Abstract
With contemporary career challenges facing Latino/a youth, particularly those from immigrant communities, counselors and career development professionals may find it challenging to provide effective career services for this unique population. Students from one middle school and one high school located in a new immigrant destination were surveyed to test the hypothesis that belief in self and school engagement (i.e., behavioral, emotional, and cognitive engagement) played a serial mediating role in the association between school safety and academic achievement (i.e., grade point average). Moderation of the mediation model by ethnicity was also examined. Results from the sample (N = 877) indicated that school safety was associated with higher levels of belief in self, which in turn was associated with higher levels of school engagement. Only behavioral engagement, however, was associated with greater academic achievement. Associations did not differ by ethnicity. Career implications on the importance of behavioral engagement among teachers, counselors, career development professionals, and administrators to support the academic achievement of marginalized youth are provided.
Latino/as are one of the fastest growing and youngest populations in the United States, with approximately one third (∼18.1 million U.S. children) under the age of 18 (A. Flores, Lopez, & Radford, 2017). Despite the United States approaching the majority–minority tipping point, individuals from ethnic minority backgrounds (i.e., those who are not White) continue to experience barriers, biases, and prejudice based on their group membership (Toomey & Storlie, 2015; Dovidio, Gluszek, John, Ditlmann, & Lagunes, 2010). Systemic barriers affecting Latinos/as, such as inequalities limiting academic success fostered by socioeconomic status, language, and cultural barriers, are prevalent in today’s schools (Storlie & Toomey, 2016). These barriers directly influence career exploration and aspirations among youth of color (Storlie, Albritton, & Cureton, 2017) and account for the disproportionately low percentage (61.4%) of Latino/as aged 25 or older, having attained a high school diploma compared to their White peers (A. Flores, Lopez, et al., 2017). Persistent academic disparities can be further found by examining the opportunity gap between Latino/a students and their White peers (National Center for Educational Statistics, 2015).
Ethnic discrimination, in particular, is prospectively related to negative academic experiences, such as a decline in school engagement and higher dropout rates (Alfaro, Umaña-Taylor, Gonzales-Backen, Bámaca, & Zeiders, 2009). Thus, ethnic discrimination is one factor that may explain why Latino/a youth may report feeling unsafe in their schools. Feeling unsafe in school may contribute to poor academic outcomes, such as school dropout, which ultimately impact the academic trajectories and career aspirations of many marginalized youth (Storlie & Toomey, 2016; Storlie, 2016). This study empirically tested a comprehensive model that examined whether perceived school safety contributed to academic achievement via adolescents’ belief in self and academic engagement and further examined whether this process differed by ethnicity (i.e., Latino/a compared to non-Latino/a ethnicity).
For this purposes of this study, a new immigrant destination is defined as a region/location experiencing a rapid shift in the population of immigrants, of which there had been prior low immigration presence (e.g., Fenelon, 2017). There is a continued need for student development research among youth situated in new immigrant destinations compared to those who reside in established immigrant communities (Closson, Darwich, Hymel, & Waterhouse, 2014; Stone & Han, 2005). Moreover, there are multiple underresearched variables that have strong associations to the career development trajectory of diverse youth. In order to have an improved understanding of various facets influencing career development, we explored these associations among youth situated in a new immigrant destination.
Literature Review
School safety and career development
School safety remains a critical issue impacting student achievement (Toomey & Storlie, 2015; Konold, Cornell, Shukla, & Huang, 2017) and career development (Storlie, Mostade, & Duenyas, 2016; Johnson, Pas, & Bradshaw, 2016). Perceptions of school safety are driven by bullying/victimization experiences, students support from school adults, the disciplinary processes of the school, felt belonging, and physical structure (Williams, Schneider, Wornell, & Langhinrichsen-Rohling, 2018). Results from the Health Behavior in School-Aged Children Survey administered by the World Health Organization in 35 countries found that 11% of students report feeling victimized (Craig & Harel, 2004). Discrimination related to ethnicity, in addition to bullying and harassment based on one’s identity, may impact student perceptions of safety (Toomey & Storlie, 2015) and contribute to poor academic and health outcomes, particularly among marginalized youth (Russell, Sinclair, Poteat, & Koenig, 2012). Yet interventions targeted to address important factors in school safety have historically lacked inclusion of issues related to ethnicity (Astor, Meyer, Benbenishty, Marachi, & Rosemond, 2005).
School safety continues to be in the forefront of home, schools, and communities vested in the future and career readiness of today’s youth (Johnson et al., 2016). Perceptions of school safety are fundamental to student development (Zhang et al., 2016) and to the social/emotional, academic, and career development of children and adolescents (American School Counselors Association [ASCA], 2017a). Perceptions of school safety also have received increased attention as a result of researchers interested in examining factors related to school engagement and academic outcomes (Wang, Chow, Hofkens, & Salmela-Aro, 2015; Wang & Eccles, 2012). Research in districts with high numbers of youth of color can illuminate the voices of those traditionally marginalized who may be in most need of culturally responsive career interventions (Storlie & Toomey, 2016).
Latinos/as remain the largest population of school-aged children in the United States (Passel, Cohn, & Lopez, 2011). In 2015, Latino/a students aged 17 and below represented 32% of all Latino/as nationwide (A. Flores, Lopez, et al., 2017). According to Lai and Tov (2004), approximately one in the four Latino students report ethnic-based bullying related to being Latino while in school. Further identified that Latino/a youth feel less safe at school and are more likely to be recipients of hate-related language because of their ethnicity when compared to their White counterparts. Latino/a youth, in particular, face multiple challenges derived from systemic and institutional oppression, permeating into social, emotional, academic, and career domains (Storlie & Toomey, 2016). Understanding that discrimination related to ethnicity is likely to decrease school engagement (Alfaro et al., 2009), culturally responsive interventions by school counselors and career development professionals are necessary to support school safety among Latino/a students and other racial groups.
Although school counselors are charged with cultivating career development in students (ASCA, 2017b), school counselors have been often overlooked in literature related to school safety (Toomey & Storlie, 2015). In 2015, Authors found that higher levels of multicultural knowledge were positively associated with how often school counselors intervened in discrimination, harassment, and biased-based bullying aimed at Latino/a students. School counselors contribute to safer schools for traditionally marginalized youth by leading prevention and intervention initiatives targeted at healthy social and emotional development (Toomey & Storlie, 2015; Hernandez & Seem, 2004). These school-based initiatives may improve student outlooks toward school, supporting student engagement and career development (Lapan, 2004).
Belief in self and career development
Students have demonstrated an increased readiness to learn and an overall likelihood of success in school, career, and life when they engage in social and emotional learning (California Survey System, 2017). One element of social and emotional learning includes the belief in self, which is comprised of self-efficacy, persistence, and self-awareness (Benard, 2004; California Survey System, 2017; Renshaw et al., 2014). Self-efficacy is a key theoretical construct in career development that has been defined as a “set of beliefs about a specific performance domain” (Zunker, 2012, p. 42). Persistence is defined as the determination of working to achieve a goal despite encountering obstacles (Bandura, Barbaranelli, Capara, & Pastorelli, 1996). Finally, self-awareness is defined as being aware and attending to all aspects of the self (Abrams & Brown, 1989). Research has documented small- to moderate-sized associations between belief in self domains and academic achievement (Renshaw et al., 2014).
According to Lent, Brown, and Hackett (1996), a belief in oneself develops when an individual has success in personal and professional accomplishments, through learning vicariously, within social persuasion and within physiological reactions and states. Thus, it is possible that belief in self might be driven, in part, by perceived school safety, such that negative school climates yield lower belief in self while positive school climates promote higher belief in self. Surprisingly, few studies have examined the association between school climate and belief in self. One study found that students who experience no victimization (a salient indicator of a school safety) reported higher levels of belief in self compared to those who experienced victimization (an indicator of an unsafe school climate; Fullchange & Furlong, 2016).
Self-efficacy, in particular, has been examined in career development literature within the model of social cognitive career theory (SCCT; Lent, Brown, & Hackett, 1994, 2000). SCCT incorporates elements of social learning theory and cognitive processes to explore career development while examining interactions of the person, behavior, and situation (Zunker, 2012). SCCT has been used to examine a variety of career development concerns from diverse populations, such as immigrants and refugees (Yakushko, Backhaus, Watson, Ngaruiya, & Gonzalez, 2008), rural Latino/a youth (Ali & Menke, 2014), Mexican American youth (Flores & O’Brien, 2002), in relation to social class (L. Y. Flores, Navarro, & Ali, 2017), and within an international lens (Sheu & Bordon, 2017). According to Ali and Menke (2014), “Career decision self-efficacy beliefs of Latino students are probably the most widely researched construct within SCCT” (p. 176). Although historically Latino/a youth have been more likely to identify barriers to career development and report lower self-efficacy (Gushue, 2006), Ali and Menke (2014) found that Latino/a youth in rural areas reported higher levels of self-efficacy than their White counterparts, suggesting that school and career development professionals should continue to focus on career programming that promotes self-efficacy and outcome expectations. Mejia-Smith and Gushe (2017) found in their sample of Latino/a college students that career decision self-efficacy contributed to the perception of fewer barriers to achieving career goals. Importantly, we recognize that there are varying views on the role of self-efficacy and the indirect effects on career interests as it relates to outcome expectations within the model of SCCT (Armstrong & Vogel, 2010). Yet, as mentioned, belief in oneself does play a role in resilience (Renshaw et al., 2014), academic achievement (Bandura et al., 1996), and career development (Zunker, 2012).
School engagement and career development
Students’ sense of self plays a critical level of engagement in school (Linnenbrink & Pintrich, 2003; Sakiz, Pape, & Hoy, 2012; Zimmerman, Bandura, & Martinez-Pons, 1992). School engagement has been described as a multifaceted construct (Fredricks, Blumenfeld, & Paris, 2004) and is conceptualized to have three dimensions, including behavioral, cognitive, and emotional engagement (Fredricks et al., 2004; Pietarinen, Pyhältö, & Soini, 2014). According to Fredricks et al. (2004), behavioral engagement can be understood by students demonstrating positive conduct, involvement in learning, and participation in school-related activities. Emotional engagement has been described as the “affective reactions in the classroom” (Fredricks et al., 2004, p. 63). Lastly, and most simply described, cognitive engagement refers to the student’s investment in learning (Fredricks et al.).
Research on school engagement has examined the interrelations of these three types of engagement with academic outcomes. Cothran and Ennis (2000) identified that lower levels of school engagement have been associated with higher levels of dropout rates among urban high school students. Research conducted by Pietarinen, Pyhältö, and Soini (2014) explored how levels of emotional engagement (specific to the teacher–student relationship and to the peer group), and well-being at school, contributed to cognitive engagement while students were engaged in academic activities. Despite gender and grade differences, results indicated that emotional engagement did positively correlate with cognitive engagement for their sample of students. Examining career development and school engagement among students of color has also demonstrated that student involvement in career planning has considerable impact on behavioral and attitudinal aspects of school engagement (Perry, 2008).
There remains a call for researchers to explore the construct of school engagement among ethnically diverse youth (Symonds & Hargraeves, 2016), including its influence on career development (Storlie & Toomey, 2016). Chiu, Pong, Mori, and Chow (2012) explored the dimensions of school engagement among immigrant students in 41 different countries. Results indicated that students from their native country demonstrated lower cognitive engagement but reported a higher sense of emotional engagement when compared to immigrant students. Students who reported stronger “teacher–student relationships, teacher support or a classroom disciplinary climate often had a greater sense of belonging at school and had better attitudes toward school than other students” (Chiu, Pong, Mori, & Chow, 2012, p. 1409). Hence, implications from the results of the Chiu et al.’s study support school safety interventions that improve the sense of belonging among immigrant students. Further, these findings suggest that associations may differ by ethnicity in the current sample.
School engagement is considered fundamental to academic success and well-being of adolescents (Wang et al., 2015; Wang & Eccles, 2012) and related to various indices of career development (Kenny, Blustein, Haase, Jackson, & Perry, 2006). Kenny, Blustein, Haase, Jackson, and Perry (2006) explored facets of school engagement and indices of career development with (N = 416) ninth-grade students. Kenny et al. found that higher the levels of career development (understood as career planfulness and expectations) were associated with higher the levels of school engagement. Although identified as preliminary findings, Kenny et al. suggested that future research address additional areas of vocational self-understanding to inform career development programming for youth.
Academic achievement and career development
Despite the efforts in strengthening career development programming in K–12 schools (ASCA, 2017b), academic achievement remains a critical issue for youth of color, particularly Latino/a youth (Arrendondo, Gallardo-Cooper, Delgado-Romero, & Zapata, 2014). Career development programming has been linked to improved academic achievement and performance (Evans & Burke, 1992; Kenny et al., 2006), a facet of career development not always explored by researchers. In fact, various SCCT studies have not examined academic achievement when exploring career development and vocational outcomes (Lubinski, 2010). With academic achievement being associated with college persistence among youth of color (Witkow, Huynh, & Fuligni, 2015), there is a need to explore variables, such as academic achievement, that influence career development of unique populations. As college degrees continue to be a necessary commodity for future generations, researchers are called to explore how academic performance is related to educational goals and its impact on career development.
In general, school districts and systems with high Latino/a populations (including immigrant populations) have not been prepared to communicate with high numbers of Spanish-speaking students (Arrendondo et al., 2014), influencing communication patterns essential for academic success and career exploration. High poverty levels among youth of color also influence academic achievement, with 62% of Latino/a children from low-income families, in comparison to 31% of White children (Jiang, Ekono, & Skinner, 2016). Latino/a immigrant youth may also face additional stressors that impede academic achievement. The separation from family during migration (Storlie & Jach, 2012; Yakushko et al., 2008) and several variables related to acculturation stress (Patel, Barrera, Strambler, Munoz, & Macciomei, 2016) contribute to the unique barriers that impede academic success, career exposure, and decision-making.
Current study
Given the aforementioned variables connected to career development, the current study examined whether belief in self and academic engagement mediated the association between school safety and academic achievement. We hypothesized that self-reported perceptions of school safety would predict belief in self, such that more school safety would be associated with stronger belief in self. We also hypothesized that school engagement would mediate the relationship between belief in self and academic achievement. Thus, it is hypothesized that belief in self and school engagement (i.e., behavioral, emotional, and cognitive engagement) play a serial mediating role in the association between school safety and academic achievement (i.e., grade point average). Second, given previously identified ethnic differences in the associations studied (e.g., Chiu et al., 2012; Pietarinen et al., 2014), and the sample being from a new immigrant destination, we examined a moderation of the hypothesized model by ethnicity (i.e., Latino/a compared to non-Latino/a).
Method
Sample and Procedure
Participants
After approval from the university’s institutional review board, participants were recruited from an urban school district situated in a Midwestern community identified as a new immigrant destination (of the reported 50% of Latino/as families in the surrounding community, school administrators estimated that approximately 10–30% were immigrants to the United States). At the time of data collection (late 2015), the district had a substantially lower 4-year graduation rate (60.5%) compared to the state average (81.3%) and was in the 98th percentile for child poverty in the state. The school community had experienced a dramatic shift in its demographic profile, moving from 2% Latino/a in 1990 to approximately 50% at the time of data collection. A total of 930 students from one middle school and one high school in this community were surveyed. The data set used for this study was a part of a larger data set collected throughout the entire academic year, centered on career development and career readiness within the entire school district.
The sample included 877 middle and high school students aged 10–18 (mean = 13.67, SD = 1.93) who were in Grades 6 through 12 (mean = 8.53, SD = 1.82). Nearly half of the students were female (45.84%). The racial/ethnic composition of the school included 51.7% Latina/o or Hispanic, 19.6% White/European American, 15.4% Black or African American, 13% multiracial, and 0.3% did not respond to the question. For analyses, we used a second question that assessed ethnicity separate from race: 60% identified as Latino/a or Hispanic. The majority of Latino/a or Hispanic students indicated that they were of Mexican descent (85%), while the remainder indicated that they were of Puerto Rican descent. Nearly 42% of the students reported that the primary language spoken at home was Spanish.
Data collection
After parental consent was obtained, participants were given a demographic questionnaire, a school climate assessment (California Healthy Kids Survey, 2007), and a personal strengths inventory (Social Emotional Health Survey–Secondary; Furlong, You, Renshaw, Smith, & O’Malley, 2014). All survey materials were available in English and Spanish to be equally accessible to the participants. Surveys were anonymous and participants provided their responses via Qualtrics using tablets in class.
Measures
School safety
School safety was assessed by 1 item: “In my school, students feel safe” (California Department of Education, 2007; O’Shaughnessy, Russell, Heck, Calhoun, & Laub, 2004). Students rated this item on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 (strongly disagree) to 5 (strongly agree). Content validity has been demonstrated in prior research with adolescent samples (e.g., O’Shaughnessy et al., 2004).
Belief in self
The Belief in Self subscale of the Social and Emotional Health Survey (Furlong et al., 2014) was used to assess belief in self for the current study. This subscale includes 9 items in three domains: self-efficacy (3 items, e.g., “I can do most things if I try”), self-awareness (3 items, e.g., “I understand why I do what I do”), and persistence (3 items, e.g., “When I try to solve a math problem, I will not stop until I find a final solution”). Items were rated on a 5-point Liker-type scale ranging from 1 (never) to 4 (always). Facet-representative parceling was used to create a single latent variable for analysis. The 9-item measure demonstrated adequate reliability for the current sample (α = .80). Validity and reliability for the scale has been established in samples of adolescents (Furlong et al., 2014; You et al., 2014).
School engagement
School engagement was assessed by a 19-item measure by Fredricks, Blumenfeld, Friedel, & Paris (2005). The School Engagement Scale includes three subscales: behavioral engagement (5 items, e.g., “I follow the rules at school”; α = .80), emotional engagement (6 items, e.g., “I feel excited by my work at school”; α = .88), and cognitive engagement (8 items, e.g., “I check my schoolwork for mistakes”; α = .83). All items were rated on a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 0 (never) to 4 (always). Item to construct balance parceling was used to create latent variables for each of the three subscales for use in analysis. Reliability was adequate in the current sample (α = .80–.83). Validity and reliability for the scale has been established in samples of adolescents (Fredricks et al., 2005).
Academic achievement
Self-reported grade point average was assessed by 1 item: “Since the beginning of this school year, how would you describe the grades you received in school?” Response options included mostly A’s (4), A’s and B’s (3.5), mostly B’s (3), B’s and C’s (2.5), mostly C’s (2), C’s and D’s (1.5), mostly D’s (1), D’s and F’s (0.5), and mostly F’s (0).
Data Analysis
The hypothesized models were tested in a structural equation modeling (SEM) framework using Mplus Version 7 (Muthén & Muthén, 1998-2012); missing data were handled for all analyses using full information maximum likelihood (Schlomer, Bauman, & Card, 2010). The first analytic model examined the indirect associations between perceived personal safety at school and grade point average via belief in self and school engagement (i.e., behavioral, cognitive, and emotional forms of engagement). In addition, gender, grade level, and ethnicity were included as covariates in the model. To test the significance of the hypothesized indirect paths, MODEL INDIRECT was used in Mplus. An indirect path is significant if its confidence interval (CI) does not contain zero. Consistent with second goal of the study, a multiple group SEM was examined with ethnicity (i.e., Latino/a vs. not Latino/a) as the grouping variable. A series of nested model comparisons were used to examine whether the associations among variables differed as a function of the student’s ethnicity. For these comparisons, if the χ2 difference was significant, then the constraints were not tenable suggesting that there was moderation by ethnicity. In comparison, if the χ2 difference test was not significant, the associations were assumed to be equal across ethnicity.
Model fit was also evaluated using several indicators: the χ2 statistic, the comparative fit index (CFI), the root mean square error of approximation (RMSEA), and the standardized root mean square residual (SRMR). Model fit is considered to good (acceptable) if the CFI is greater than or equal to .95 (.90) and if the RMSEA and SRMR are less than or equal to .05 (.08; Little, 2013).
Results
Correlations, means, and standard deviations were computed for all key study variables prior to testing our hypothesized models (see Table 1). Model 1 examined the associations among safety, belief in self, school engagement, and grade point average for all youth, controlling for ethnicity, gender, and grade level. This initial model (Figure 1) had acceptable fit: χ2(df = 88) = 470.878, p < .001; CFI = .936; RMSEA = .068 (90% CI [.062, .075]); SRMR = .053. Perceived school safety was positively associated with belief in self, which in turn was positively associated with behavioral, emotional, and cognitive school engagement. However, only behavioral engagement was positively associated with grade point average. Additionally, safety was positively associated with all three forms of school engagement but was not directly associated with grade point average. Importantly, belief in self was also not directly associated with grade point average.
Means, Standard Deviations, and Correlations Among Study Variables by Ethnicity.
Note. Correlations, means, and standard deviations for Latina/o students are presented below the diagonal. Estimates for non-Latina/o students are presented above the diagonal.
*p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Hypothesized associations among safety, belief in self, school engagement, and grade point average. Beh Eng = behavioral engagement; Emot Eng = emotional engagement; Cog Eng = cognitive engagement; GPA = grade point average. Dashed lines indicate nonsignificant paths and solid lines indicate significant paths. Standardized path estimates are displayed. Covariates are not displayed for clarity.
The indirect pathway from perceived school safety to grade point average was significant (95% CI for the indirect effect [.035, .097]). Although not displayed in Figure 1, grade level was negatively associated with emotional engagement (β = −.12), cognitive engagement (β = −.09), and grade point average (β = −.10) but positively associated with belief in self (β = .12). Being a girl (compared to boy) was positively associated with cognitive engagement (β = .11); identifying as Latina/o was positively associated with emotional engagement (β = .07), cognitive engagement (β = .09), and perceived school safety (β = .11) and negatively associated with grade point average (β = −.13).
Model 2 examined the potential for the hypothesized model to be moderated by ethnicity (note: for these models, ethnicity was used as the grouping variable rather than as a covariate). An initial configural model resulted in acceptable fit: χ2(df = 0) = 457.243, p < .001; CFI = .946; RMSEA = .065 (90% CI [.058, .072]); SRMR = .054. At the measurement level, both weak invariance, ΔCFI = 0; χ2(df = 168) = 464.552, p < .001; CFI = .946; RMSEA = .063 (90% CI [.057, .07]); SRMR = .054, and strong invariance, ΔCFI = .01; χ2(df = 176) = 531.592, p < .001; CFI = .936; RMSEA = .068 (90% CI [.061, .072]); SRMR = .075, were demonstrated. A test of equality of variance was conducted and revealed that all variances could be constrained across groups, ΔCFI = .001; χ2(df = 184) = 541.678, p < .001; CFI = .935; RMSEA = .067 (90% CI [.060, .073]); SRMR = .061. Constraining covariances did not substantially result in a decrease of model fit, ΔCFI = .001; χ2(df = 212) = 577.491, p < .001; CFI = .934; RMSEA = .063 (90% CI [.057, .069]); SRMR = .068, suggesting that there was no moderation of the hypothesized model by ethnicity.
Discussion and Implications
Results indicated that, regardless of ethnicity, school safety was associated with higher levels of belief in self which in turn was associated with higher levels of school engagement (i.e., behavioral, emotional, and cognitive forms of engagement). However, only behavioral engagement was associated with greater academic achievement. Findings suggest that, while Latina/o students had lower mean-level academic achievement, the process among student perceptions of safety, belief in self, school engagement, and academic achievement operated similarly for all students, regardless of ethnicity. Exploring these facets influential to career development are essential to the future success of traditionally underrepresented youth.
With the Latino population is estimated to reach 29% of the total U.S. population by the year 2050 (Passel et al., 2011), school counselors and career professionals need the knowledge, skills, and awareness of protective factors among Latino/a students to support academic success. High school counselors and career professionals may consider utilizing SCCT programming (Ali & Menke, 2014; Lent et al., 1994) in schools in new immigrant destinations by highlighting environmental factors that may influence perceptions of school safety and school engagement may better support students’ own career development and sense of agency. Similarly, career development programming that centers on vocational skills self efficacy (or belief in self) and its associations with academic achievement and barriers to career aspirations embedded within an SCCT framework (Ali & Menke, 2014) may support youth in new immigrant destinations.
As a result from this study, it is particularly important for school counselors and career professionals to examine how to foster a strong sense of belief in oneself, which was also associated with perceived school safety. This is in alignment with suggestions from Ali, McWhirter, and Chronister (2005) in that helping youth build and access support to help strengthen self-efficacy may be particularly valuable. School counselors can collaboratively work with teachers and administrators on ways in which to improve students’ belief in self which may have potential lasting effects on student career development (Collins, 2014). This collaboration can support the teamwork necessary for administration, teachers, students, and parents to address multiple facets that influence career development. Moreover, ASCA’s position statements outlines the school counselor’s role in not only supporting students’ academic and college/career planning but also in fostering a culturally responsive climate in schools, advocating for equity for all students, and collaborating with parents/guardians and community stakeholders.
We acknowledge that school counselors hold various roles within their respective schools. However, with support of their administration, school counselor leaders can develop comprehensive school counseling programs which include objectives to address self-efficacy/belief in self, school engagement and school safety. Considering behavioral engagement (e.g., following rules, paying attention, and turning in assignments on time) was the only domain of school engagement that was associated with higher academic success among this sample, it is essential for school counselors and administration to thoroughly examine school rules and curriculum to ensure that it is representative of its student population with relation to culture and ethnicity. Dee and Penner (2017) found that culturally relevant curriculum was associated with large increases in school attendance and grade point average (by 1.4 units), supporting school engagement. Consistent with Vega, Moore, and Miranda (2015), teachers and school counselors must take the intentional time to build relationships with students in order to cultivate school engagement and a productive learning environment which would support academic success and positive career development among underrepresented students.
Given that the model generated from our study was dependent on school safety, we acknowledge that school counselors need to be recognized as critical change agents and hold an essential role in school improvement teams to ensure students feel safe at school (Cobb, 2014). Culturally responsive climates include elements of school safety. Safe and supportive schools incorporate the core elements of safety (including physical and emotional safety), engagement (including relationships, respect for diversity, and participation), and environment (including physical, academic, and disciplinary) (Cobb, 2014).
Students of color do recognize that barriers to positive experiences in schools include relationships established with school personnel (school counselors, teachers), fellow classmates, school rules, and issues involving safety (Vega, Moore, & Miranda, 2015). Given that this study includes Latino/a students in a new immigrant destination, we recognize the challenges and microaggressions that may be experienced related to having intersecting identities (Ayon & Philbin, 2017; Luna & Revilla, 2013). We support opportunities for school counselors to take the lead in creating safer school environments that diminish the likelihood of biased-based bullying and harassment related to culture and ethnicity (Toomey & Storlie, 2015; Cobb, 2014). For districts in new immigrant destinations, it is critical to examine protective factors among Latino/a students such as school connection (Brown & Evans, 2002). It is important to note that having counselors of color from immigrant communities themselves may play a critical role in establishing trust with this student population while also giving voice to their challenges to teachers and administrators. Likewise, it is crucial to recognize familial understanding of school systems that may also impact perceptions of safety in that these students are first in their family to navigate American education systems. Finally, centering in on important variables, such as school safety and engagement and belief in self, may influence how students in new immigrant destinations view themselves in future careers, how often and from whom they receive academic and career support, and ultimately, how they make vocational goals and decisions.
Limitations
Our study is not without limitations. Although this data set was a part of a larger career development data set, we did not specifically use career-related outcome measures but instead wanted to expand our understanding of different facets (academic achievement, belief in self, etc.) influencing career development. Exploring variables that may influence career development (vs. career development–specific measures) is essential to have a stronger and more holistic understanding of students in new immigrant destinations. We relied on cross-sectional data which preclude us from making causal inferences. Alternative models are possible, such that behavioral engagement or belief in self predicts how one perceives their school’s climate. Additionally, it’s important to note that school safety was measured by only 1 item, which did not differentiate the types of safety. Future longitudinal research is needed in order to establish temporal precedence in the associations in our tested model. It is also unclear how generalizable our findings are to Latino/a students in established immigrant communities or to other ethnic or racial groups. Yet we view our focus on students in a new immigrant destination as a strength of the study as nearly one third of recent Mexican immigrants settle in these areas (Lichter, Parisi, Taquino, & Grice, 2010). Further, the multilayered impact of several individual and contextual characteristics experienced by those in new immigrant areas are likely unique from those experienced in established communities (Stein, Gonzales, Garcia Coll, & Prandoni, 2016).
Conclusion
School personnel and career development professionals are called to adjust their current practice with adolescents before they reach adulthood to positively impact the future career paths of students of color, particularly those from newer immigrant destinations. Recognizing and building on the strengths and resiliency among students of color may increase possibilities for improved academic success. Moreover, students of color in new immigrant destinations may have additional career needs that may be unforeseen to career development professionals in our current political environment (e.g., Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals status, scholarship opportunities for undocumented students). With the career challenges facing Latino/a youth from new immigrant destinations, school counselors and career development professionals must advocate to provide effective academic and career services for this type of unique population.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Funding for this project was provided, in part, by the Martha Holden Jennings Foundation.
