Career Development of Lower Social Class Adolescents in South Korea

Data collection

Data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The interviews were conducted at two time points (February 2015 and August 2015), lasted approximately 60–90 min, were audio recorded, and transcribed prior to data analysis. Transcripts were identified based on participants’ initials. Upon completion of each interview, participants were given a US$20 prepaid credit card. Immediately after the participants graduated from high school (February 2016), we contacted them by phone and gathered information on the status of their initial work and educational attainment, such as the outcome of their job search, admissions into college, and future plans.

Data analysis

All the collected data were analyzed according to the general procedure for qualitative data analysis that was suggested by Creswell (2013). Specifically, we summarized the contents as initial codings based on the constructs of the GSCM model, extracted the themes while we read all the transcriptions, read the transcriptions again with the themes list, and finally added it back to extract the themes. We repeated this procedure to complete the themes, which must be “mutually exclusive and exhaustive” (Crowley & Delfico, 1996, p. 20). We classified the themes into domains according to the guideline that no data should fall between two domains or be placed in more than one domain. To establish the trustworthiness and validity of the analysis, the research team followed the suggestions of Morrow (2005), such as self-reflection, searching for discrepant findings, and peer debriefing. For example, we utilized related SDSF documents for cross-checking any differences in academic aspirations and achievement from our interview with the participants. We also used self-reflection and a peer debriefer (i.e., an adolescent research specialist) to minimize biases and influences from researchers.

Familiarity with low standards

Participants had expectations of themselves based on what they observed in their everyday life, which were lower compared to those of higher class adolescents. For example, several students reported feeling comfortable and at ease living in their low-income neighborhood, and they believed they would continue to live in the area where they were raised. Due to financial strains, some participants hoped to earn money to support their families, yet no one mentioned the desire to get out of their community or to pursue a higher social class. Given the fact that the imbalanced regional development in South Korea became more exacerbated in recent years (Chung, 2015), these participants might not have been exposed to the higher living standards in the areas outside of where they have lived.

The neighborhood effect is also evident in their relationships with adults with whom they interact regularly. The career genogram of the participants revealed that most of those adults, except for maybe their teachers at school, did not receive higher education, did not have permanent full-time employment, and had daily part-time jobs. Only one participant indicated a relative with a full-time job and a college degree. Although the participants knew that there are better areas to live in and better jobs, they are familiar with their current environment, which gives them a sense of belonging and leads to the formation of a standard for their future.

Low expectations from significant others regarding academic and career achievement

Although students reported that their parents are always emotionally supportive, almost all students reported that their parents and teachers did not have high expectations for their academic and career achievement. This theme of low expectations is very uncommon in South Korea, which has an overall college enrollment rate of 69.8% (Ministry of Education, 2017). One of the major sources of stress for South Korean high school seniors is high expectations from their parents or others, and conflicts between parents and children are common during this final year of high school. In contrast, most participants did not feel any achievement pressure from their parents or teachers related to, for example, attending more prestigious universities or applying for better jobs. The lack of pressure and low expectations from those close to them made the participants feel comfortable at home and helped them have a relatively stress-free relationship with their parents, which is very different from the experiences of other high school seniors in South Korea. One participant shared a typical day during the summer vacation of his senior year: “I stay at home by myself every day and usually get up, have meals, watch TV, read books…(how about preparing for the CSAT?)…Surely, I do some drills with CSAT workbooks.”

Despite some positive influence, our numerical data revealed a negative effect of the lack of expectations from others—lower class students internalized these low expectations and put effort toward academic achievement. Indices of academic achievement, such as grade point average (GPA) and college scholastic ability test (CSAT) scores, had steadily decreased in the time between the two interviews for all participants except N.H. Two participants who had been preparing for college abruptly gave up taking the CSAT, and they did not encounter any objections at home. During this stressful year in high school, participants did not seem to find any external motivation to challenge themselves to get higher grades or CSAT scores or to attend better colleges.

Limited career and academic information

Participants in this study obtained limited career and academic information. Although students gained information from their school and teachers, we noted that the quality of vocational and educational information provided by schools depends on school rankings (in most cases, school rankings in South Korea are closely associated with the living costs of the location). Because participants on an academic track attended low-ranking high schools close to their home, they could not access helpful or critical information to explore careers and make educational and career decisions. Contrary to the observations of researchers, most students perceived that they obtained sufficient educational information through the Internet and their school. J.M. was searching for information about colleges, but he could not find adequate, specific information. However, he blamed himself and still believed his teacher had provided the most valuable information to him.

Ironically, some students became more active decision makers as they found that the information provided by schools is too general and limited. Although the information may not have been what they originally wanted, they tried to compromise based on what is available to them. For example, Y.K. actively contacted several teachers, sought available resources from them, and created a corresponding study plan. As a result, he was accepted into his desired college. Another participant, H.S., who was applying for college, expected his teacher to provide only basic information regarding college admission tracks. Therefore, instead of choosing the GPA track, which requires more support and information from the teacher, he chose the CSAT track, which does not require additional documentation other than taking the CSAT.

Similarly, access to and the quality of career exploration and job search information is limited in vocational high schools. Interestingly, although their schools did not provide enough career exploration, these schools offered information on available full-time jobs that teachers actively advised students to consider. J.A., who was seeking a full-time job, shared her satisfaction with a program arranged by her school. Yet, not everybody is excited about the arranged opportunity. C.D., who wanted to be a musician, did not have an opportunity to explore a music-related career, so he ended up securing an arranged job unrelated to music.

On the other hand, some participants who searched for job opportunities in academic high schools struggled and were not exposed to any career exploration related to their interests. H.W. and A.R., who originally wanted to find a job after graduating from high school, finally decided to enter a 2-year community college because of the limited information related to job searches.

Chronic underachievement in math and English

Almost all participants in this study reported longtime underachievement in mathematics and English since middle school or even elementary school. In addition, most participants did not like these two subjects. B.J. shared his negative experience related to English at school.

For a long time, I have had a lot of bad experiences with English. […] If I do something wrong during a (English) presentation, the teacher laughed at me, which I thought was inappropriate. And that kind of memory, you know, makes me want to avoid studying English. […] To be honest, I hate English more and more, but I have to use it, so I got stressed and that makes me hate it more.

Although they did not blame their parents for not helping them better prepare for these subjects, they reported limited academic assistance, if any, with math and English from their parents and/or their teachers. In South Korea, mathematics and English are very difficult subjects for students to master by themselves just from attending regular classes. Most South Korean parents arrange private tutoring or private after-school lessons for their children. However, lower class parents do not have enough financial resources or time to help their children succeed in school. S.W. wished he had opportunities for private tutoring.

If my parents had supported me to get privately tutored, though they experience financial difficulties, my score would have been definitely high. In cases of subjects like math and English, it’s most important to keep studying constantly, and if I had gone to private tutoring lessons, it would have forced me to keep studying those subjects.

Anxiousness

Participants shared their feeling of anxiety throughout the interviews. It is common for high school seniors in South Korea to experience anxiousness, especially when they are preparing for the CSAT and going through the college admission process. Nine participants who were preparing for the CSAT and wanted to go to college experienced growing anxiety. S.W. expressed his anxiety and pressures.

You know, it seems like I have to study more and more. But actually I don’t think there’s a big difference from last year. It’s just, there’s nothing I can be sure about.

Expected transition was a big stressor for our participants. After graduation, many students expected to take on the role of adults, which might be different from most high school seniors whose backgrounds allow them to retain the support of their parents. Anxiety was more pronounced in participants who were preparing for a school-to-work transition. Y.N. was searching for a job and expressed a sense of urgency.

The job opening begins in March. So, I got more nervous. It feels like I’m in a war that begins with the spring semester. So, I had to be alert since March (a new academic year starts in March in Korea).

Despite the stress and anxiety, participants’ coping skills and strategies were rather passive and ineffective. Although some tried to maintain positive attitudes and believe that things would be okay, without receiving sufficient support and guidance from teachers and adults, they did not have an opportunity to learn how to better cope with the anxiety and felt overwhelmed.

Low aspirations and low attainment

Participants’ responses and behaviors made it clear that they underestimated their ability and had low expectations for their future. S.W. had a good academic record. Accordingly, the authors expected him to apply to and be accepted by one of the most prestigious universities in Seoul. However, we soon learned that his expectation for himself was lower than his academic achievement, as he applied to a college where he would be easily accepted. Although he still went to a good university within Seoul, the authors felt disappointed (which was not expressed to him). S.W. later shared that he had thought of applying to a university even outside of Seoul. His family and teachers seemed rather indifferent, but he did not apply due to his friends and their expectations.

Friends say it’s stupid to go to a university outside of Seoul (with my GPA). My family and teacher talk to me gently but my friends are rather stubborn about this.

On the other hand, many students on a vocational track, especially female students, did not even consider going to college and, surprisingly, this decision was often made during middle school. Without appropriate career guidance and exploration, limited resources within families and poor financial situations were critical factors in their decision. These students were exposed to and encouraged to follow a vocational track during middle school, and they undervalued the benefits of higher education. Y.N. shared her thoughts about her decision.

I heard many things about vocational high schools (during middle school), so I thought that I could find a job that way. My sister also got a job that way, so I’ve been attracted to it, I guess. […] Also, my family’s situation affected my decision.

During this stressful year that required students to prepare for their careers and life transitions, the authors wondered whether these students coped with the stress and anxiety by lowering their expectations of what they can do and who they could be. Indeed, many participants in this study did not pursue higher education. Considering a very high college enrollment rate in South Korea (70.8% of high school graduates enrolled in higher education, Ministry of Education, 2015), it is important to note that only 7 among the 14 participants pursued further education. Three male students (21%) went to 4-year universities and one male and three female students (29%) went to community colleges. Similarly, the rate of work attainment was low. Among the other seven students, only three students secured jobs.

Pursuing interests

For many participants, vocational interest is critical to exploring potential majors and career goals. Most participants shared meaningful and exciting experiences that led them to realize what they like and what they wanted to do in life, including raising a puppy for 1 year (J.M.), having a guitar lesson (C.W.), reading a science book (H.S.), participating in painting a mural (B.J.) and in a high school promotion program to local middle schools (Y.N.), and going on a field trip to a museum (Y.K.) or to a broadcasting company (S.W.). These new life experiences unfolded their interests and influenced their career goals.

Individuals who pursue their interests often need to make compromises. Interestingly, many of the participants prioritized interests over other career values. Some participants were willing to preserve interests at all costs. B.J. wanted to be an illustrator and carefully designed his postgraduation plan. He noted that attending college is not worth the money and time to become an illustrator. Therefore, he took a daytime part-time job to support his family while drawing at night. He also continued to find a way to sell his artworks through Internet. Similarly, C.D. wanted to be a guitarist and did not consider college. Instead, he secured a full-time job, yet he practiced his music skills at night and applied for music auditions several times. Through their perseverance, they pursued their career interests despite their challenging situations.

Others took more careful steps to pursue their interests. J.M. and C.W. compromised school prestige for their interests. They wanted to be admitted by a prestigious school but only when they could major in their area of interest. They applied to several universities that offered the majors they wanted, regardless of the school’s rankings. C.W. applied to a 2-year community college in addition to 4-year universities just to be accepted into the schools’ music department. On the other hand, to better deal with the given situation, Y.K. was more flexible with his interests, saying, “First, it was broadcasting, but I am also thinking about animation and movies.”

Pursuing employment or employability

Although interests are critical, the employment or employability factor is still important for many participants to support themselves and their families. J.A., E.S., and Y.N., who were on a vocational track, made every effort to find a job during their final year of high school. That year, the job search was particularly challenging for high school graduates due to a decrease in the number of job opportunities. Among them, J.A. and ES, who compromised almost everything, finally secured a job. Although ES and those around her (i.e., teacher, grandmother) were not satisfied at all with the job offer, ES decided to keep the job because having a job was most important to her. Similarly, S.W. and N.H. gave up their interests, choosing colleges based on employability after graduation. S.W., who originally shared his dream of broadcasting, decided to major in library science to be a library teacher. Instead of majoring in industrial design at a 4-year university, N.H. went to a community college to become a registered nurse. For both, the most important thing was to support their families, as they were both firstborn children. N.H. shared her decision this way:

My mother wanted me to go to the community college. It is easier to get a job if you learn a skill. Nowadays it’s very difficult to get a job with a 4-year university diploma.…I’m sorry to leave it (design) as a hobby…. Nursing is a lifelong job…. I thought that if I worked as a nurse and got some money, and then I could do it (design) with that money.