‘Building Us Up’: Supporting Black Male College Students in a Black Male Initiative Program

Abstract

Efforts to enhance the academic performances and educational experiences of Black males in college has exploded in the past 15 years, including institutional, state, system-level, and national programs, policies, and calls to action. Key among these efforts is establishing Black Male Initiative (BMI) programs, which primarily are structured as social cohesion programs and intended to increase students’ retention and graduation rates. Using qualitative interview data from a convenience sample of 40 Black male students at two different institutions, this project explores their engagement and experiences in a BMI program. First, I analyze students’ narratives regarding their participation and meaning-making of BMIs. I find that BMIs play a critical role in supporting students through increased access to social and cultural (sociocultural) capital while simultaneously honoring the cultural wealth students bring to campus. Second, I examine how engagement in the BMI community helped enhance students’ academic experiences and sense of self.

Keywords

Black males higher education sociocultural capital Black male initiatives student engagement identity

Introduction

Over the past few decades, research on Black¹ male students in education has intensified across the K-20 pipeline (Brown, 2011; Cuyjet, 2006; Palmer et al., 2014; Strayhorn, 2008; Warde, 2008). In higher education, a score of researchers have long identified campus climate as a major detriment to Black student success at historically white institutions (e.g., Allen et al., 1991; Fleming, 1984; Solórzano et al., 2000; Strayhorn and DeVita, 2010); additionally, researchers note academic and social isolation (Cuyjet, 2006; Harper, 2013), social integration (Guiffrida, 2003; Museus, 2008), and the lack of institutional agents (Davis, 1994; Palmer et al., 2014) as issues that challenge and trouble Black male students’ academic performances and outcomes. As a result, a number of institutions created Black-male centered programs as an intervention method to support students’ academic success, academic and social integration, and personal development. Although inquiries into Black male students’ success in higher education has increased, research on their experiences in BMI programs remain much needed (Barker and Avery, 2012; Brooms et al., 2015; Cuyjet, 2006). Many of the retention and mentoring programs, such as Brother2Brother and Student African American Brotherhood (SAAB), focus on increasing the retention and success of Black male students, especially those at historically white institutions (HWIs).² For instance, SAAB was started at a single institution in 1990 and, in spreading to over 100 colleges and universities, each chapter is individualized to meet the particular needs of students in each campus environment. The SAAB model has six basic components: (1) personal development, (2) service, (3) academic, (4) financial affairs, (5) spiritual-enrichment/social, and (6) membership/public relations (Bledsoe and Rome, 2006). Across the range of BMI-type programs are specific design elements intended to cater to the needs of Black male students attending their respective institutions (see Cuyjet, 2006). Some general methods employed to retain Black male students include faculty-student mentoring sessions/opportunities, academic assistance, and peer group collaborations. In contrast, the vast majority of literature regarding Black Male Initiatives consists of profiles about the programs along with descriptions of how they were formed and what they hope to accomplish. Importantly, investigating students’ experiences in these programs can provide key insights into ways to support and enhance Black males’ integration, academic performances, sense of self, and persistence.

Researchers have noted that Black males experience high levels of underachievement in higher education – especially when compared to other race and gender groups – and this is amplified depending on college context. According to national data, 34% of Black males graduate from four-year higher education institutions over a six-year period, which marks the lowest degree attainment rate for all race and gender groups (U.S. Department of Education, 2011). Additionally, the Black male graduation rate severely lags behind the 55% national rate for all males. These data stay consistent across four-year institutional types (public, private, and for profit) and across two-year and four-year colleges and universities. Thus, retention and attrition are critical areas of concern for Black males in higher education. Within mainstream and popular narratives, African American males have been problematized across the P-20 pipeline – narratives that often ignore many of the systemic and institutional barriers reported from a range of social science research. As a result, Brown (2011) identified pathology and difference as the dominant tropes that have persisted within educational discourse and which continue to yield the ‘same old stories’ about Black males. He challenged researchers and educators to examine carefully the diversity of Black male experiences and recommended that theorists and practitioners ask new questions. Examining Black male collegiate experiences opens a broad canvass to investigate how they make meaning from their experiences, especially as it relates to their engagement on campus. Additionally, the current research is important because it helps to identify how institutional culture, policies, practices, and social relations impact this student population.

To contribute to the extant literature, I examine qualitative interview data from 40 Black males regarding how they believe participating in a Black Male Initiative program mattered in their college experiences. The primary focus of the study centered on the students’ reflections and meaning making of their on-campus involvement in BMI and the efforts they used in persisting in college. In particular, this project pays attention to how developing micro-communities on campus and gaining access to support and resources through an institution-based program impacts students’ persistence efforts and college experiences. The two major research questions were as follows:

Research Question 1: How do students make meanings from their involvement in a BMI program?

Research Question 2: How do these meanings impact their overall collegiate experiences at a historically white institution?

These questions guided the research project and provide key insights into programmatic, academic, and social factors related to the students’ experiences and efforts that might help contribute to ‘new(er)’ narratives of Black male success.

Theoretical Framework: Sociocultural Capital

In an effort to better understand students’ experiences in BMI, sociocultural capital (social and cultural capital) is used as the primary framework to conceptualize the role that engaging in BMI plays in the collegiate experiences of Black male students. Over the past 30 years, the development, use, and application of social and cultural capital have evinced manifold renditions. Bourdieu (1986) uses social capital to refer to the social networks and connections that one possesses while cultural capital refers to an accumulation of cultural knowledge, skills and abilities. According to Bourdieu, both of these forms of capital are possessed and inherited by privileged groups in society. Scholars criticize Bourdieu’s conceptions for their limited appreciation of people of color’s alternative forms of capital (Yosso, 2005; Young, 1999).

Coleman (1990) offers a more refined conception of social capital, as he contends that it is formed within relationships that rely on obligations, expectations and trustworthiness. Importantly, within these relationships individuals share information and resources as well as maintaining behavioral norms. Also, Yosso (2005) extends the concept to community resources and maintained that ‘peer and other social contacts can provide both instrumental and emotional support to navigate through society’s institutions’ (p. 79). Accordingly, social capital can make it possible for individuals or groups to achieve certain ends that otherwise might not be possible. Across their relationships and connections, individuals are rooted in a system of obligations that they can call on for help and support. Similarly, cultural capital plays an important role within communities as well. Specifically for Black education, Franklin (2002) defines cultural capital as a ‘sense of group consciousness and collective identity’ that can serve as a resource ‘aimed at the advancement of an entire group’ (p. 177). Cultural capital is variable across different social spaces and social institutions, is context-specific, and cultural attributes are valued differently depending upon either the situation or focus group (Carter, 2003). Additionally, cultural capital can refer to the ‘adoption of social practices as well as the acquisition of understandings that help one to navigate social life in ways that lead to increased personal efficacy’ (Young, 1999: 204).

Without support, and acquisition of various forms of capital, Black males may continue to face challenges that threaten to impede their sense of belonging on campus and undermine their academic efforts – especially at HWIs. A number of studies substantiate the theoretical links between students’ engagement in college and their academic, social, and personal gains (e.g., see Astin, 1999; Brooms et al., 2015). Still, more research is needed to understand how Black male students make meaning from their involvement in a BMI program and how it can matter in their academic and social experiences on campus.

Black Males in College

Many early studies examining Blacks in college centered on a comparative analysis between their experiences at HWIs and HBCUs [Historically Black Colleges and Universities] (Allen et al., 1991; Fleming, 1984). Consistently, research revealed that Black students in general, and Black males in particular, had better social, academic, and personal experiences at HBCUs (Cuyjet, 2006; Davis, 1994; Palmer et al., 2014). For instance, Palmer and colleagues (2014) contended that the supportive and family-like environments provided by HBCUs help to facilitate students’ self-efficacy, racial pride, psychological wellness, academic development, and persistence. Alternatively, they noted that Black male students experience a chilly campus climate at HWIs and perceive the campus as hostile and unwelcoming. In particular, students are plagued by low expectations, biases, and prejudice regarding their intellectual abilities by faculty members. Thus, interpersonal relations and in-class experiences contribute to the overall campus climate. As previous research has shown, the campus environment reflects to students how they matter and belong (or not).

Researchers have found myriad ways in which Black males continue to strive toward success (Harper, 2006; Strayhorn, 2008; Warde, 2008). In his qualitative study of 32 high-achieving Black male students, Harper (2006) found that the students valued their own and their peers’ educational attainment, which was displayed mainly through peer encouragement, leadership support, and celebration of successes. Harper’s study is important because it challenged the ‘acting white’ thesis and, among the study’s participants, found no evidence of internalized racism. Instead, the students attributed much of their success to the support and validation offered by their same-race peers. Similarly, Warde’s (2008) qualitative analysis focused on the factors that contributed to Black males successfully completing a baccalaureate degree. The 11 participants in his study identified having an epiphany about the importance of education, access to resources, having a mentor, and being resilient as significant contributors to their graduation from college. Taken collectively, supportive same-race peer relationships, self-reflection, and garnering access to resources helps enable Black male students to develop resilience and eventually persist to graduation.

Student Involvement

Examining Black male student involvement continues to highlight the positive impact of campus activities on their collegiate experience (i.e., Barker and Avery, 2012; Brooms, 2016, forthcoming; Brooms et al., 2015; Brown, 2006; Strayhorn and DeVita, 2010). For instance, Brown (2006) suggested that campus involvement and participation creates attachment and sense of belonging, especially at HWIs. Brown’s (2006) qualitative study examined out-of-class activities for 25 African American males and helps to nuance students’ collegiate experiences. The students identified stereotyping as the main culprit of a campus climate environment that primarily perceived them in negative ways. As prior research has shown, these stereotypes can have a negative impact on both the academic and social development of Black males and other minoritized students (Allen et al., 1991; Brown, 2011; Robertson et al., 2014). As a result of their on-campus engagement activities, Brown (2006) found that the students ‘overwhelmingly believed that having contact with African American faculty, staff, and administrators enhances the campus environment for African American males. A majority of the students in the group said they occasionally felt culturally and socially isolated’ (p. 59).

Additionally, fraternal membership and participation in ethnic/cultural student organizations have been shown to support positive social and academic integration for Black students (Guiffrida, 2003; McClure, 2006). These groups assist Black students in navigating the collegiate milieu, especially between the Black college community and the larger predominantly white campus community. Even further, participating in these organizations can serve as a buffer for Black students against alienation and isolation. For instance, Guiffrida’s (2003) qualitative study of 88 Black students examined the role of Black student organizations in facilitating social integration. Findings suggested that Black student groups play critical roles in enhancing students’ adjustment and achievement by providing opportunities for professional connections, allowing for opportunities to give back to Black communities via service, and by providing Black students with space to gain comfort within the white college milieu. Importantly, establishing space for Black students to develop connections, positive relationships, and solidarity can increase their sense of belonging on campus and aid their academic performances as well (Brooms, forthcoming; Guiffrida 2003; McClure, 2006; Strayhorn and DeVita, 2010).

The aforementioned studies help provide a context for the current project. Investigating Black males’ experiences in BMI programs and how they narrate their engagement and out-of-class experiences can provide important insights into their persistence efforts for academic success.

Method

Institutions and BMI Programs

The participants included in this study are students at two historically white institutions: Monroe State University and Lincoln State University (pseudonyms). Monroe State is a large, public university located in an urban city in a Southern state. The university enrolls just over 15,000 undergraduate students and Black students account for about 11% of the population. The Brothers & Scholars program was developed with a specific aim to improve the retention and graduation of Black male students by using monthly on-campus meetings and social outings that occur both on and off campus. Lincoln State is a medium-sized, public university located in a rural city in a Midwestern state. There are about 10,000 undergraduate students and Black students account for about 15% of the population. Students meet weekly and conduct a small number of university-wide events in the Mighty Men Mentoring program, which was established to increase support for retaining and graduating Black male students on campus.

Participants

The 40 students interviewed for this project were traditionally college-aged (19–26) and the great majority had attended urban high schools (36 of 40). With regard to student classification levels, the participants included 4 first-years, 8 second-years, 15 third-years, 9 fourth-years, 2 fifth-years, and 2 recent graduates. The predominant majors across the group were engineering (8) and political science (6), while other majors were represented as well, such as sports/exercise science (4), psychology (3), and business/finance (3). Additionally, the students averaged a 2.8 grade point average as a group and their engagement in BMI programs ranged between one semester and three years. Pseudonyms are used for all students to protect their confidentiality.

Given the research focus on Black male experiences in BMI programs, a purposive (active BMI members) and convenience (students who availed themselves) sampling approach (Weiss, 1994) was used to recruit students to participate in the study. In this approach, BMI program coordinators were queried to identify students and students were invited to participate in the study by the researcher during a BMI meeting at each institution. The outlined parameters for participating in the research project were race (Black/African American), gender (male), and current college enrollment.

Data Collection and Analysis

The data collection included participant observations, discourse analysis of program data and printed materials, 40 one-on-one interviews with student members, and one-on-one interviews with three program staff members (two at Lincoln State and one at Monroe State). The initial student interviews were conducted at a campus location or local café, followed a semi-structured, open-ended format, averaged 75 minutes in length, and were audio-recorded to ensure accuracy. The interview data were collected over a 22-month period. Interviews were transcribed by the researcher in the days immediately following data collection and then analyzed according to Weiss’ (1994) issue-focused analysis. Using this technique, data were coded, sorted, and integrated.

In analyzing the interviews to assess critical themes, experiences, and perspectives, I reviewed students’ narratives for the multilayered contexts in their discussions of experiences, learning, identity, and race and gender discourse. Initially, I reviewed and organized the data into different meaning units; the umbrella unit for the focus of this paper was on the students’ persistence efforts. In reviewing (and re-reviewing) these units, I subsequently organized the data into different categories by how the students conceptualized their engagement constructs and how they narrated their experiences in BMI. In the final stage of analysis, I applied thematic coding, an iterative approach that involves reading transcripts for broad themes and subsequently subcoding portions of the data into more specific themes (Weiss, 1994). Here, I specifically focused on students’ narratives on participating in BMI, their cognitive and non-cognitive learning in the program, conversations about their racialized and gendered identities (e.g., being Black males in college), and how they felt supported in their identities and efforts through BMI.

I shared the major study findings with BMI members in small groups and individual meetings as a form of member reflections and to create recommendations for the program. Tracy (2010) asserted that member reflections ‘allow for sharing and dialoguing with participants about the study’s findings, and providing opportunities for questions, critique, feedback, affirmation, and even collaboration’ (p. 844). In addition, I provided summative written reports to BMI coordinators for review, comments, and feedback. Inviting member reflections and sharing findings with BMI staff helped to increase the study’s validity.

Findings

Four major themes emerged from the data with respect to how Black males in college experience their engagement in BMI programs: (a) sense of belonging – comprised of statements of mattering and feeling connected on campus; (b) gaining access – comprised of statements where students expressed the importance of increased access to sociocultural capital; (c) academic motivation – comprised of statements positing the efforts of BMI to support and enhance students’ academic and educational performances; and (d) heightened sense of self, or feeling connected to a collective identity and consciousness among BMI staff and peer BMI members.

‘It was like a home’: The BMI Community

Most of the students in this study asserted that BMI was a critical resource and program that helped them garner social and cultural capital at their respective institution. Many proclaimed that the BMI program offered them a safe space to share and connect with other Black males (both peers and institutional agents), which helped them develop community on campus. All of the students provided examples of how BMI provided them space to grow, individually and collectively.

Importantly, the overwhelming majority of the students discussed how BMI contributed positively to their collegiate experiences. Almost half of the students specifically described being affirmed, welcomed, and valued in BMI while the majority of the others indirectly related a sense of mattering in BMI. Damon, a 19-year-old, second year political science major (3.0 GPA), clearly identified how participating in BMI helped him build sociocultural capital; BMI was both a space that helped him see his connections and responsibilities to the community (social capital) and aided him in his personal development (cultural capital). He reflected:

In the beginning, I could kinda feel that it was the route that I was trying to take. I feel like it was to motivate us as African American males to graduate. I feel like even directly telling us that we needed to graduate wasn’t enough because we knew we needed to graduate and anyone could tell us that. But they were giving us the big picture and pointing out the impact it could have on our communities and even the whole Black America.

Damon felt connected to both the purpose and call of Brothers & Scholars. Even though he entered college with the ultimate goal of graduating, participating in the BMI program helped awaken in him a sense of purpose toward successfully completing college. His sense of mattering on campus was tied uniquely to BMI, which also helped reaffirm his commitment to various communities.

In addition to the communal connections, respondents insisted that having a space on campus to discuss issues pertinent to Black male students was critical to their belonging. Here, the students discussed BMIs in ways that served as both a safe space and a counter-space on campus. Jerome, a 22-year-old, fourth year management information sciences major (2.5 GPA), explicitly identified BMI as a safe space on campus:

It was like a home; it was like a home for Black males that I can relate to. I mean I’m the only guy from the west side, but it helped me connect with a lot of guys that I can relate to.

Similarly, Kelly, a 22-year-old, third year majoring in education (2.3 GPA), offered a perspective that summarizes how BMI can serve as a counter-space on campus, especially for Black males or other marginalized student populations at historically white institutions. He exclaimed:

It gave me a place to vent. Made me meet some new people that I didn’t know. It gave me some people that I could talk to, kinda let me know what everybody is about and let me know how the campus is as far as African American male wise. A lot of people talk about [the city of] Simpson and people talk about how [hard] being Black in Simpson is, because Simpson is racist. So, they were just telling us what to be prepared for and what to be cautious of. They talked about certain things that you could or couldn’t do. Be mindful when you’re off campus. There’s a lot of times when people will drive by and say racist stuff to you. Just be mindful of where you are and how the police treat people. And, know how people will form judgments about you based on one Black man.

For many of the Black male collegians in this study, having a space to claim as their own was critical in helping to support and inform their coping strategies as well as enhancing their sense of belonging on campus. Having space to vent – about the perils and challenges of college in general or about issues pertinent to Black males in particular – is connected to the students’ interconnectedness coping strategy. Coming together collectively in BMI helped them build their cultural capital as they shared their experiences as well as strategies to overcome some of the challenges they faced. Researchers have identified counter-spaces as ‘spaces’ or ‘areas’ that can facilitate a ‘home away from home’ feeling of comfort, which can help minimize feelings of isolation at HWIs and can increase students’ adjustment and achievement (Yosso et al., 2009). Having counter-spaces for Black students is important as they can use these spaces to preserve their culture, vent their frustrations, and create a niche on campus (Brooms, forthcoming; Solórzano et al., 2000). Additionally, BMI provided the students with space to relate and get to know each other. Building and expanding their peer network was important to many of the students as it helped to reduce feelings of isolation and helped them gain access to critical resources on campus.

‘It helps keep you on track’: Gaining Access to Capital and Resources

Participants discussed the ways in which establishing connections with faculty, staff, administrators, and other institutional personnel affected their collegiate experiences and shaped both academic thinking and persistence efforts. Gaining better knowledge of resources on campus was important for many of the students. They believed that their college experiences would be fundamentally different without the social and cultural capital that they gained through participating in BMI. Although they asserted that many of the resources were in place already for all students, they felt disconnected from many of these opportunities or shared that they held little to no knowledge on how to access them. Access to capital, including human capital, helped alleviate some of their potential struggles, provided them with access to mentors and a variety of institutional agents, and helped mitigate some of the stressors in transitioning and persisting in college.

Tony, a 22-year-old, fourth year biology major (3.4 GPA), expressed that gaining access to social capital was critical to his experiences and noted how his college experience would be much different had he not actively participated in BMI. Primarily, he believed that the BMI program invested in students by providing information and access to various resources on campus to help engender their success. He shared:

I think [my college experience] would be different. I wouldn’t know a lot; I wouldn’t know a lot of the scholarships, I wouldn’t know a lot of the opportunities that are available. Even though they’re out there, I wouldn’t have known about many of the things. It helps keep you on track and it helps keep you on pace.

Similarly, Hakeem, a 22-year-old third year majoring in art (3.2 GPA), spoke directly about the importance of expanding his network on campus and how he could benefit from being able to access various resources. Primarily, he met institutional agents with whom he could develop close bonds and whom he believed would support his future endeavors. He expressed a high value for these relationships during his college years and how many of these individuals could get to know him on a personal level. He acknowledged:

I would not have anywhere near the people I have in my life now. Whether it be help or helping from who I am personally. I wouldn’t have access to a lot of higher up staff members or it would be later down the road. I’ve been able to build such a strong relationship with staff members where if I need them after Monroe State, I’ll be able to work with them for a letter of recommendation. Whereas had I not known them they might be a little leery or not have as much to say when it comes to the recommendation.

A critical component of students’ participation in ethnic organizations in Museus’ (2008) study was providing students with sources of cultural familiarity – ‘scaled down environments that function as spaces where students can connect with peers who share similar cultural backgrounds and understandings on campus’ (p. 576). Several respondents in the current study talked about the benefits of accessing resources and capital beyond their own individual efforts. In particular, they envisioned themselves to be in a position to reciprocate much of what they experienced. For instance, several of the students expressed a desire to work in their home communities or other communities of interest and shared that the capital they acquired while in college was critical to their aspirations and individual development. Reggie, a 21-year-old, third year political science major (3.1 GPA), offered the following reflection about his experiences:

I wouldn’t know as much about the school I guess from an African American male’s perspective, I think I would’ve missed out on that. I think I would’ve missed out on opportunities to help out the African American community. So, I wouldn’t enjoy it [college] as much because I’d be missing out on those activities because of what Mighty Men contributes. And I would’ve missed out on the discussions because they contribute to the growing process as well.

The student narratives cited here are summative of how they experienced their BMI programs. As Reggie noted, he enjoyed college more precisely because of the activities that he engaged in through his participation in Mighty Men Mentoring. Like many of his peers, BMI enhanced his own individual growth through the cultural capital he acquired. In particular, he cited the targeted discussions about being a Black male in college and in wider society as a foundation from which he could build. For many of the students, not being engaged in these critical discussions or participating in BMI activities equated to having ‘missed out’ on important opportunities to grow, mature, and learn about their future possibilities. In the next section, I focus on academic performances as an important area of BMI’s impact on the students.

‘Opened my eyes to a lot of things’: Enhancing Academic Experiences

Many of the students made direct links between opportunities provided by BMI and their increased access to capital and their academic performances and responsibilities. For most of these students, they noted that BMI enhanced their academic experience in three ways: (a) the academic focus of BMI; (b) out-of-class learning opportunities; and, (c) academic support. With regard to the academic focus of BMI, some of the students asserted that increasing their academic performances was a primary benefit of their BMI experiences. As an example, Kirk, a 20-year-old, second year political science major (2.3 GPA), shared that participating in BMI helped him retain his academic focus and reestablish some of his collegiate priorities. He offered:

Like I said, it made me see that … college is important. Yeah, you need to stay more focused; I need to stay away from my friends and stay away from the distractions. I need to get myself where I need to be where I get to the point where I feel proud of myself. We always talking about studying and getting study groups together. The program is great and it opened my eyes to a lot of things.

Students expressed appreciation for BMI’s academic focus and intentionality. Students highlighted their participation in academic coaching sessions (as a large group and one-on-one meetings), lectures by faculty during BMI meetings, and student-organized study tables as valuable spaces for learning about how to improve their study skills and academic performances.

Additionally, many of the students shared that BMI provided them with access to resources that were beneficial beyond their academic courses. Here, students discussed how out-of-class learning through BMI enhanced their collegiate experiences. Previous research contends that out-of-class learning is essential to students’ adjustment and persistence (Brooms, 2016; Brooms et al., 2015; Harper, 2006). For instance, Harper (2006) asserts that participating in a variety of out-of-class activities contributes to students’ learning and cognitive gains. In the current study, students identified learning in BMI activities such as financial literacy and goal setting workshops as well as professional development opportunities. In reflecting on his learning, Lonnie, a 21-year-old, third year applied engineering major (3.1 GPA), recognized:

With them giving me, providing those things that were accessible to me that I didn’t even know; I didn’t know about Career Service and how my resume should look. It made me want to do better academically and then I learned about setting goals and things like that. I’ve been able to really focus on my grades and now one of my goals is to get a 4.0 and my grades right now are four A’s and one B.

A third way that students benefited from their experiences in BMI was the collective academic support they received. Opportunities for students to learn through engaging and participating on campus can help enhance their sense of belonging (Guiffrida, 2003; Museus, 2008) and build their sociocultural capital. Mason, a 22-year-old, fourth year business finance major (3.3 GPA), delivered powerful thoughts and suggestions about the role BMI can play in linking students to both individual and collective performances and aspirations during their college tenure. He affirmed:

Meaning I did come out a little later on, it did maintain that because I knew that people were watching me. This group is a very important group because they’ve set a high standard. Mighty Men made me even more inspired to hold myself to a high standard. There’s a group out there, Mighty Men, that’s out there to acknowledge guys, men of color, who are out here trying to achieve and do something positive. So, it helped push me along to continue doing what I was already doing which was doing well in college.

The students suggested that their involvement in BMI helped enhance their academic performances both directly and indirectly. Researchers note that Black male students benefit from more intentional and focused academic support efforts, especially through their involvement in male-centered programs (Brooms, forthcoming; Brooms et al., 2015; Barker and Avery, 2012). Significantly, the students felt supported in BMI activities and through the BMI collective; additionally, many of the students expressed that they were inspired and motivated in their academic efforts by BMI. Undoubtedly, these academic components and academic experiences helped increase the students’ sense of belonging on campus and helped them build a micro-community as well.

‘It builds you up’: Heightening Sense of Self and Collective Identities

In addition to discussing BMI as a home and counter-space and how they benefited from access to resources and academic support, the students also talked about what they learned through participating and engaging in BMI. In listening to the students’ narratives, a significant number of the participants discussed how they felt connected to BMI through a heightened sense of self and collective identity awareness. These learning experiences were critical in helping to empower students, providing them with opportunities for self-discovery, and enhancing their identities. As Franklin (2002) asserts, developing a sense of group consciousness and collective identity is an important facet of cultural capital in Black education.

As the students reflected on their BMI experiences, they consistently spoke about the connectedness that they felt to each other and other Black males (such as BMI staff and specific university staff and faculty who invested in them) across the campus and within the community. Deepening peer relationships has been found to be critical for increasing the success of Black male students in college (Brooms, 2016; Harper, 2013; Palmer et al., 2014; Strayhorn, 2008). Anthony, a 23-year-old, fourth year Spanish major (2.5 GPA), reported that he and other Black males benefitted from BMI through their engagement and connection to one another. He exclaimed:

It’s about committing to brotherhood. It’s about holding each other accountable. It’s about participating when you don’t want to participate. It’s about reaching out to every African American brother that you see on campus. It’s about finishing – in life, on campus and off campus. It’s about talking about your problems. It’s about reaching out to your mentors if need be.

Anthony’s words represent study participants’ feelings of brotherhood that they experienced in BMI and the accountability they felt toward each other – and the program – as a result. The sense of brotherhood spoke to the students’ ideas about bonding with each other through similar narratives and sharing along with shared experiences prior to college and on campus. Brotherhood was also a component of how the students continued to develop their manhood constructs. For instance, traits of accountability, responsibility, and sense of self were weaved throughout the students’ narratives. Investigating Black males’ masculine identities and manhood constructs can help better understand how they negotiate their engagement and persistence in college (Dancy, 2012; Davis, 2012). In his study of Black college males, Dancy (2012) found that Black male collegians felt a need to hear themselves; these types of conversations ‘both between and about African American men could deepen and nuance’ understandings for and about them (p. 114). In addition, this sense of collective identity could be used as a source of empowering their persistence efforts not only in college but, as Anthony noted, in life as well.

The students also shared how BMI expanded their cultural capital by focusing on their identities – both intentionally and through the constructs of the program. For instance, a significant number of students expressed that BMI helped them learn more about their Black male identities. Many students believed that this identity work was important in helping them see their value individually, within the college environment, and in the future (also see Dancy, 2012; Davis, 2012). Arthur, a 22-year old recent history graduate (2.4 GPA), provided a succinct statement on how BMI impacted him personally; he proffered:

Helping you to become the best man that you can be through your interactions not only through academics but socially and helping you to prepare for your life after college. And, just helping you succeed academically, socially, and financially; helping you become an educated Black man while also giving back.

As the students reflected on their experiences, having opportunities to focus on their identities, and their identity development, enhanced their overall college experiences. Most importantly, the salience of their Black male identities was empowering and they believed that learning about Black males helped prepare them for their lives and futures.

Additionally, by focusing on their Black male identities, the students believed that BMI was supportive and helped to elevate their sense of self. More specifically, the support they received was described as being ‘lifted up’ or ‘built up’ through BMI. Jerome’s reflection about participating in BMI and the program’s focus on Black male identities supports the consensus of the group:

Mighty Men is about building up young Black college students and turning them into mentors for young Black college students. And it’s also about changing the image of the Black male on campus because with the work that we’ve done Mighty Men’s name holds weight. So, if you can say, ‘I’m a member of Mighty Men,’ it’s like people look at you different and they expect you to carry yourself in a particular manner because of the work that we do and the way we are.

In responding to a follow-up question on how Mighty Men helps build up Black male students, he explained:

In places where we’re weak, Mighty Men helps strengthen that. Like I said, I had a weakness with public speaking or knowing when to say what and Mighty Men helped me with that. We just had mock interviews and just knowing what posture to have helps you with that. We had one meeting where we went around the room and guys shared things that would be considered ‘feminine stuff.’ One guy said, ‘I have this Katie Perry album.’ It helps you not be so insecure and not be so closed-minded; it builds you up where you’re weak.

Many of the students felt connected to BMI through their collective identities as Black males. Having a space where they could gather and discuss pertinent issues about themselves allowed some students to be vulnerable in ways that was much safer than what they experienced across campus. This vulnerability as a masculine construct pushes back against hegemonic masculinity, which informs and encourages males to be tough and emotionless (Dancy, 2012). Thus, BMI provided space for the students to explore alternate masculinities and even engage in cooperative masculinity, which is centered on working together to achieve shared goals and supporting each other for greater collective gain. Also, as participants in BMI, many of the students felt that they served as representatives of the group, both formally and informally, which helped them continue reassessing their own self-constructs.

Discussion

The aim in this paper was to use the narratives and experiences of 40 Black male students to engage with important theoretical and conceptual issues related to their engagement in a BMI program. The findings provide empirical data that reveals students’ sociocultural capital contributes to their sense of belonging and persistence in college. Through this analysis, I extend findings of existing studies of student involvement of campus in general and shed more light on students’ experiential benefits from participating in BMI. Previous researchers have identified benefits of Black male students’ involvement in higher education, such as increased academic performance (specifically grade point average), leadership opportunities, and overall college satisfaction (Brown, 2006; Harper, 2006, 2013; Strayhorn, 2008). Importantly, social capital in college can be gained by participating in out-of-class activities (Brooms et al., 2015; Strayhorn and DeVita, 2010). Student engagement in BMI-type programs is not simply about student involvement but also about building community capital. At the BMI programs in this study, building community on campus was related positively to students’ narratives about their resilience, persistence, and success. As the student narratives attest, building community capital on campus helped increase and enhance students’ sociocultural capital by providing a home-like space on campus as well as reaffirming their racialized and gendered identities (individually and collectively), cultural wealth, experiential knowledge, and persistence efforts.

Given that involvement can take place both inside and outside the classroom, student integration and involvement can be seen as ways to build community in college. Students developed, enhanced, sustained, and exchanged important cultural knowledge and understandings in BMI spaces to help them navigate college more effectively; this space often functioned as a counter-space on campus. Counter-spaces have been identified as critical spaces for social cohesion, adjustment, and coping for Students of Color at HWIs (Robertson et al., 2014; Solórzano et al., 2000; Yosso et al., 2009). For instance, Yosso and colleagues (2009) contend that counter-spaces can serve both academic and social functions and allow space to ‘vent frustrations and cultivate friendships with people who share many of their experiences’ (p. 677). Counter-spaces can help students build a culturally supportive community, allow students to validate their experiential knowledge, and develop necessary skills to navigate the college. In serving as counter-spaces, BMI programs can increase students’ sense of belonging on campus by helping them feel valued and enhancing the sociocultural capital at their disposal.

In unpacking the students’ experiential knowledge and wealth, I demonstrate the role that the program plays in ‘building up’ Black male collegians. In particular, the findings reveal how BMI serves as a ‘home away from home’ for many of the students in this study. The BMI programs helped students develop interconnected (i.e., emotional expression) and problem-oriented coping strategies. Also, they feel welcomed and included within BMI and, even more importantly, they are able to connect with other Black males and build a micro-community on campus. The students affirmed the need for and benefits of a micro-community that served as an alternate ‘home’ space on campus. BMI provided many of the students with a space to process, share, and develop strategies to persevere academically, personally, and socially. Additionally, they identified the BMI community (or micro-community) as a significant, positive contributor to their collegiate experience that also supported their persistence efforts.

Two significant benefits of establishing community were opportunities for students to enhance their sense of belonging on campus and increase their sociocultural capital as well. The community that BMI established helped provide students with access to a range of sociocultural capital. Yosso (2005) identified familial capital as those cultural knowledges, nurtured among families, that carry a sense of history and memory and that help to forge a heightened sense of consciousness. Familial capital is connected to kin, denoting both a close family knit and including a broader network of community, and thus is nurtured by extended family as well. Additionally, communities (or micro-communities) can serve a number of purposes. For instance, Yosso and colleagues (2009) showed how students of color continue to foster communities of resistance that bridge their worlds of home and school. They found that in response to racial micro-aggressions, Latinas/os in their study did not consider themselves helpless victims. A critical coping strategy used by the students was building communities that ‘represent and reflect the cultural wealth of their home communities’ (p. 680).

In summary, the effects of ‘building up’ Black male college students through the BMI community played a significant role in the students’ thoughts, beliefs, and behaviors on campus. Through their participation, students expressed a sense of mattering and feeling valued in their BMI experiences. Similar to Carter’s (2003) conception that cultural capital can vary across different social spaces, I found that sociocultural capital is variable even within the same space (the BMI) – even within the same grouping of individuals. In particular, I found four different ways in which BMI enhanced students’ sociocultural capital: ‘establishing’ a home and having a ‘space’ on campus, gaining access to critical support, providing academic support and motivation, and heightening their sense of self and collective identities. Collectively, they underscore how students can build community capital and the importance of building community on campus for Black male students. BMI offered students a space to build familial-like bonds with their peers along with other institutional agents; these relationships provided an important physical and psychosocial space for students to share their stories, learn from others, learn about and access a variety of resources, and craft counter-narratives about Black male students. Thus, the community served as a buffer from the white-centric culture and ethos on campus (i.e., students knew that they were not ‘alone’) while simultaneously providing an anchor that helped to bolster their sociocultural capital and persistence efforts. As found in this study, sociocultural-capital-accruing experiences are significant because they may allow students to access a broad range of resources, develop significant and supportive relationships with others, enhance their sense of self as well as their sense of belonging on campus, and can promote college success.

Conclusion

The Black Male Initiative programs served as important promoters of Black male students’ collegiate success. As the students discussed their BMI experiences, they revealed how they used sociocultural capital for both expressive and instrumental purposes. Instrumentally, BMI helped them build community capital on campus through the close-knit bonds they developed with other BMI members and the support they garnered (‘it was like a home’). Expressively, BMI provided them with a space to claim as their own. In this space, students could express their experiences freely (‘it gave me a place to vent’) and be informed about how to navigate different contexts (‘be mindful when you’re off campus’). Although research continues to detail the challenges that many Black male students face, BMI programs can serve a critical role in supporting their retention and persistence efforts. Additionally, BMI-type programs can speak to students’ holistic needs where they have opportunities to develop their masculine identities and manhood constructs even further. The students in this study described BMI as nurturing, supportive, and encouraging, enabling them to enhance their collective identities and self-expectations. The participants emphasized that access to sociocultural capital helped to build community on campus, which ultimately supported their academic efforts and reaffirmed their cultural wealth.

As the results from this study were based on research on Black Male Initiative programs at two historically white institutions, additional research is needed across various types of BMI programs (such as mentoring, social cohesion, or peer support) and at different institutional types to see whether these findings are applicable to other BMIs. Additionally, more research is needed that examines how these programs impact students’ persistence efforts and identity development across their college careers.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

Sincere thanks are given to the students for availing themselves for this research project. Also, thank you for allowing me to share your space and learn from your experiences.

Funding

This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.

Notes

References

Allen

Epps

Haniff

(eds) (1991) College in Black and White: African American Students in Predominantly White and Historically Black Public Universities. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Astin

(1999) Student involvement: A developmental theory for higher education. Journal of College Student Development 40(5): 518–529.

Barker

Avery

(2012) The impact of an institutional Black male leadership initiative on engagement and persistence. College Student Affairs Journal 30(2): 73–87.

Bledsoe

Rome

(2006) Student African American Brotherhood. In Cuyjet

and Associates (eds) African American Men in College. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 257–264.

Bourdieu

(1986) The forms of capital. In: Richardson

(ed.) Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. New York, NY: Greenwood Press, 241–258.

Brooms

(2016) Encouraging success for Black male collegians: Support, brotherhood and bonding on campus. Issues in Race & Society 4(1): 35–60.

Brooms

(forthcoming) Being Black, Being Male on Campus: Understanding and Confronting Black Male Collegiate Experiences. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.

Brooms

Goodman

Clark

(2015) ‘We need more of this’: Engaging Black men on college campuses. College Student Affairs Journal 33(1): 105–123.

Brown

(2011) ‘Same old stories’: The Black male in social science and educational literature, 1930s to the present. Teachers College Record 113(9): 2047–2079.

10.

Brown

(2006) The impact of campus activities of African American college men. In: Cuyjet

and Associates (eds) African American Men in College. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 47–67.

11.

Carter

(2003) ‘Black’ cultural capital, status positioning, and schooling conflicts for low-income African American youth. Social Problems 50(1): 136–155.

12.

Coleman

(1988) Social capital in the creation of human capital. American Journal of Sociology 94: S95–S121.

13.

Cuyjet

(2006) African-American college men: Twenty-first-century issues and concerns. In: Cuyjet

and Associates (eds) African American Men in College. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass, 3–23.

14.

Dancy

(2012) The Brother Code: Manhood and Masculinity among African American Males in College. Charlotte, NC: Information Age Publishing.

15.

Davis

(1994) College in Black and White: Campus environment and academic achievement of African American males. The Journal of Negro Education 63(4): 620–633.

16.

Davis

(2012) Negotiating masculinity in college: African American males and academic engagement. In: Brown

Dancy

Davis

(eds) Educating African American Males: Contexts for Consideration, Possibilities for Practice. New York, NY: Peter Lang, 53–66.

17.

Fleming

(1984) Blacks in College: A Comparative Study of Students’ Success in Black and White Institutions. San Francisco, CA: Jossey-Bass.

18.

Franklin

V P

(2002) Introduction: Cultural capital and African-American education. The Journal of African-American History 87: 175–181.

19.

Guiffrida

(2003) African American student organizations as agents of social integration. Journal of College Student Development 44(3): 304–319.

20.

Harper

(2006) Peer support for African American male college achievement: Beyond internalized racism and the burden of acting white. The Journal of Men’s Studies 14(3): 337–358.

21.

Harper

(2013) Am I my brother’s teacher? Black undergraduates, racial socialization, and peer pedagogies in predominantly white postsecondary contexts. Review of Research in Higher Education 37(1): 183–211.

22.

McClure

(2006) Voluntary association membership: Black Greek men on a predominantly White campus. The Journal of Higher Education 77(6): 1036–1057.

23.

Museus

(2008) The role of ethnic student organizations in fostering African American and Asian American students’ cultural adjustments at predominantly white institutions. Journal of College Student Development 49(6): 568–586.

24.

Palmer

Wood

Dancy

Strayhorn

(2014) Black Male Collegians: Increasing Access, Retention, and Persistence in Higher Education (ASHE Higher Education Report). Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley & Sons.

25.

Robertson

Bravo

Chaney

(2014) Racism and the experiences of Latina/o college students at a PWI. Critical Sociology. Prepublished 30 September. DOI: 10.1177/0896920514532664.

26.

Solórzano

Ceja

Yosso

(2000) Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus racial climate: The experiences of African American college students. Journal of Negro Education 69(1): 60–73.

27.

Strayhorn

(2008) The role of supportive relationships in facilitating African American males’ success in college. NASPA Journal 45(1): 26–48.

28.

Strayhorn

Devita

(2010) African American males’ student engagement: A comparison of good practices by institutional type. Journal of African American Studies 14(1): 87–105.

29.

Tracy

(2010) Qualitative quality: Eight ‘big-tent’ criteria for excellent qualitative research. Qualitative Inquiry 16(10): 837–851.

30.

U.S. Department of Education, Institute of Education Sciences, National Center for Education Statistics (2011) The Condition of Education 2011 (NCES 2011–033). Washington, DC: US Department of Education. Available (consulted 15 October 2013) at: http://nces.ed.gov

31.

Warde

(2008) Staying the course: Narratives of African American males who have completed a baccalaureate degree. Journal of African American Studies 12(1): 59–72.

32.

Weiss

(1994) Learning from Strangers: The Art and Method of Qualitative Interview Studies. New York, NY: Free Press.

33.

Yosso

(2005) Whose culture has capital? A critical race theory discussion of community cultural wealth. Race, Ethnicity, and Education 8(1): 69–91.

34.

Yosso

Smith

Miguel

Solórzano

(2009) Critical race theory, racial microaggressions, and campus climate for Latina/o undergraduates. Harvard Educational Review 79(4): 659–690.

35.

Young

(1999) The (non) accumulation of capital: Explicating the relationship of structure and agency in the lives of poor Black men. Sociological Theory 17(2): 201–227.