacher must take a sidestep to join the track to principalship.

Table 4.

The main way to principalship and ‘specially qualified principalship’.

Table 5 shows a close-up of the pathway to ‘normally qualified assistant principal’. Here, the first teacher position is peripheral – already part of an inbound trajectory. However, even though the first teacher position in this model appears peripheral and enabling for assistant principalship, the same is true for teachers and others.

Table 5.

The main way to ‘the normally qualified assistant principal’.

Possible trajectories

From a theoretical perspective, there are several enabling trajectories, with the assistant principal role being peripheral and inbound towards becoming a full insider as principal, as shown in Figure 1. Consequently, to obtain a principal position, one normally (but not always) needs to go through assistant principalship. Entry into this role can come from teaching, first teachership, administration or other positions. However, even though the first teacher position is peripheral and enabling in this sense, it remains marginalised and does not clearly function as an inbound trajectory to principalship but rather to teacher leadership. The trajectories shown in Figure 1 are further discussed below.

Figure 1.

Trajectories as course of participation (cf. Wenger, 1998, 167).

Discussion

The first research question of this study asked about the ‘main way’ to qualify for principalship in Sweden. A broad main way is described, encompassing a dispersed set of local (i.e., slightly varied) ways, as shown in Figure 2. The main way involves a broad set of qualification criteria, including a suitable university degree, prior experience as a (school) leader and, preferably, having started the NPTP. Local variations may also include requirements such as holding a driving licence or having experience in a specific school type.

Figure 2.

The broad main way, framing a dispersed set of local (i.e., slightly varied) ways (a–d).

The second research question asked how the way(s) to principalship can be understood. Through a theoretical lens of social learning and LPP, the qualified and less qualified principals can be seen as full insiders. The boundary that keeps principals inside appears strong and also excludes teachers and others. Thus, finding cracks or openings in that boundary is a prerequisite for becoming a principal in Sweden, since there is no obvious way into ‘the principal fortress’. Once inside, there are many more positions to access. As all this unfolds in a social world, prospective candidates may create their own pathways, spanning boundaries to gain entry.

Further, assistant principalship is understood as an inbound trajectory towards becoming a full insider, whereas first teachership or similar roles are understood as boundary practices. Such boundary practices can be enabling – peripheral to principalship – in the sense that this trajectory can eventually be redirected to an inbound course if boundaries are spanned towards assistant principalship. However, they can also become a trap, leaving candidates stuck in the boundary zone without entry (cf. Wenger, 1998).

In contrast, the specially qualified principal can be understood as being on an outbound course to other roles (e.g., senior manager, LEA representative), since their primary responsibility of overseeing other managers is not a traditional principal function and places them at some distance from schools.

In Sweden, the national requirements for employment as a principal are minimal, although the standards of training through the NPTP are clear and widely accepted (cf. Bush, 2013; Jerdborg, 2022). The ‘self-nominating’ approach typical of decentralised school systems is apparently also ‘the Swedish way’ (Bush, 2013; Grogan and Andrews, 2002), making the transition to the role of principal an interplay of structures and individual agency (Jerdborg, 2024; Montecinos et al., 2022). Today, first teachers might be denied access and encounter barriers, making it difficult for newcomers to invest their energy effectively. Slipping through cracks in a closed boundary seems to be the way in, rather than through agreed-upon and transparent intentional pathways. Thus, the way(s) to principalship would benefit from clarification (Anderson and Turnbull, 2019; Perrone et al., 2022), particularly regarding how to gain reasonable leadership experience (Goldring et al., 2021; Roza, 2003) before becoming a leader, since both process and competence need clarification and institutional management (Lave and Wenger, 1991; Wenger, 1998).

In many nations, the pathway to principalship follows a leadership continuum, beginning with teaching, moving into teacher leadership, then assistant principalship and finally principalship. As this study shows, this is also a common route in Sweden. Locally, pipelines to leadership roles are gradually being developed (cf. Anderson and Turnbull, 2019; Andersson and Salj, 2024; Enterieva, 2025; Goldring et al., 2021), where employers seek to support ‘principal readiness’ and grow their own leaders (Bush, 2013; Clemans et al., 2016). However, this is not made explicit in job advertisements. The critical qualification criterion of holding a teaching licence and having teaching experience – applicable in most countries (Goldring et al., 2021; Huber and Hiltmann, 2010) – is, to some extent, addressed in Swedish job advertisements, even though it is not a national requirement.

The shift to leadership teams composed of assistant principals, principals and teacher leaders (e.g., Ahlin, 2025; Anderson and Turnbull, 2019; Camburn et al., 2003; Liljenberg, 2025; Spillane et al., 2001, 2007) is visible in some of the job advertisements examined in this study. This suggests that more individuals will gain access to boundary practices of school leadership (Bastian and Henry, 2015; Hitt and Player, 2019). Ideally, this could mark the beginning of a more transparent pipeline to principalship in Sweden. Such boundary practices are significant because first teachership can span the space between teacher and principal roles. Creating overlaps between roles or opening boundaries around ongoing leadership practices (Wenger, 1998) may enable prospective candidates to navigate their way to principalship through agency – finding an organisational entry point rather than simply doing the ‘right’ thing to qualify.

Conclusion

This study aimed to provide an overview of the way(s) to principalship in Sweden. It expands our understanding of how to attain a principal position in a formal sense. A limitation of the study is that unofficial (i.e., experienced) pathways into principalship are not explored, and not all Swedish employers are included. These areas require further investigation, using methods that incorporate the voices and experiences of principals, prospective candidates and employers who have chosen not to appoint assistant principals.

Lack of role clarity and limited transparency about the types of experience needed for principalship (Turnbull et al., 2015) are deconstructed in this study with regard to the Swedish context. Since socialisation, norms and legal processes indirectly affect the job market (Perrone, 2022; Riehl and Byrd, 1997), while the national context structures employees’ experiences through cultural norms and policies (Perrone et al., 2022; Shevchuk et al., 2019), this is of great importance. As Wenger (1998, 259) states, reifying structures provides material for individuals to locate themselves and open up issues for negotiation. In this sense, process and competence should be institutionally managed. By offering an overview of the way(s) to principalship, this study reifies structures and provides material for institutional management and for the negotiation of policy and structure. Without such an overview, the broad picture cannot be grasped, and one can only act locally.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The author acknowledges and appreciates human English language editing of this article.

ORCID iD

Stina Jerdborg

Ethical approval

According to the Swedish Ethical Review Authority guidelines ethical approval was not required for this study. All procedures adhered to National Institutional Guidelines and ethical standards.

Informed consent

Not applicable because this article does not contain data from an individual person.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Data availability statement

Supporting data is not available. Sharing supporting data would risk the anonymity of employers due to context-specific circumstances in their advertisements.

Author biography

Stina Jerdborg is a senior lecturer at the Department of Education and Special Education at the University of Gothenburg. Her research interests are in the area of school improvement, school organisation and school leadership. She has a special interest in principals’ work and continuing professional development.

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