Abstract
We examined 401 Latina/o high school students’ postsecondary plans and their responses to an open-ended question about how their schools should better help Latina/o students to achieve their plans. The majority of students planned to enroll in postsecondary education or training. Boys and those responding in Spanish were more likely not to plan to continue their education, and those responding in Spanish were more likely to plan to work full time or part time than those responding in English. Themes generated from the open-ended responses include that schools should provide more motivational support, structured programs, and clubs that engage Latina/o students within their schools and communities, academic assistance and support, information related to financial aid, college, and careers, and that schools should eliminate discrimination and racism and increase Latina/o cultural resources. Implications for research, practice, and policy are discussed.
Keywords
According to a recent survey, nearly 90% of U.S. Latina/o young adults believe that a college education is important for success in life, and 77% indicate that their parents believe going to college is very important (Lopez, 2009). At the same time, fewer than half of the Latina/o young adults (ages 16–25) surveyed planned to obtain a college degree. Those who had dropped out of high school or did not pursue further education after high school cited a variety of reasons for halting their education, most frequently indicating the need to support their families, and also noting lack of English skills, dislike of school, and the belief that the occupations they wanted to pursue did not require a college degree (Lopez, 2009). Although 2010 saw increases in high school completion and college enrollment among Latina/os, they remain more likely to drop out of school and to have lower levels of educational attainment than Whites and African Americans (Fry, 2011; U.S. Department of Education, 2011).
In the past 5 years, U.S. Latina/o families have faced greater economic challenges due to higher rates of unemployment and job loss, especially among immigrant Latina/os, and steeper declines in household wealth than that of Whites or African Americans (Lopez & Velasco, 2011). Given continuing inequities and the long-term economic and social benefits of high school graduation and college degrees (Day & Newberger, 2002; Kim, 2003), increasing educational attainment levels among Latina/os remains a critical goal.
The purpose of the present study is to provide descriptive information about Latina/o students’ postsecondary plans and the kind of school-based supports they believe would help them to achieve their plans. We approach the topic from the general framework of social cognitive career theory (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994, 2000), which has been applied to understanding the career-related behaviors of marginalized groups, including Latina/o students, because of its attention to contextual variables that constrain and enhance outcomes (e.g., Ali & McWhirter, 2006; Bennett, 2008; Byars-Winston, Estrada, Howard, Davis, & Zalapa, 2010; Chronister & McWhirter, 2003; Flores & O’Brien, 2002; Navarro, Flores, & Worthington, 2007). Relatively greater attention has been paid to the construct of perceived barriers than to supports in career development research, yet environmental supports may be the more potent influence (Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 2000). A recent meta-analysis indicated that the effects of supports are greater than the effects of barriers on a number of educational and career outcomes, including self-efficacy and outcome expectations, aspirations, goals, and academic performance (Abrams et al., 2010). Brown (2010) called for greater attention to the role of contextual supports in promoting adolescent career development. The following literature review on school-based contextual supports and career-related outcomes for Latina/o adolescents includes studies across a variety of theoretical frameworks.
School Support and Latina/o Students
School-based supports typically are characterized in terms of affective, emotional supports (encouragement, caring, warmth), and tangible academic supports (assistance, expectations). Jackson, Mendelsohn Kacanski, Rust, and Beck (2006) asked immigrant eighth and ninth grade students to name the supports they could access to help achieve their life and work goals. Responses included personal resources, such as work habits and abilities, and helpful people, places, or services, such as teachers, coaches, and programs. Research on school-based supports experienced by Latina/o adolescents predominantly focuses on support received from teachers, which has been linked with academic achievement and school engagement. For example, Brewster and Bowen (2004) found that teacher support (perceptions of their teachers as caring, respectful, willing to work with them, and encouraging) was associated with lower problem behavior and greater school engagement for Latina/o middle school students. Garcia-Reid, Reid, and Peterson (2005) found teacher support, defined as perceptions that teachers care about students and have high expectations of them, was an important predictor of school engagement among urban Latina/o middle school students. They also reported that teacher support buffered the negative effects of violence in the neighborhood and school. Academic support from teachers was the strongest predictor of academic satisfaction and grade point average in a sample of ninth grade Mexican origin students (Plunkett, Henry, Houltberg, Sands, & Abarca-Mortensen, 2008). Similar findings have been obtained in samples of immigrant Latino youth. For example, a number of studies have concluded that supportive relationships with teachers and other adults in school are a critical ingredient for the academic success of Latina/o immigrant youth (e.g., Green, Rhodes, Heitler Hirsch, Suárez-Orozco, & Camic, 2008; Suárez-Orozco, Suárez-Orozco, & Todorova, 2007). These latter studies acknowledge the importance of support provided by nonteacher adults in school, such as counselors, administrators, and volunteers.
In addition to school outcomes such as academic achievement, teacher support has been investigated in relation to specific career development outcomes. For example, teacher support was positively associated with Mexican American high school girls’ and boys’ career commitment (McWhirter et al., 1998). Mexican American high school students identify teachers as sources of mentorship (Flores & Obasi, 2005) and identify mentors’ modeling, verbal encouragement, and advice related to career and education as helpful in their career planning.
It is important to attend to cultural variation in perceptions of support. Garza (2008) examined teacher attitudes and behaviors that were perceived as “caring” by Latina/o and White students. He found group differences in the relative value of caring behaviors, noting that Latina/o students prioritized academic support over the quality of the teacher relationship.
A number of instruments used to measure support focus on the degree to which participants experience various types of support from sources such as parents, teachers, and peers (e.g., Farmer, 1985; Metheny, McWhirter, & O’Neil, 2008; Sarason, Sarason, Shearin, & Pierce, 1987; Taylor, Casten, & Flinkinger, 1993). Flores and Obasi (2005) used an open-ended question to gather information on what mentors have done to provide support. Open-ended questions have the benefit of eliciting unanticipated information, and results can inform measure development.
Purpose of the Study
In the present study, we were interested in understanding Latina/o student perceptions of what could be done by schools to increase the likelihood that Latina/o students will achieve their postsecondary plans. Based on Garza’s (2008) findings, we used an open-ended question that allowed students to define for themselves what would constitute helpful practices. This reflects our assumption that Latina/o high school students possess valuable lived experiences and knowledge that should inform efforts to enhance their educational persistence and attainment. We generated themes from this data in order to provide efficient descriptions of these findings.
Green, Rhodes, Heitler Hirsch, Suárez-Orozco, and Camic (2008) noted the importance of investigating gender differences in school support among Latino youth, describing evidence that Latino boys may have fewer positive relationships with and are less likely to seek support from adults in their schools. Garcia-Reid et al. (2005) called for more research on the relationship between language preference and school-related variables. Thus, we utilized quantitative methods to test whether school-based support suggestions varied as a function of gender and language of survey response. We also explored whether support suggestions differed in relationship to postsecondary plans for schooling and work, as this could have implications for school practices. In each case, we tested the null hypothesis.
We asked about participants’ plans immediately after high school based on evidence that enrolling in college immediately after high school significantly increases the likelihood of obtaining a degree (Pew Hispanic Center, 2002). We examined whether postsecondary plans differed as a function of gender, given that some studies have found that Latina girls have higher career aspirations (e.g., Valencia & Johnson, 2006), while others have not found gender differences in Latina/o postsecondary aspirations and expectations (Flores, Navarro, & DeWitz, 2008) or plans (McWhirter, Torres, Salgado, & Valdez, 2007). Finally, given that differences in educational attainment between immigrant and native-born Latinas/os are attributed in part to language barriers and the need to support families (e.g., Lopez, 2009), we expected that those responding to the survey in Spanish might plan for less education and more work than those responding in English. Thus, the primary aims of this study were to describe Latina/o high school students’ postsecondary plans, describe what they thought their schools could do to facilitate or support achievement of Latina/o students’ plans, and to explore whether their support suggestions varied as a function of gender, response language, and postsecondary plans. We approach our questions from a critical psychology perspective, influenced by Prilleltensky and Nelson (2002) and Martín-Baró (1994), in that our discussion of findings situates Latina/o educational attainment within a context of systemic and structural challenges and injustices. Our methodology is best described as mixed methods in that we conduct difference testing on themes generated from participants’ written text.
Method
Participants
A total of 824 Latina/o U.S. public high school students in one northwest state completed a conference evaluation measure. Of these 824 students, 425 provided a response to the open-ended support question. Of those, 8 did not identify as Latina/o and 16 did not report ethnicity. These participants were eliminated from further analyses, leaving a total of 401 participants as the sample for this study. Of those, 392 (97.8%) identified as Latina/o, 5 (1.3%) as Other and specified “Mexican,” and 4 (1.0%) identified as multiracial (including Latina/o heritage). State census data indicate that 84% of Latina/os are of Mexican descent, that the average household income for Hispanics is over $12,000 lower than the state average, and that only 57% of Hispanics of age 25 and older have completed high school as compared with 88% of the overall population in the state. Forty-five (11.2%) of the participants responded to the open-ended question in Spanish, 17 (4.2%) in a combination of Spanish and English, and 339 (84.5%) responded in English. There were 284 (70.8%) female participants and 114 (28.4%) male participants (3 did not report their sex). Respondents’ mean age was 16.4 (SD = 1.14). Nearly 16% did not plan to pursue further education immediately after school; the remainder indicated specialized training (2.8%), a 2-year college (49.2%), or a 4-year college (32.5%). Nearly 37% did not indicate that they planned to work immediately after high school, 52.4% planned to work part time, and 11% planned to work full time. Participants answering the open-ended question were more likely to be female (63%) and to have responded in English (79.4%).
Instruments
Participants self-reported their age and sex. Ethnicity options (Latina/o, Russian, African American, White, and Other) were based on the conference target (Latina/o students) and the demographic makeup of the surrounding communities. Participants indicated all applicable options; those indicating Latina/o and any other category were designated “multiracial.”
Postsecondary plans
Participants responded to the question: “What are your plans immediately following high school? (check all that apply).” Options included work full time, work part time, enter military, enroll in 2-year/community college program, enroll in 4-year/bachelor degree program, enroll in specialized training/apprenticeship program, and other. Two variables were created from these responses: postsecondary work plans and postsecondary school plans. For the work plans variable, categories were full time, part time, and no plans to work. For school plans, categories were 4-year college, 2-year college or specialized training, and no school plans. Those selecting both the 2-year and 4-year college options (n = 34) were assigned to the 2-year college group based on the likelihood that they would pursue these paths sequentially rather than simultaneously. Those who selected only the “enter military” option (n = 23) were included in the 2-year college/specialized training group.
Suggestions for support
Participants responded to the following question: “What advice do you have for schools to better help Latinos and Latinas like you to achieve their plans? What should schools do or what should they stop doing? (Please write your suggestions).”
Procedure
The data for this study comes from a 2008 evaluation survey for an annual regional Latina/o high school leadership conference in a northwest state. The conference provides workshops, awards, and motivational speakers. Participating public schools (n = 65) invite any students who self-identify as Latina/os to attend the conference. Participants must have parent permission to attend and must agree to comply with conference rules such as following the dress code, remaining with their assigned group, and using district transportation to arrive and depart. Participants received evaluations in both English and Spanish, completed the version of their choice, on-site, at the conclusion of conference, and returned them to conference staff. The research team and study authors consisted of two White female doctoral students who served as the “coders,” and one White female faculty member in counseling psychology. The faculty member translated all responses provided in Spanish. Translations were independently verified by two Spanish-fluent counseling psychology doctoral students.
Coding procedures
Consistent with data reduction procedures recommended by Miles and Huberman (1994), we began by discussing the purpose of the analysis and possible school-based types and sources of support for helping Latina/o students achieve their goals. The two doctoral student coders independently read and “chunked” all of the suggestions into categories, then came to consensus on the categories (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Suggestions and categories were critically reviewed by the faculty member and by a bilingual Latina doctoral student external to the research team. Consensus was achieved on 17 coding categories, including “other.” Next, the two coders independently assigned each suggestion to a category, initially meeting after each set of 25 surveys to assess reliability and resolve inconsistencies (Miles & Huberman, 1994). Next, all items coded as “other” were reviewed and 9 new categories developed to capture these suggestions, resulting in a total of 26 categories. The coders independently clustered the 26 categories into themes (Miles & Huberman, 1994) and came to consensus on nine themes. The faculty member reviewed and concurred with these themes. The bilingual doctoral student independently coded 20% of the suggestions, with resulting interrater reliabilities of .67 (categories) and .72 (themes) with the coders. Discrepancies were resolved by consensus and the remainder of the data again was reviewed by the coders to ensure consistency. Finally, the faculty member reviewed all suggestions and theme codes and achieved a 93% agreement with the coders. Remaining discrepancies were resolved by consensus among the research team. A small number of suggestions (1.7%) were not coded because the suggestions were too vague or unclear. Table 1 presents the themes and categories as well as the percentage of participants who gave a suggestion corresponding to each theme. Thus, our data reduction strategy resulted in nine themes that we also describe in quantitative terms as percentages.
Themes, Categories, and Descriptions.
Note. Percentage refers to the percentage of the 401 participants who made suggestions consistent with that theme. Each theme is the result of combining one or more categories. Category names are separated by semicolons.
Results
Postsecondary Plans
A series of chi-squares were conducted to determine whether postsecondary schooling plans differed as a function of sex or language of response. Boys were more likely than girls not to plan to continue schooling and were less likely to plan on attending a 2-year college, χ2(2, n = 388) = 15.67, p < .001. Those responding in Spanish were more likely not to plan to continue their schooling and less likely to plan to attend 2-year college or specialized training, χ2(2, n = 391) = 8.8, p = .01. Chi-squares were also used to assess for differences in postsecondary work plans. Those responding in English were more likely not to indicate plans to work, less likely to plan to work part time, and less likely to plan to work full time than those responding in Spanish, χ2(2, n = 391) = 12.8, p = .002. Postsecondary work plans did not differ with respect to sex.
Suggestion Themes
Table 1 provides the final list of themes, categories, and descriptions of each theme. The most frequent suggestions fell within the theme of general motivation and informational support. For example, one student wrote, “The advice I give is to always support them. And be there. The school should not give up on them.” Other illustrative responses, each from a different individual, include “Motivate more and provide more info,” “To always tell them what is available for us,” “They should invite speakers to keep students motivated because we get down on ourselves from time to time and could use a boost,” and “ . . . also motivate them and help them think differently about how they are going to change their level in life if they have more education.” While general, these responses clearly recommended support, motivational enhancement, and information.
Structured programs and community engagement suggestions stressed concrete activities and involvement. For example, one student wrote “Have more Latino programs” and another, “Have more Latino activities to get involved. They need to promote school activities at ESL classes. Let Latinos have their own club where they can talk in both languages.” A barrier to participation in existing clubs is hinted at in the suggestion, “Have more clubs and it should be free.” Some suggestions elaborated on why this was important, for example, “Get them involved many don’t feel they belong or get distracted from school. Its hard to see many of my peers continuing when they don’t seem dedicated to high school” and “They should have a gathering place for Latinos so that when they feel lonely they can have somewhere to go that will be like home.”
Academic and school support suggestions also often alluded to language and culture, illustrated in “Schools should try to integrate ESL programs more so that newcomers are exposed to the language and customs,” and “They need to help more the students that are learning English.” Participants suggested homework support, for example, “Well they should help a lot of Latinos because some struggle with work from school.” Finally, the importance of connecting with parents is highlighted in quotes such as “Have their parents involve more in school offer more bilingual programs that will inform students and parents more” and “They really need to help the Hispanics with parents knowing whats going on.”
Suggestions coded as positive self-talk expressed a powerful sense of solidarity and pushed for perseverance in the face of obstacles, for example, “Never give up, show up to school and be someone and always work hard to reach your dream and always use your voice.” The value of education also was highlighted in some, for example, “Never give up and take what you can get. Education will get us out there and achieve anything[s] or obstacles put in front of us.” One participant addressed a common challenge faced by Latina/os with limited English, “Don’t be afraid of speaking out even if you think you don’t know enough English! Try to avoid speaking Spanish at school but don’t forget your roots.”
The theme financial aid and scholarships is characterized by straightforward suggestions such as, “They should give more scholarships to Latino students. We have a lot of potential but money can hold us back” and “Help them learn the best ways for people without money who want to go to school to achieve their goals.” Some suggestions were specific to subgroups, for example, “Offer more scholarships to immigrants.”
The theme end discrimination in education for Latina/os and those without documentation included statements about actions and attitudes such as “Don’t discriminate against the Latinos and treat them like normal people,” “They should not allow others to say things that hurt them,” “In order to support us better they should think that Latinos are not bad the way that the majority of people think they are,” and, “They should stop having racist teachers.” Some suggestions highlighted educational access for immigrant and/or undocumented Latinos, such as “Latinas and Latinos can do a lot for this country. What they should do is give all the Latinos the opportunity to study, even though they are immigrants” and “They should give more opportunities to those who are not legal in the United States” and “I think they should look more at their grades rather than at their legal status. They should stop discrimination because they always offer more money to white people.” One participant closed with a question, “Also immigration, why should we not be able to better our education because of our legal status if we still pay taxes and this will only help us help our minority community?”
Many of the suggestions in the theme focused college and career support embed the notion of conversation and proactive outreach, including phrases such as “ . . . talk to us . . . ,” “Go to them and talk with them about . . . ” In the words of one respondent, because, “ . . . sometime we want to [talk about college] but we don’t.” One respondent wrote, “They should talk to us a lot more about what we want to do and how we can do it.” Other suggestions addressed early exposure to information, “Schools should talk to Latinos from freshman year about college” and recommended sharing the information with parents as well, for example, “To let Latino parents and students know what options they have for college.”
The theme Latina/o personnel and cultural knowledge reflects students’ desire for more Latina/o cultural resources within the schools via Latina/o personnel and opportunities to learn about Latinos histories and cultures. Suggestions associated with personnel included “Hire more Latino teachers so that we can have someone who has that window into our culture” and “Have a Latino to help out Latinos in be[ing] prepared for college, basically an adviser for the Latinos.” Suggestions for learning opportunities included, “More classes to learn about our culture” and “Provide more classes that talk about diversity in school.”
Suggestions within the theme schools are providing sufficient support reflected perceptions that Latina/o students did not need any additional assistance, such as “Nothing they are doing really good” and “None, everyone is doing just fine.” Other suggestions in this theme conveyed that their schools already were actively engaged in supporting Latino students to achieve their future plans such as “I think they’re doing a pretty good job because at our school our teachers counselors, etc. are very supportive and understanding and it should stay the same.”
Finally, we conducted a series of chi-square analyses to test our null hypotheses that there would be no differences in the type of suggestion (yes or no) and sex, language of response, or postsecondary plans. There was one significant difference. Those responding to the measure in Spanish were more likely to suggest that schools decrease racism and increase opportunities for immigrant and undocumented students, χ2(1, n = 401) = 11.6, p = .001.
Discussion
The focus of the present study was Latina/o high school students’ postsecondary plans and their suggestions for how schools can help Latina/o students achieve those plans. Descriptive information about plans, types of suggested supports, and difference testing is discussed in the context of current literature, implications are described, and study limitations noted.
Postsecondary Plans
A clear majority of our sample planned to pursue further education or specialized training immediately after high school. By comparison, less than half of Lopez’ (2009) 16- to 25-year-olds planned to obtain a college degree. This discrepancy may be a reflection of the younger age of our sample, the difference between planning to enroll in college versus planning to obtain a degree, selection effects, and/or a possible outcome of the conference they had just attended.
The 15% who did not indicate plans for postsecondary education were more likely to be boys and to have responded in Spanish. Nationally, Mexican origin girls are 3 times more likely to drop out of high school by 10th grade than are Mexican origin boys (Olatunji, 2005), but in this sample of students who have not dropped out, boys may be at greater risk of not continuing their education after high school. To the extent that those responding in Spanish are English language learners (ELL), they are likely to have had less exposure to career preparation content (American Youth Policy Forum [AYPF], 2010) and to face greater challenges to pursuing postsecondary education (Gándara, 2006). They also were more likely to plan to work part time or full time immediately after high school than those responding in English. This may be a function of greater household need for income (Lopez & Velasco, 2011) or a reflection of the day-to-day work experiences they have had while growing up (Faulstich Orellana, 2001).
Suggestion Themes
The suggestions offered by participants illustrate variation and depth and provide some insights into how these Latina/o youth may (or may not) be experiencing support at their high schools. The most frequent suggestion, for more motivational and informational support, is consistent with the findings that Latina/o and other ethnic minority students often receive less encouragement, fewer compliments, and experience lower teacher expectations than their peers (McKown & Weinstein, 2008; McLoyd, 1998; McWhirter, 1997; McWhirter et al., 2007; Pizarro, 2005). These suggestions may reflect disconnection from valued information and supports within their schools (Hill & Torres, 2010; National Women’s Law Center [NCLW], 2009; Pizarro, 2005). Advice that schools provide more programs and opportunities for community engagement may highlight underlying values of belonging, relationship, and opportunities for contribution, consistent with the concepts of familismo and personalismo (e.g., Hill & Torres, 2010). Latina/o students are less likely to be involved in academic clubs, school music activities, or sports than other students (Ream & Rumberger, 2008; Simon et al., 2011), yet their school engagement, or sense of belonging, involvement, and attachment to school, is important for academic and educational achievement (Brewster & Bowen, 2004; Ream & Rumberger, 2008). Extracurricular activity involvement predicts college enrollment for language minority Latinas (Callahan, 2008).
The suggestions for greater academic and school support addressed curricular and process changes to reduce linguistic barriers and to provide assistance for completing homework and succeeding academically. Limited English proficiency increases Latina/o students’ risk of falling behind in school (Norrid-Lacey & Spencer, 2000; NWLC, 2009), can reduce connectedness to school (Norrid-Lacey & Spencer, 2000), and can limit access to and experience of teacher support (Brewster & Bowen, 2004). Latina/o immigrant parents often lack experiences and knowledge of the U.S. school setting, which makes it more challenging for them to assist their children with homework or to conavigate the critical decisions their children make regarding curriculum and experiences (Hill & Torres, 2010; Jones, 2002). Even highly motivated students can become discouraged when their efforts are thwarted by communication barriers and a lack of structural supports. Some participants conveyed frustration that their ELL curriculum was less challenging and was not preparing them for college; such concerns have been acknowledged in the ELL literature (AYPF, 2010).
The positive self-talk suggestions may have reflected a response to the conference participants were attending, given that one goal of the conference is to foster motivation and empowerment. Developing a healthy sense of personal agency in response to social inequality is a characteristic of sociopolitical development (Diemer, Kauffman, Koenig, Trahan, & Hsieh, 2006), which helps marginalized students negotiate structural barriers to educational attainment (Diemer, 2009). Positive self-talk statements may fill a void of positive messages from other sources and may represent the kinds of specific, encouraging statements that Latina/o students want to hear from their teachers, counselors, and administrators.
Funding for higher education is a significant concern (Santiago, 2008a) that is compounded by the overrepresentation of Latina/o families living in conditions of economic insecurity (Lopez & Velasco, 2011), reluctance or inability to use loans to finance college (Santiago, 2008b), and lack of accurate information about financial aid options (Zarate & Fabienke, 2007). For parents without higher education, the procedures and processes for seeking funding can be overwhelming; for those without documentation, most funding doors are closed.
Students responding in Spanish were more likely to make suggestions about ending discrimination than those responding in English. Unfortunately, in spite of contemporary emphases on multicultural competencies in the training of school personnel, Latina/o students experience discrimination in their schools by adults, including teachers (Pizarro, 2005; Rosenbloom & Way, 2004; Wakefield & Fajardo, 2004), and students learning English who are recent immigrants often are the target of racism from Latina/o and other peers as well as school personnel (Norrid-Lacey & Spencer, 2000). Suggestions also advocate for change in state and federal policies. Pathways to work and further education are obstructed for thousands of high school graduates each year in the United States due to their undocumented status (Gonzales, 2011; McWhirter, Ramos, & Medina, in press), and Latina/o students and their teachers often misunderstand postsecondary education possibilities for undocumented students (Contreras & Stritikos, 2008).
The suggestions for support and information specific to college and career pathways may reflect lower levels of formal education and procedural knowledge among many participants’ families. Lack of specific guidance and college information from teachers and counselors is a major obstacle for Latina/o high school students who are considering, but not sure about, attending college (Immerwahl, 2003). School-based procedural information and assistance have been identified as significant predictors of Latina females’ enrollment in college (Gonzalez, Stoner, & Jovel, 2003; Zarate & Gallimore, 2005) and as critical to reducing the gaps between aspirations, expectations, and outcomes (NWLC, 2009, Yowell, 2002).
Multicultural education and the use of culturally relevant and inclusive curricula are standard and well-supported recommendations for reducing dropout and the achievement gap and increasing equality (Coggins & Campbell, 2008; Gay, 2006). Connecting with school personnel for support is a critical element of success for immigrant Latina/o high school students (Conchas, 2001). In his analysis of interviews with Chicano/a high school students in the Pacific northwest, Pizarro (2005) emphasized the critical importance of mentors and role models to help students make sense of their experiences and to help them form positive identities in contexts often characterized by racial conflicts, language barriers, and Latina/o student invisibility. Participant suggestions for increasing knowledge of Latina/o cultures via personnel and learning opportunities dovetail with findings that Latina/o teachers often provide cultural and linguistic familiarity that serves to bridge school–home gaps; such bridges may foster more trusting and meaningful relationships with students and families and lead to better academic and overall outcomes for Latina/o students (Diaz Soto, 2007).
Since this data was collected, an Arizona ban on high school ethnic studies courses took effect; students’ desire to engage in shared learning about their history would be rendered subversive and illegal in that state context. Such a ban has implications for Latina/o career development given Diemer’s scholarship (Diemer, 2009; Diemer & Blustein, 2006, Diemer & Hsei, 2008; Diemer et al., 2006) linking sociopolitical development or critical consciousness with positive vocational and educational outcomes for ethnic minority and poor youth. To the extent that the final (and least frequent) theme, that schools are providing sufficient support, reflects highly supportive environments in which Latina/o students enjoy similar successes as their non-Latina/o peers, this is an encouraging theme. However, if this reflects a sense of personal responsibility for success without acknowledging the contextual constraints with which Latina/o students must contend, it may also suggest a lack of critical consciousness.
Implications
The themes derived from this sample provide possible directions for improving and for measuring school-based supports for Latina/o students. The suggestions provided are realistic (though not without cost), logical, and consistent with the educational and developmental missions of public high schools. Some suggestions focus on improving the quantity and quality of attention to students, through the provision of detailed and relevant information associated with postsecondary options and procedural knowledge for pursuing those options, including information about financial aid and scholarships. These suggestions also convey the importance of proactive outreach to Latina/o students, who may not assume that generic information about college applies to them, may have trouble connecting information provided about postsecondary options to their particular familial and cultural context, or who may not possess the cultural capital to know what questions to ask or what steps to pursue. On the basis of focus group interviews, Immerwahl (2003) suggested that many teachers are so overwhelmed with work demands that they simply do not invest energy and time into helping Latino students plan for their futures. Plans for increasing school-based support will have to avoid overtaxing teachers and creatively incorporate the resources of other adults connected with students such as coaches, cafeteria workers, teaching assistants, and volunteers.
Some suggestions imply structural changes in the curriculum (e.g., inclusion of Latina/o histories, classes focused on Latina/o issues, increased quality, and rigor of ELL classes), and in school processes (increasing the number of Latina/o teachers, counselors, and administrators; keeping track of coursework selections to ensure postsecondary options; improving efforts to include Latina/o parents). Other suggestions request changes in structured supports (after school tutoring and homework support; clubs and programs that enhance identity and pride), and many focus on the training of teachers (to increase awareness of racism and bias and how these permeate classrooms; to increase cultural knowledge and sensitivity; to educate teachers about cultural variations in perceptions of support and the critical role of teacher support in school engagement, achievement, persistence, and other career development outcomes, and how to foster school-related self-efficacy through supporting performance accomplishments and providing encouragement) (Flores & Obasi, 2005; Pajares, 2006). All such efforts would be consistent with Santiago and Brown’s (2004) best practices recommendations for fostering Latina/o student achievement. Drawing loosely from a cultural capital perspective (Lareau & Weininger, 2003), we suggest that such changes be considered an attempt to increase schools’ Latino cultural capital, increasing schools’ capacities to benefit from the valuable resources, and experiences of, Latina/o students and their families.
We recommend that schools promote Latina/o students’ critical consciousness, which has been associated with positive short- and long-term vocational outcomes (Diemer, 2009; Diemer & Blustein, 2006; Diemer et al., 2006). Culturally sensitive programs for Latina/o students that collaborate with community members and attend to comprehensive academic and mental health needs are most likely to be effective but are rare (Acosta, Wiest, Lopez, Shafer, & Pizarro, 2004). Any such structural and process changes should include active attention to environmental stressors and barriers (Constantine, Erickson, Banks, & Timberlake, 1998) and must avoid cultural biases such as those that permeate traditional definitions and assumptions about “parent involvement” and “educational support” (Hill & Torres, 2010; Lareau & Weininger, 2003).
Other participant suggestions address exosystemic issues associated with immigration. Policy implications that can be extrapolated from these suggestions include support for the Development, Relief, and Education for Alien Minors Act (DREAM) act, advocacy for increased access to financial aid for undocumented students, providing pathways to citizenship, and preventing or revoking legislation that bars courses focused on minority histories, cultures, and oppressions. The deferred action for childhood arrivals program implemented in August 2012 is a promising recent step in this direction. Outcome research is needed to assess the short- and long-term effects of these micro, meso, and exosystem changes on Latina/o/a educational persistence and vocational development.
Limitations
Several limitations must be considered when discussing the implications of this study. Only about half of the students attending the conference wrote a response to this question, and they were more likely to be female and to respond in English; it is possible that those who did not respond were satisfied with school support or did not want to answer an open-ended question. The data do not permit exploration of these possibilities. Participants had just attended sessions designed to encourage leadership and empowerment to pursue their future goals; their responses may be more optimistic and detailed than might have been obtained from a sample of Latina/o students who did not have this experience. Participants had to secure parent and school permission to attend the conference, also reducing generalizability. While it cannot be assumed that another sample would make these suggestions, the consistency of suggestions with the literature on Latina/o education is a compelling indicator of relevance.
Conclusion
Study participants suggested that high schools support Latina/o students through a variety of means including the provision of motivational support, structured programs, and clubs that engage Latina/o students within their schools and communities, academic assistance and support, and specific information related to financial aid, college, and careers. They also urged the elimination of discrimination and racism and called for increased Latina/o cultural knowledge within the schools. High schools are a critical microsystem in which the provision of supports can make a significant difference in long- and short-term outcomes; efforts to support Latina/o student educational persistence and outcomes should incorporate their perspectives and wisdom.
Footnotes
Acknowledgment
The authors wish to thank Dr. David McDonald for his contributions to this project.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
