Managing Family Conflict Over Career Decisions

Abstract

Conflict over career decisions is a main source of intergenerational conflict among Asian American families. This qualitative study explored the topic using consensual qualitative research methodology in a sample of eight Asian Americans. Results indicated that participants experienced feelings of guilt and indebtedness due to conflicting values, traditions, and expectations. Most participants dealt with parental disapproval regarding their career choice by seeking advice from friends and relatives. Participants employed many strategies to earn approval such as educating parents about their chosen career, seeking honors, and compromising between personal desires and parental expectations. Implications for career counseling and research are discussed.

Keywords

Asian Americans career decision intergenerational family conflict consensual qualitative research

Making a career decision is considered a critical task in youth identity development. In Western culture, career decision is considered to be a marker of self-concept (Super, 1990); while in Asian cultures, it is considered a family matter (Leong, Kao, & Lee, 2004; Tang, Fouad & Smith, 1999). These distinctions also reflect different value systems and socialization experiences between individualist and collectivist societies, which promote autonomy or group harmony, respectively. Familial influence often entails making decisions that are congruent with family expectations (Fiske, Kitayama, Markus, & Nisbett, 1998). At times, career issues become a main source of conflict in Asian American families, especially when fulfillment of personal interests contradicts with pleasing the family (Tsai-Chae & Nagata, 2008). The focus of the present study is to explore strategies to manage intergenerational conflict regarding career decisions among Asian American families.

Previous literature has described that intergenerational family conflict is common among Asian American families (Lee & Liu, 2001; Lee, Su, & Yoshida, 2005). Conflict between adolescents and their parents is deemed a normal part of the developmental course as the child seeks to gain autonomy and separate from his or her parents. However, for Asian American families, the important component of the conflict lies in the difference in cultural values between immigrant parents and their children. Children of immigrant families are likely to assimilate to the mainstream culture at a faster rate than their immigrant parents (Lan, 2002). Asian American children are more likely to adopt Western values of independence and self-determination, which contradict traditional Asian values of interdependence and obedience to parents (Lee & Liu, 2001; Ying, 1999). When it comes to making major life decisions, such as selecting a career, Asian American children may deem it as an autonomous process; whereas their parents may want to direct their children to choices that are beneficial to the family as a whole. Tension often arises, as Asian American children try to navigate the competing cultural values and demands (Fouad et al., 2008). Their difficulty in meeting parental expectations may provoke disappointment and increased conflict in the family.

Conflict over career decision is also linked to Asian immigrant parental preferences for careers that yield prestige and financial security, as opposed to careers that represent personal interests and skills. Therefore, career fields such as business, engineering/technology, or medicine are commonly seen as more acceptable choices and are highly encouraged (Goyette & Xie, 1999; Tang et al., 1999). This occupational emphasis is representative of common immigrant mentality—the desire for their children to move upward in the socioeconomic ladder and improve their social standing in the society (Louie, 2001). Asian immigrant parents may assume that only certain careers can lead their children to success, due to the lack of readily available information on careers available in the U.S. Asian American children, on the other hand, may be exposed to a wider range of career options and believe that there are multiple paths to a promising future (Lee & Liu, 2001). An important aspect to note is that familial preference toward certain career choices, in itself, does not necessarily result in conflict. Leong, Hardin, and Gupta (2012) explain that Asian American youth with a high interdependent sense of self are likely to select a career that is consistent with familial wishes, and that in so doing, they are, in fact, implementing their self-concept. In other words, fulfillment of parental expectation does not always equate to personal sacrifice.

It was indicated that Asian American and Chinese students are more likely to compromise with their parents if there is a conflicting view on career choice; whereas Caucasian Americans are more likely to make their own choice (Tang, 2002). In addition, in their study on Asian American career development, Fouad et al. (2008) found that some of the participants spoke about the hope for parental approval of their career choice, even later in life. The act of compromising and the desire to obtain parental approval, in many ways, is linked to family obligation, rather than career immaturity or an inability to make autonomous decisions (Leong & Hardin, 2002; Ma & Yeh, 2005). Fouad et al. (2008) note that in Asian American families, the career decision-making process represents “a collectivistic orientation that emphasizes family responsibility and obligations to one another” (p. 54). Kao (1995) further explains that the Asian American parent–child relationship often entails a reciprocal sense of duty. Parents have the duty to look after their children’s well-being and offer guidance throughout their lifetime, and children have the responsibility to perform well in school and to bring honor to the family. Asian American children perceive academic achievement and career success as ways to repay their parents’ sacrifice during their migration journey (Louie, 2001). Hence, it is especially difficult for Asian American children to pursue career paths that violate parental wishes, as it signifies failure to fulfill their obligations as sons and daughters (Yee, Su, Kim, &Yancura, 2009).

The presence of intergenerational family conflict has been related to psychological distress and somatic symptoms for Asian American college students (Lee et al., 2005). In addition, it was found that as intergenerational family conflict increases, Chinese American youth are more likely to be indecisive about their career choices. This is because Chinese American youth are unclear about how to negotiate parental expectations with their own career interests and, therefore, are unable to make a decision (Ma & Yeh, 2005). Since the negative impact of family conflict has been demonstrated, researchers have begun to investigate effective coping strategies utilized by Asian Americans (Lee et al., 2005). Lee, Su, and Yoshida (2005) reported that Asian American college students are likely to seek social support when family conflict was perceived to be high because this strategy protects against negative outcome. When family conflict is low, problem-solving coping is more effective, as it is seemingly more controllable. However, it is unclear how Asian Americans manage career-related family conflict beyond college years. In addition, while both social support seeking and problem-solving coping were found to be effective coping mechanisms (Lee et al., 2005), there has been a lack of research on specific strategies that help to resolve the conflict with their family.

Present Research

The cultural differences in identity development between U.S. and Asian societies pose a challenge for career counselors and mental health professionals in servicing Asian American clients, who seek help in negotiating career-related family conflict, especially if counselors adopt a more Western viewpoint and believe that one’s career should be a personal choice (Lowe, 2005). At times, counselors may struggle with the urge to advise their clients to either “follow your heart” or “honor your parents.” While previous career development literature has identified this issue, few studies have explored the phenomenon in depth (Fouad et al., 2008). More specifically, there are limited studies documenting career development from the perspective of Asian American adults (Fouad et al., 2008). Most of the research on Asian American career development tends to focus on the experience of youth and college students since that is the age group when career decision is most salient (e.g., Okubo, Yeh, Lin, Fujita, & Shea, 2007; Tang, 2002). Similarly, past literature on family conflict among Asian American families, also, was based on college students’ self-reports (Lee et al., 2005; Tsai-Chae & Nagara, 2008). Hence, the present authors seek to understand the experience of Asian American adults who have dealt with career-related family conflict in order to glean further insight into effective strategies used to manage this conflict and help counselors to develop a culturally responsive intervention strategy.

In order to gain an in-depth understanding of this culturally based conflict in career development, the authors believe that a qualitative approach would be most appropriate for this study, as it would afford greater understanding of the individualized coping responses and resources used that were deemed to be effective. A consensual qualitative research (CQR; Hill et al., 2005; Hill, Thompson & Williams, 1997) method was chosen, which employs the use of multiple researchers to reach agreement on the themes derived from the interview data. An independent auditor later checked the consensus version of the results and offered feedback. This method has been used in several studies on Asian American samples (e.g., Fouad et al., 2008; Inman, Howard, Beaumont & Walker, 2007; Okubo et al., 2007).

Research Purpose

The current study investigated intergenerational family conflict regarding career decisions in an Asian American sample. The goal was to explore reasons for career-related conflicts, the psychological impact of dealing with conflicts, effective strategies to manage the conflict, resources used, and outcomes of their career decision.

Method

Participants

A total of eight Asian American adults (six female and two male) between the ages of 24 and 39 years, participated in this study. The authors specifically recruited participants less than 40 years of age in order to ensure that their experience of making a career decision was a relatively recent event (Hill et al., 1997). Their ethnic backgrounds included three Asian Indian Americans, two Taiwanese Americans, one Chinese American, one Japanese American, and one Filipino American. Seven participants identified themselves as first generation (born in another country), and one participant reported to be the second generation (born in the United States to first-generation parents). Their current occupations included cosmetologist, corporate trainer, pastor, actor, auditor, research assistant, food safety and quality assurance inspector, and counseling psychology doctoral student. All of the participants have been in their current career fields for at least 1 year. All of them reported that the conflict with their family began during their college years or soon after.

Interview Protocol

A semistructured interview format was used as the main method of inquiry. This method allows participants to present their story from their perspectives. The interview questions were developed based on a review of literature on Asian American career development (e.g., Fouad et al., 2008; Leong & Gupta, 2007). Additional probe questions were used to further explore the participants’ experiences.

The interview questions included the following areas: (a) how the participants decided on their chosen careers, (b) family members’ reactions to their career choice, (c) participant’s feelings around the conflict, (d) how participants negotiated competing cultural values, (e) past and current relationship with family members, (f) coping strategies used to manage the conflict, including resources utilized, (g) outcome of their career decisions, and (h) advice for others in the same situation. A list of standard interview questions is presented in Table 1.

Table 1.

List of Standard Interview Questions.

Item number	Items
1	What career field are you currently in right now?
2	How did you decide on what to do as a career?
3	What was your family’s reaction to your career decision? (Probe question: Explore if different family members have different reaction)
4	How did you feel when you were in the midst of this conflict with your family?
5	How have you dealt with this conflict?
6	What types of help have you sought during the process of family conflict?
7	What cultural issues do you think might be contributing to the different point of view between you and your family?
8	How does your family view your career at this point? (Probe questions: How is your current relationship with your family? Do you feel that the conflict has been resolved?)
9	How do you feel about your current chosen career?
10	What advice do you have for others who are dealing with the same issue with their family?

Researchers

The research team consisted of one Taiwanese American counseling psychologist (faculty), two Asian Indian Americans, one European American, and one Hispanic/European American. The faculty member was responsible for conducting all of the interviews. The research assistants included three master’s level counseling and clinical psychology students and one undergraduate psychology student. They served the roles of raters and auditors for the study. All of the research assistants have had prior coursework in multicultural or cross-cultural psychology and have some understanding of cultural issues faced by Asian Americans.

Before reading the transcripts, each research assistant documented his or her biases on the topic of the study (Hill et al., 1997, 2005). The research assistants who had dealt with familial disapproval of their chosen field of study were cognizant that their own experience may influence the interpretation of the data. They, also, were aware of possible emotional reactions when reading the content of the transcripts, such as sadness and frustration. In addition, the research assistants were aware of their bias toward autonomous decision making, which is rooted in an individualistic framework. This value may conflict with the collectivistic orientation in the participants’ cultures. In order to minimize the potential impact of these biases, discussions were implemented throughout the data analysis process.

Procedures

Participants were recruited from Asian American professional organization LISTSERVE and individual referrals. The recruitment e-mail included a link to a brief online questionnaire to determine the respondents’ eligibility to participate. The inclusion criteria are Asian American adults between 20 and 40 years of age, who are currently employed and have been in the workforce for more than 1 year and who have experienced conflict with family members for their career choice. Of the 12 respondents, 8 met the inclusion criteria and agreed to be interviewed for the study.

While having eight participants seems to be a small sample size, it, actually, is within the recommended range of 8–15 for CQR studies (Hill et al., 1997, 2005). This sample size, also, is consistent with several studies using CQR method, published in the past decade (e.g., Okubo et al., 2007; Schaefer, Friedlander, Blustein, & Maruna, 2004; Sue, Torino, Capodilupo, Rivera, & Lin, 2009). In addition, it was noted that a larger sample size may be unnecessary because additional cases may not add more to the data (Hill et al., 1997).

All of the interviews were conducted by the faculty member over the telephone and audiorecorded for the purpose of transcription and data analysis. Prior to the start of the interviews, informed consent was obtained via e-mail. At the beginning of each interview, participants were reassured that their participation will be voluntary and that their confidentiality will be preserved. They, also, were given the opportunity to ask any questions about the study. The interviews were between 30 and 50 min in duration. Upon completion of the interview, participants were given a US$25 gift certificate as a token of appreciation.

Data Analysis

Research assistants (three raters and one external auditor) were trained to use the CQR method (Hill et al., 2005) of data analysis. The CQR method involves the following steps:

Development of domains and categories: The three research assistants read each transcript independently and, subsequently, met during scheduled research team meetings to discuss the codes. The meetings began with deciding on domains (the broad topic areas; e.g., reasons for disapproval) that represent the content of each interview. In order for a domain to be established as a final code, the research assistants deliberated in a collaborative manner until consensus was reached.

Construction of core ideas (summary statement): One research assistant summarized the statements to capture the essence of each domain from each transcript. The team met to discuss the wording of each core ideas until consensus was reached.

Auditing: One external auditor determined whether or not the interview data were being coded in the correct domain and whether the core ideas accurately represented the participants’ responses. The auditor provided feedback to the research team. The team reviewed the suggestions and made necessary modifications.

Cross-analysis: This step involves bringing all of the transcripts together to assess the consistency across all cases. Domains and core ideas were compared across all cases. The team examined all of the core ideas within each domain and determined a set of categories within each domain. For example, in some cases, participants’ responses to a particular question involved several specific characteristics, such as “career stability, career opportunities, and financial prospects.” Instead of keeping all of these as separate categories, they were combined to create the category of “practical issues” under the domain of “reasons for disapproval.” The team met to discuss a final set of categories under each domain. The development of each domain and category was determined by assigning a label of general, typical, variant, or rare (see Table 2 for details).

Final auditing: An external auditor checked on the validity of the work and provided feedback to the cross-analysis. Feedback was incorporated into the final version of the cross-analysis (Hill et al., 2005).

Table 2.

Domains and Categories of Eight Cases and Classification.

Domain and category/subcategory	Number of cases	Classification
Disapproval
1. Practical issues (such as career stability, career opportunities, and financial prospects)	7	General
2. Lack of knowledge from parents	5	Typical
3. Family and cultural traditions and values	6	Typical
a. Differing views of status	2	Variant
4. Gender roles	2	Variant
5. Parental expectation (living out their dream through kids)	5	Typical
6. Family experiences	5	Typical
Forms of conflict
1. Open conflict	5	Typical
2. Subtle/passive conflict	1	Rare
Reactions to disapproval
1. Feelings of guilt/indebtedness	4	Variant
2. Avoidance	3	Variant
Dealing with disapproval
1. Support system
a. Friends/relatives	5	Typical
b. Mentor/role models	2	Variant
2. Compromising between parents and child’s career desires	5	Typical
3. Understanding parent’s perspective	2	Variant
Attaining approval
1. Honors/awards	3	Variant
2. Jobs/monetary	3	Variant
3. Educating parents	6	Typical
4. Support from outside sources/talking to parents	3	Variant
5. Pursuing higher education	3	Variant
Level of acceptance (by parents regarding child’s decision)
1. Approval with concerns	4	Variant
2. Approval with no concerns	3	Variant
3. No approval	1	Rare
Advice for other individuals in their situation
1. Helping parents understand career choice	3	Variant
2. Incorporating parental input and personal desires	5	Typical
3. Pursuing personal career interests	3	Variant
4. Understanding parents point of view	1	Rare

Note. The categories and subcategories were labeled as general if it applied to all or all but one (7–8) cases, typical if it applied to more than half of the cases (5–6), variant if it applied to 2 to 4 cases, and rare if it applied to only a single case (Hill et al., 2005).

Results

After completing the analysis, domains and categories were created. See Table 2 for details.

Reasons for Disapproval

This domain was created to capture parental disapproval reportedly experienced by the participants. Based on the participants’ descriptions of their experiences, researchers created six categories. It is vital to keep in mind the cultural contexts that can come into play with the Asian American population. As one may hypothesize, regardless of ethnicity, parents or parental figures would express concern about career stability and financial prospects. This was the case for a majority of the participants. The following quote describes a typical experience among the participants:

Specifically during that time, computer science was really big, and so, my parents were really wanting me to go into computer science just because they knew it was kind of a lucrative business, there’s a lot of job opportunity. I came from a hometown where most people there were engineers, so, my parents really wanted me to go into more of that engineering/computer science world, and I wasn’t as sure about that. I was more interested in psychology and—My parents really wanted me to pursue one career; whereas, I wanted to be doing psychology…they were worried that psychology wouldn’t be a good fit, and there wasn’t much pay in it. They really pushed me hard to go into computer science. So, for a while, I was in computer science, for about a semester and a half. I was kind of pursing that line for a little while…took a couple of classes, started that, and it was not a good fit. I hated every moment of it.

In addition, participants felt that if their parents had more knowledge about the specific careers, then they would not be as disapproving. Since all of the participants were identified as bicultural, Asian, and American, they felt that traditional and cultural notions surrounding career choices were other factors of disapproval. Furthermore, the concept of status-driven careers weighed heavier with the eastern mentality of their parents, over the western job satisfaction notion. Many participants indicated that their parents pushed for certain careers because their parents never had the opportunities to pursue those careers, or because everyone within the family unit was in the same field. This, also, tied into the category of “family experiences.” Several participants indicated that their parents, immigrants to the United States, did not want their children to experience the same struggles and obstacles as they did and, therefore, encouraged them to pursue careers that would result in financial gains.

Reactions to Disapproval

This domain provided insight into the psychological impact caused by conflicts with and lack support from parents for certain career/life decisions. Therefore, it was not surprising when participants reported that their response was avoidance of their parents or the career topic with them. However, it was interesting that several participants indicated feelings of guilt or indebtedness. On further discussion, it was discovered that since parents invested time and money in their education, the participants felt that they owed their parents, creating feelings of indebtedness. Participants indicated feeling guilty because they felt as though they were abandoning the collectivist mind-set and choosing to pursue careers based on the individualistic mentality, which may be interpreted as a kind of loyalty conflict.

I think—I feel guilty because I want to do what my parents taught me to do; but, at the same time, I want to do things my way, and my way isn’t necessarily wrong. And so, I think that makes me feel guilty because I want to please everybody, especially my parents. They sacrificed so much in their lives for me, for my brothers; so, it’s natural for me to want to give that back to them and do what they say. But, if -- I kind of have to walk the fine line of trying to make myself happy and make them happy as well.

Dealing With Disapproval

Participants described initial ways of coping with the conflict with their parents. Several participants turned to other friends, relatives, and role models for support. It was interesting to note that some participants stated that trying to understand the parent’s perspective and, then, trying to find a middle ground and compromise, helped them deal with the disapproval.

I think I was okay with not wanting to do a career in art because I know that it’s not stable. The steadiness is that’s what I want—something that is stable. I still perform and do the things that I like to do—the arts, artsy things. I do it as a hobby now, rather than a career. If someone wants to buy something of mine, that’s fine, too.

Attaining Approval

When the participants were questioned about the means by which they attempted to attain approval from their parents, a majority of them described that taking the time to educate their parents about the chosen career helped their parents understand the function of the job. Others suggested that being recognized within the career with awards or promotions, also, proved to the parents that stability and growth were possible. For many parents, it seemed that seeing concrete evidence of prosperity was an indication of success. A few participants stated that pursuing higher education proved to their parents their seriousness to excel within the field. Finally, there were some participants who had outside sources, such as friends, relatives, or those within the field, talk to their parents in order to demonstrate the possible success afforded by such career choices.

Levels of Acceptance (by Parent Regarding Child’s Decision)

After everything the participants described their experiences, some still indicated that their parents did not accept their career choice. For those participants whose parents did accept, they still expressed concern from time to time. The rest of the participants stated that their parents fully accepted their career choice, after they found a way to attain their approval.

Advice for Other Individuals in Their Situation

It was vital to ask for the recommendations these participants had for those who may be experiencing similar conflicts with their parents. A majority of the participants mentioned the importance of incorporating parental input with personal desires. Some participants suggested pursuing personal career interests and educating and helping parents understand their career choice.

…I would probably tell them to go with, go with their heart, follow your dreams. Not to sound cliché or anything, but I would advise them to find a fine line between what their parents want and what they want. Find harmony in that because if one girl wants to go ahead and be something completely different than what her parents expect her to, it’s definitely going to cause some discord, and you don’t want that because in the end, you’ll end up feeling unhappy, too. I know, especially in Asian culture, it doesn’t matter if you are raised here…or if you’re born and raised somewhere else, it’s always the same: family comes first, but at the same time, you need to do what right for you, too, as long as the decisions you make are practical, and they don’t hurt anybody. That’s my advice.

Discussion

This study explored the experiences of Asian Americans faced with familial disapproval over their career decisions. Consistent with previous literature (Evanoski & Tse, 1989; Louie, 2001; Tang et al., 1999), findings indicated that disapproval stems from reasons such as concerns for financial prospect and stability, parents’ lack of knowledge in various career options, and cultural values favoring certain fields, such as medicine and science. Additionally, parents' own experiences, such as lack of opportunity in their home country and difficulty associated with immigration, are primary factors found to underlie parental preferences for certain career choices for their children. The participants’ responses emphasized parental expectation—and children’s obligation to carry out parents’ dreams. Family conflict arose when parents were disappointed that their children failed to comply with their wishes.

One common emotion reported to have been experienced when dealing with this conflict was a sense of guilt and indebtedness. These feelings are rooted in Asian values of filial piety—a child’s duty to respect and conform to the wishes of parents and care for them in old age (Hayashino & Chopra, 2009). Because filial piety provides family cohesion and strengthens the support network, children may experience shame and guilt when they fail to fulfill family obligations (Hayashino & Chopra, 2009; Hsu, 1983). Feelings of guilt, coupled with increased intergenerational family conflict, can contribute to symptoms of depression (Yee et al., 2009). None of the participants spontaneously reported experiencing depressed mood while dealing with this conflict since this question was not asked explicitly. However, findings imply that family conflict was a great source of psychological distress for the participants.

These findings provide further supportive evidence for the tenet that for Asian Americans, career decision is often grounded in family and cultural contexts (Fouad et al., 2008; Ma & Yeh, 2010). This differs from an individualistic framework, which mainly focuses on one’s exploration of interests and abilities in narrowing down certain career choices (Super, 1990). The core of the intergenerational family conflict stemmed from the participants’ exploring their own interests and arriving at a decision that differs from their parents’ wishes. The participants in this study did not simply forge their own paths when conflict occurred. Rather, they engaged in a long process of negotiation and worked on addressing parents’ concerns. All of the participants in this study were able to pursue their own goals, some with modification based on parental input. They, also, demonstrated an understanding of their parents’ viewpoint relating to practical concerns (e.g., “Can you make money being an actor?”), and yet, each of them developed their own strategies to balance the tight rope of personal happiness and familial obligation.

A majority of the participants described that, eventually, they were able to obtain approval from their parents, although some parents still have lingering concerns. In the same vein, their relationship with their parents has improved over the years as they worked on establishing themselves in their chosen field. Some even described that their parents are proud of their achievement. All of the participants reported being satisfied with their current career decision. One of the main advantages of interviewing Asian American adults who have dealt with this issue in years past is that there was enough of a time lapse between the first occurrence of family conflict and the later time when they had established themselves in their chosen fields. Therefore, they were able to describe the process of how the conflict was resolved. Moreover, they had some time and space to reflect on the conflict. At the time of the interview, they were able to look back and provide their insights and understanding of the matter and articulate what they have learned from their experience.

Strategies to Manage Career-Related Family Conflict

In this study, none of the participants mentioned the use of counseling centers for career counseling professionals during the onset of the family conflict. Instead, they sought out support from friends who had similar experiences, mentors in their fields of interest, or trusted family members and relatives. This finding is consistent with the results from the qualitative study conducted by Okubo, Yeh, Lin, Fujita, and Shea (2007) with the Chinese American youth sample. Because of the strong emphasis on interdependence in Asian cultures, literature on Asian American coping points out that Asian Americans tend to use social support as a main source of coping (Inman & Yeh, 2007). They, also, tend to underutilize mental health services when coping with mental health problems (Rhee, 2009). Lee et al. (2005) further indicated that social support serves as a protector when family conflict is high among Asian American families, because seeking social support provides a more indirect method of alleviating the stress associated with conflict. One aspect to point out is the importance of connecting with others with shared experiences. In a career intervention group study, Chinese immigrant youth overwhelmingly reported that the most helpful aspect of the intervention was the group format and the opportunity to connect and receive support from their peers on critical career and developmental issues (Shea, Ma, Yeh, Lee, & Pituc, 2009).

Some of the participants reported that they tried to compromise and arrive at a middle ground when there is a gap between what their parents desire for them versus what they want. Compromising, in this instance, does not necessarily mean letting go of the individual’s interest. For each participant, the “middle-ground” came in different forms, such as working in the field that parents desire for several years before pursuing personal interests or trying to insert personal interests in a practical career. They took the time to negotiate with their parents; sometimes that meant making “joint decisions” and taking in useful parental input to resolve conflicts. This finding is consistent with Lowe’s (2009) suggestion of exploring both personal and collective interests and figuring out if there is a possibility to fulfill expectations on both sides. To take it a step further, one may conceptualize the process of negotiation that these participants described as parallel with their struggle with bicultural conflict—the conflict between the value orientations of individualism and collectivism (Lowe, 2009). In many ways, the participants’ ability to meet the opposing demands of two cultures demonstrates their bicultural competence (LaFromboise, Coleman, & Gerton, 1993).

Another strategy that facilitated parents’ eventual approval of participants’ career decisions was through addressing parental concerns—namely, questions about financial stability and social status of that career. Participants worked on establishing themselves in their chosen field and demonstrated that they can be employed with stable financial reward. Some also pursued advanced master’s and doctoral degrees to bring honor to the family. As described by Lowe (2009), doing so satisfies the parental value of high achievement in education while still allowing one to stay in the field that is of interest to them.

Educating parents about their career choices was one of the most effective strategies that participants employed to obtain approval from their parents. Oftentimes, parental disapproval of a career comes from lack of knowledge of a specific field. A related concern is their parents not knowing enough about the employment prospects and prestige of that career in the United States. Participants reported having spent some time describing and explaining their chosen field to their parents. They demonstrated their case through conversations, inviting parents on business trips, or even soliciting help from outside sources—such as a trusted relative with knowledge of that career—to advocate for them. This approach is in accordance with the literature on career awareness programs for Asian immigrant parents (Evanoski & Tse, 1989). It was found that workshops with the components of bilingual role models in various occupational fields and bilingual career information materials helped Chinese and Korean immigrant parents become better informed about new occupations and employment outlooks for their children (Evanoski & Tse, 1989). Similarly, though our participants did not have access to such programs, their career education for their parents helped earn increased parental support.

Limitations

Limitations of this study should be noted. The first and, perhaps, the most obvious limitation is the small sample size. As the sample was comprised of only eight participants, caution should be exercised in generalizing the results. It is important to keep in mind, however, that this sample size is within the recommended range of 8–15 participants as required for the CQR method (Hill et al., 1997). Another limitation of this study is sampling bias. As the sample was not randomly chosen, there could be systematic differences between those who chose to participate in the study and those who did not. For example, it is likely that those who participated were individuals who were eager, or at the very least, comfortable talking about their career and family conflict. It is also possible that those who were dealing with the family conflict using avoidant coping strategies would not have participated in the study. Therefore, this study does not capture the full spectrum of adjustment to familial conflict.

Interestingly, the entire sample consisted of individuals who, in the end, made their career decisions based mostly on personal interest, with some compromise. Indeed, there are those who solely follow family expectations that are not captured in this research. Hence, the results found here do not fully represent the experiences of those who chose to follow family expectations. Perhaps with a larger sample size, we could possibly capture the experience of these individuals. Finally, in understanding and applying these results to Asian Americans, the context of the study must be kept in mind. This study attempted to understand the experiences of Asian Americans as a whole. Although there may be many commonalities among Asian Americans, as they are a heterogeneous group with varying beliefs and values, within-group differences are quite likely. This study only provides an overall picture of the group. Therefore, caution should be exercised when applying these results to specific cultural subgroups.

Implications for Counseling

Despite the limitations, this study contributes to an understanding of Asian Americans’ experiences of career conflict with family members. Using a qualitative research method, the findings of this study allow career counselors and mental health counselors to work more effectively with the Asian American population on their career concerns by pointing to particular issues and effective strategies that may facilitate effective career decision making and conflict resolution with their parents.

First, these findings highlight the need to incorporate a culturally responsive approach in career counseling for Asian American clients. Specifically, counselors should educate themselves about the cultural and familial factors influencing the career decisions of Asian Americans, particularly cultural values, traditions, and expectations (Ma & Yeh, 2005; Okubo et al., 2007). When an Asian American client expresses tension in the family due to different views about careers, counselors should be mindful not to impose individualistic values and negate contextual influences (Fouad et al., 2008; Ma & Yeh, 2010). Lowe (2005) suggests implementing a collectivistic approach in career counseling with Asian Americans, such as exploring parental involvement and family obligation in their counseling sessions. In fact, counselors were rated more culturally competent when they incorporated collectivist value orientations than those who used individualist approaches (Lowe, 2005).

In line with the collectivistic orientation, it is important for counselors to approach the topics of “guilt” with sensitivity. Many Asian American clients may feel that they are abandoning their family by choosing their career path. Their sense of indebtedness is grounded in Asian parent–child relationships and their reaction to parent’s sacrifice during their migration journey. Exploration of clients’ feelings should come from an understanding of client’s cultural orientation and family dynamics. Counselors who view the problem simply as a result of a child’s difficulty to separate and individuate from parents would negate the cultural context in which the clients live and, possibly, alienate Asian American clients.

At times, clients dealing with parental disapproval of their career may feel that they are stuck in an either/or situation—either they follow their parents’ advise but become unhappy, or they assert their own goals but sacrifice the family relationship. The results of this study point out that the solution to the problem does not have to be an either/or scenario. It does, however, take some time, possibly years, to resolve family conflict over career matters. It is possible to seek a middle ground and make certain compromises without giving up their own desired career. There, also, are multiple ways that the client can address parental concerns, as outlined in the results of our interviews.

Counselors can help clients expand their network of social support, since many participants in the study indicated seeking social support as a means of dealing with disapproval. One important coping strategy that our study’s participants emphasized was talking to people who have gone through similar experiences. Counselors can facilitate such an experience by organizing workshops or support groups catered to Asian Americans struggling with career and family issues (Shea, Ma, & Yeh, 2007). A school-based mentoring program (Yeh, Ching, Okubo, & Luthar, 2007) connecting clients with others who have dealt with this issue in the past (e.g., an alumni), also, may help to normalize their experience and empower them in their career decision-making process.

Finally, results draw attention to the importance of career education workshops for immigrant parents to learn about the wide range of occupational opportunities in the United States. Such programs may be school- or community-based and should be offered in various languages in accordance with the predominant ethnic population in the area. Evanoski & Tse (1989) pointed out that a key component of such a program is to invite bilingual speakers of similar cultural background and who are successful in various fields to serve as role models. These speakers could use both their knowledge and prestige in the community to inform parents about the education and training requirement, job description, and salary prospects of a specific career.

Future Research Directions

In light of the findings of this study, the above are interventions that hold promise. However, more empirical research is needed on the effectiveness of mentoring programs or support groups centered on career development issues for Asian Americans. Given that all of the participants started experiencing career-related conflict with their family during or soon after their college years, the authors suggest that future research explore the issue of whether or not the availability of such services to college students may reduce their level of conflict with their parents and/or reduce the level of distress associated with the conflict.

It, also, would be helpful to explore and understand specific strategies that Asian Americans used to deal with other forms of intergenerational conflict. For example, conflict around marriage decisions or women’s gender roles due to different cultural values. Future research in this area would provide more information for counselors to effectively work with Asian American clients in dealing with distress associated with being bicultural.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

References

Evanoski

P. O.

Tse

F. W.

(1989). Career awareness program for Chinese and Korean parents. Journal of Counseling and Development, 67, 472–474. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6676.1989.tb02120.x

Fiske

A. P.

Kitayama

Markus

H. R.

Nisbett

R. E.

(1998). The cultural matrix of social psychology. In Gilbert

D. T.

Fiske

S. T.

Lindzey

(Eds.), The handbook of social psychology (4th ed., Vol. 2, pp. 915–981). New York, NY: John Wiley.

Fouad

Kantamneni

Smothers

M. K.

Chen

Y.-L.

Fitzpatrick

Terry

(2008). Asian American career development: A qualitative analysis. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 72, 43–59. doi:10.1016/j.jvb.2007.10.002

Goyette

Xie

(1999). Educational expectations of Asian American youths: Determinants and ethnic differences. Sociology of Education, 72, 22–36. doi:10.2307/2673184

Hayashino

D. S.

Chopra

S. B.

(2009). Parenting and raising families. In Tewari

Alvarez

A. N.

(Eds.),Asian American psychology: Current perspectives (pp. 317–336). New York, NY: Taylor & Francis Group.

Hill

C. E.

Knox

Thompson

B. J.

Williams

E. N.

Hess

S. A.

Ladany

(2005). Consensual qualitative research: An update. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 196–205. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.52.2.196

Hill

C. E.

Thompson

B. J.

Williams

E. N.

(1997). A guide to conducting consensual qualitative research. The Counseling Psychologist, 25, 517–572. doi:10.1177/0011000097254001

Hsu

(1983). Asian family interaction patterns and their therapeutic implications. International Journal of Family Psychiatry, 4, 307–320.

Inman

A. G.

Howard

E. E.

Beaumont

R. L.

Walker

J. A.

(2007). Cultural transmission: Influence of contextual factors in Asian Indian immigrant parents’ experiences. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 54, 93–100. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.54.1.93

10.

Inman

A. G.

Yeh

(2007). Stress and coping. In Leong

F. T. L.

Inman

A. G.

Ebreo

Yang

Kinoshita

(Eds.), Handbook of Asian American psychology (pp. 323–340). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

11.

Kao

(1995). Asian Americans as model minorities? A look at their academic performance. American Journal of Education, 103, 121–159. doi:10.1086/444094

12.

LaFromboise

Coleman

H. L. K.

Gerton

(1993). Psychological impact of biculturalism: Evidence and theory. Psychological Bulletin, 114, 395–412. doi:10.1037/0033-2909.114.3.395

13.

Lan

P.-C.

(2002). Subcontracting filial piety: Elders care in ethnic Chinese immigrant families Journal of Family Issues, 23, 812–835. doi:10.1177/019251302236596

14.

Lee

R. M.

Liu

H. T.

(2001). Coping with intergenerational family conflict: Comparison of Asian American, Hispanic, and European American college students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 48, 410–419. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.48.4.410

15.

Lee

R. M.

Yoshida

(2005). Coping with intergenerational family conflict among Asian American college students. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 52, 389–399. doi:10.1037/0022-0167.52.3.389

16.

Leong

F. T. L.

Gupta

(2007). Career development and vocational behaviors of Asian Americans. In Leong

F. T. L.

Inman

A. G.

Ebreo

Yang

L. H.

Kinoshita

(Eds.), Handbook of Asian American psychology (2nd ed., pp. 159–178). Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage.

17.

Leong

F. T. L.

Hardin

E. E.

(2002). Career psychology of Asian Americans: Cultural validity and cultural specify. In Hall

G. C. N.

Okazaki

(Eds.), Asian American psychology: The science of lives in context (pp. 131–152). Washington, DC: American Psychological Association.

18.

Leong

F. T. L.

Hardin

E. E.

Gupta

(2012). A cultural formulation approach to career assessment and career counseling with Asian American clients. Journal of Career Development, 37, 465–486. doi:10.1177/0894845310363808

19.

Leong

F. T. L.

Kao

E. M.

Lee

(2004). The relationship between family dynamics and career interests among Chinese Americans and European Americans. Journal of Career Assessment, 12, 65–84. doi:10.1177/1069072703257734

20.

Louie

(2001). Parents’ aspirations and investment: The role of social class in the educational experience of 1.5-and second-generation Chinese Americans. Harvard Educational Review, 71, 438–474.

21.

Lowe

S. M.

(2005). Integrating collectivistic values into career counseling with Asian Americans: A test of cultural responsiveness. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 33, 134–145. doi:10.1002/j.2161-1912.2005.tb00012.x

22.

Lowe

S. M.

(2009). A frank discussion on Asian Americans and their academic and career development. In Tewari

Alvarez

A. N.

(Eds.), Asian American psychology: Current perspectives (pp. 295–316). New York, NY: Taylor & Francis Group.

23.

P.-W.

Yeh

C. J.

(2005). Factors influencing the career decision status of Chinese American youths. Career Development Quarterly. 53, 337–347. doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.2005.tb00664.x

24.

P.-W.

Yeh

C. J.

(2010). Individual and familial factors influencing the educational and career plans of Chinese immigrant youths. Career Development Quarterly, 58, 230–245.doi:10.1002/j.2161-0045.2010.tb00189.x

25.

Okubo

Yeh

C. J.

Lin

P.-Y.

Fujita

Shea

J. M.-Y.

(2007). The career decision-making process of Chinese American youth. Journal of Counseling & Development, 85, 440–449. doi:10.1002/j.1556-6678.2007.tb00612.x

26.

Rhee

(2009). The impact of immigration and acculturation on the mental health of Asian Americans: Overview of epidemiology and clinical implications. In Trinh

N.-H.

Rho

Sanders

K. M.

(Eds.), Handbook of mental health and acculturation in Asian American families (pp. 81–98). New York, NY: Humana Press.

27.

Schaefer

B. M.

Friedlander

M. L.

Blustein

D. L.

Maruna

(2004). The work lives of child molesters: A phenomenological perspective. Journal of Counseling Psychology, 51, 226–239. doi:10.1037/00220167.50.2.226.

28.

Shea

P.-W.

Yeh

C. J.

(2007). Development of a culturally specific career exploration group for urban Chinese immigrant youth. The Career Development Quarterly, 56, 62–73.

29.

Shea

P.-W.

Yeh

C. J.

Lee

Pituc

S. T.

(2009). Exploratory studies on the effects of a career exploration group for urban Chinese immigrant youth. Journal of Career Assessment, 17, 457–477. doi:10.1177/1069072709334246

30.

Sue

D. W.

Torino

Capodilupo

Rivera

Lin

(2009). How White faculty perceive and react to difficult dialogues on race: Implications for education and training. The Counseling Psychologist, 37, 1090–1115. doi:10.1177/0011000009340443

31.

Super

D. E.

(1990). A life-span, life-space approach to career development. In D. Brown, L. Brooks, & Associates (Eds.), Career choice and development: Applied contemporary theories to practice (2nd ed., pp. 197–261). San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

32.

Tang

(2002). A comparison of Asian American, Caucasian American, and Chinese college students: An initial report. Journal of Multicultural Counseling and Development, 30, 124–134. doi:10.1002/j.2161-1912.2002.tb00484.x

33.

Tang

Fouad

N. A.

Smith

P. L.

(1999). Asian Americans’ career choices: A path model to examine factors influencing their career choices. Journal of Vocational Behavior, 54, 142–157. doi:10.1006/jvbe.1998.1651

34.

Tsai-Chae

A. H.

Nagata

D. K.

(2008). Asian values and perceptions of intergenerational family conflict among Asian American students. Cultural Diversity and Ethnic Minority Psychology, 14, 205–214. doi:10.1037/1099-9809.14.3.205

35.

Yee

B. W. K.

Kim

S. Y.

Yancura

(2009). Asian American and Pacific Islander families. In Tewari

Alvarez

A. N.

(Eds.), Asian American psychology: Current perspectives (pp. 295–315). New York, NY: Taylor & Francis Group.

36.

Yeh

C. J.

Ching

A. M.

Okubo

Luthar

(2007). Description of a mentoring program for Chinese immigrant adolescents’ cultural adjustment. Adolescence, 42, 734–747.

37.

Ying

. (1999). Strengthening international/intercultural ties in migrant families: A new intervention for parents. Journal of Community Psychology, 27, 89–96. doi:10.1002/(SICI)1520-6629(199901)27:1<89::AID-JCOP6>3.0.CO;2-O