Abstract
Introduction
Across the life course, unemployment is associated with poorer health, including a higher risk of mortality and lower levels of psychological well-being (Amick et al., 2002; Brand, 2015). Moreover, unemployment risk is an increasingly pervasive part of American employment (Hollister, 2011; Kalleberg, 2009). A single unemployment experience is associated with events that have consequences for later-life health, including the loss of employee benefits, lower social status, lost current and lower future income, and increased risky health behaviors (Burgard et al., 2012; Burgard & Lin, 2013; Krug & Eberl, 2018; Young, 2012). In fact, unemployment does not only undermine health when it is experienced: an unemployment experience “scars” future health, including lower levels of life satisfaction, poorer mental health, and worse self-rated health at time spans ranging from two to nearly 30 years after the unemployment event (Clark et al., 2001; Krug & Eberl, 2018; Strandh et al., 2014; Tøge & Blekesaune, 2015). Additionally, prior research has found a relationship between cumulative unemployment experiences and heart attacks and well-being (Booker & Sacker, 2012; Dupre et al., 2012). Yet, to our knowledge, research has not simultaneously examined people’s differential experiences of unemployment over time—both whether and when they experience unemployment risk as they age or what we refer to as unemployment trajectories—and midlife health.
There is ample reason to expect that risk of unemployment varies across the life course and across the population, and that differences in the likelihood of experiencing unemployment will be associated with health inequality at midlife. Blacks and Latinos, those with a high school degree or less, and men have a greater likelihood of both single and repeated bouts of unemployment, suggesting that while unemployment is increasingly common, it is also unequally distributed in the population (Brand, 2015). Multiple job loss events have been associated with higher risk of acute cardiovascular events and poorer health at age 40 (Dupre et al., 2012; Frech & Damaske, 2012), and there is recent evidence that persistent unemployment risk may be associated with a greater risk to health (Herber et al., 2019; Janlert et al., 2015).
Furthermore, when unemployment occurs likely also matters for health, but existing research provides limited evidence as to whether and how the timing of unemployment is associated with enduring consequences for health. Unemployment risks are often high in one’s late youth and early adulthood and unemployment risks rise again in later life (Bell & Blanchflower, 2011; Wanberg et al., 2016). The health impacts of unemployment experiences may vary across the life-span, although some evidence suggests they do not (Rowley & Feather, 1987). On the one hand, compared with later-life unemployment, early-life unemployment has been associated with greater mortality risk and depression (Roelfs et al., 2011; Strandh et al., 2014), suggesting earlier unemployment may exert a long-term impact on health. On the other hand, a German panel study found that the negative physical health effects of unemployment duration were much larger in midlife (around age 55) than young adulthood (around age 25) (Stauder, 2019), suggesting that unemployment in middle age may be most consequential.
Most prior studies examine either (1) aggregate-level unemployment statistics and health (Norström et al., 2014; Peng et al., 2021), (2) individual-level cohorts comparing unemployed to employed persons (Silver et al., 2021), (3) panel studies that examine the relationship between multiple unemployment bouts and later health outcomes (Dupre et al., 2012; Frech & Damaske, 2012) or (4) panel studies that examine the relationship between either early or later-life unemployment and later-life physical and mental health outcomes (Böckerman & Ilmakunnas, 2009; Roelfs et al., 2011; Stauder, 2019; Strandh et al., 2014). No study, to our knowledge, has conducted a prospective, longitudinal analysis over the individuals’ career trajectories to tease out differences in the mental and physical health consequences of both the timing and likelihood of unemployment. The current study addresses this gap in research by implementing a latent trajectory approach to classifying unemployment experiences over the working years and analyzing health outcomes in midlife based on these latent classifications.
Unemployment may worsen health in part because it is associated with a loss of the health benefits of stable employment, a perceived loss in social status, as well as increases in risky health behaviors and financial strain (Burgard & Lin, 2013; Krug & Eberl, 2018). After an unemployment period, there is reason to expect lasting changes in wages, family formation, occupational status, employment status, healthy behaviors, and health status (Brand, 2006; Gangl, 2006; Kalousova & Burgard, 2014). Thus, we would expect to see unemployment may undermine one’s access to resources that have been associated with health, including those related to family and financial status, access to stable work, and health behaviors and health status. If this is the case, identifying these resources could be important for interventions.
Finally, research demonstrates that health selection affects any investigation of how unemployment undermines health (Burgard et al., 2007; Stauder, 2019; Strully, 2009). Unemployment and health share a bidirectional relationship, where poor health can lead to unemployment, even as unemployment undermines health (Haas, 2006; Rueda et al., 2012). Poor mental and physical health in childhood or young adulthood is associated with poorer educational, labor market, and health outcomes later in life (Haas, 2006; Haas et al., 2011). Both alcoholism and suicide attempts are associated with unemployment, even though prior hospitalizations, cardiovascular disease, and cancer do not appear to increase risk of unemployment (Vågerö & Garcy, 2016). And there is some evidence from a panel study in Finland that suggests that the selection effects from poor health may, in fact, explain the relationship between unemployment and later-life health, although the evidence for this remains limited (Böckerman & Ilmakunnas, 2009). At the same time, the association between unemployment and poorer health is robust (Rueda et al., 2012), with research taking selection effects into consideration finding unemployment associated with poorer physical and mental health (Frech & Damaske, 2012; Stauder, 2019).
The purpose of this study is to identify common patterns, or group-based trajectories, of unemployment risk over time, and to estimate associations between unemployment trajectories and health at midlife after accounting for demographic and early-life variables. We do this using a cohort of late “Baby Boomers” from the U.S. National Longitudinal Survey of Youth 1979 (NLSY79). Building on previous research finding that more time spent unemployed is associated with greater risk of mortality and poorer health (Garcy & Vågerö, 2012; Silver et al., 2021), and that unemployment exerts a scarring effect on mental health over time (Strandh et al., 2014), we expect that groups with a higher likelihood of unemployment early in their careers or throughout their careers will experience worse mental and physical health at midlife than those with lower unemployment risk across their working years. We further expect that many of these associations will be attenuated after adjusting for household resources and health behaviors at midlife.
Data and Methods
Data and Sample
The National Longitudinal Survey of Youth—1979 cohort (NLSY79)—is a nationally representative cohort of 12,686 youth ages 14–21 in the USA in 1979 who were interviewed annually through 1994 and biennially beginning in 1996 (US Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020). The NLSY data are well suited for this study, as respondents provide detailed employment histories at each interview and participate in health modules administered at ages 40 and 50. The NLSY retention rate is also quite high, with 69% of the original sample remaining in the most recently released wave of data in 2018 (National Longitudinal Surveys, 2019b).
To create our sample, we first excluded 2700 respondents from oversampled groups that were dropped from the survey in 1984 (the military oversample) or 1990 (the economically disadvantaged oversample) (US Bureau of Labor Statistics, 2020). Because we were interested in examining the effects of unemployment on health among those who remained vulnerable to job loss across the study period, we further limited our study to those who were ever employed between ages 27–50 (182 excluded), who were not in active-duty military (as they are classified as “out of work” rather than employed or unemployed in the NLSY, 301 excluded), and remained in the labor force (either employed or unemployed) at the time the age 50 health modules were assessed (1115 excluded). Of the 8388 respondents remaining, 6381 reported their health at age 50, 53 were present for the health module but had missing values, 1346 were lost to attrition prior to age 50, and 605 had died by age 50. Because respondents lost to attrition could not report whether they remained in the workforce at age 50, it is not known whether these respondents would have been included or excluded from the analyses. As shown in Appendix A, a multinomial logistic regression predicting mortality and non-mortality attrition (relative to retention to age 50) indicated that mortality was significantly (p<.05) more likely among men, Black respondents, those with health conditions that limited work or a job search at the baseline 1979 interview, and those whose mothers did not graduate high school (as a proxy for family-of-origin socioeconomic status). Non-mortality attrition was more likely among non-US natives, and less likely among Black respondents, those with work-limiting health conditions, and those whose mothers did not graduate high school. We control for these variables in multivariate analyses, but results are likely to be less generalizable among those more likely to attrit. For all other missing data, we impute values using the mi impute suite in Stata 16 and compare results to those found using listwise deletion (results are similar and available upon request).
Measures
Unemployment
At each interview at or near ages 27, 29, 31, 33, 35, 37, 39, 41, 43, 45, 47, and 49, respondents reported the number of weeks in the last calendar year they spent employed, unemployed (not working and seeking work), and out of work (not working and not seeking work). We focus on this age range in order to control for completed educational attainment at age 25, and continue through age 49 in order to measure health during the age 50 health module, the most recently collected health module in the NLSY79 data. Respondents born in 1957 reported their age 27 unemployment experiences in 1984, those born in 1958 report their age 27 unemployment in 1985, and so on, until 2012, when those born in 1964 reported their unemployment experiences at about age 49. We considered respondents to be unemployed at age X if they reported at least 1 week of unemployment in the last year. Short-term unemployment (less than 15 weeks) was the most common form of unemployment during nearly every year of this period (Kroft et al., 2016). Results were consistent when defining unemployment as at least 2 weeks (“one paycheck”) or at least 4 weeks (“one month”) in the last calendar year (see Supplementary analyses for details).
Physical and Mental Health
The Short-Form Survey, or SF-12 (Brazier et al., 1992; Gandek et al., 1998) is a well-validated instrument used to assess overall mental and physical health in adult populations, and is administered to all NLSY79 respondents at ages 40 and 50. We use the age 50 SF-12 physical and mental health scores, which are measured between 2008 and 2014, at the wave closest to the respondent’s 50th birthday. The SF-12 includes 12 questions assessing respondents’ energy, pain, mobility, self-rated health, and emotional wellness. A proprietary method is used to assign separate scores for mental health and physical health; scores are scaled so that an average score is 50 and the standard deviation is 10, with higher scores indicating better physical or mental health (National Longitudinal Surveys, 2019a, p. 19).
Demographic and Early-Life Control Variables
All control variables were measured prior to age 27, the first year we began measuring unemployment trajectories (Nagin, 2005), and are included because previous research has established their relationships with health at midlife. These included gender, race-ethnicity, US nativity, whether the respondent’s mother completed high school, whether the respondent had a health condition that limited work at age 25, and educational attainment at age 25 (Crimmins & Saito, 2001; Frech & Damaske, 2019; Haas, 2006; Melvin et al., 2014).
Age 50 Confounding Variables
At age 50, we controlled for post-trajectory variables likely to be associated with midlife health outcomes. Household and financial resources included marital status, average hours worked between ages 27 and 49, and household wealth at age fifty, measured using net worth (Boen et al., 2020; Frech et al., 2021; Zhang & Hayward, 2006). Because net worth is highly skewed, we add a constant to make all values positive, and then log this value. Health behaviors and health status included frequency of binge drinking, whether the respondent smokes or is physically inactive, BMI (calculated from self-reported height and weight and centered at 25), hours of sleep on a typical weeknight, whether the respondent lacked health insurance, and mental health in models predicting physical health, as well as physical health in models predicting mental health (Prince et al., 2007; Rogers et al., 2010).
Data Analysis
We use group-based developmental trajectories (see Nagin, 2005) to identify common patterns or trends in the timing and likelihood of experiencing unemployment across ages 27–49. Group-based trajectories identify groups of individuals experiencing similar patterns of change or stability over time for an outcome of interest. Quantitative measures of model fit and prior research and theory are used to compare models and select a single model of best fit, comparing fit statistics across the number of possible groups and the shape of each trajectory (linear, quadratic, cubic, or quartic). The goal of GBTM is to identify variability in trajectories across a population, and to make meaningful comparisons across groups. After estimating a series of unconditional models using only age and unemployment variables to determine the best-fitting number of groups and polynomial order of each group-based trajectory, the second stage of the analysis uses group membership as an explanatory variable for SF-12 physical and mental health scores, adjusting first for pre-trajectory control variables, and then for confounding variables measured at age 50. As is well-known in latent classification with distal outcomes, the naïve use of predicted latent groupings as manifest variables leads to a systematic underestimation of the strength of association with the distal outcome (Bolck et al., 2004). Thus, we implement the Bolck, Croon, and Hagenaars (BCH) approach to address the latent nature of unemployment groups by performing a pseudo-ML estimation of the generalized linear model adjusting the log-likelihood function by classification weights, estimating variances using a clustered sandwich estimator (Vermunt, 2010). All analyses are conducted using Stata 16.
Results
Descriptive Statistics
Descriptive statistics for all model variables, N=6434.
Note. Descriptive statistics are averaged across 20 imputed datasets using the “misum” command in Stata 16. Post-trajectory confounding variables are measured at age 50 unless otherwise noted.

Proportion unemployed from ages 27-49, N=6434.
Group-Based Trajectories of Unemployment
Measures of model fit comparing 3, 4, and 5 group-based trajectories of unemployment.
Note. BIC = Bayesian Information Criterion; APP = Average probability of correct placement to assigned group-based trajectory. Results are averaged across 20 imputed datasets.
Characteristics of group-based unemployment trajectories, N=6434.
Note. APP = Average probability of correct placement to assigned group-based trajectory. Results are averaged across 20 imputed datasets.

Group-based trajectories of unemployment from ages 27-49, N=6434.
Unemployment trajectories varied from ages 27 to 49 across Consistently Low (70%), Decreasing Mid-Career (18%), and Persistently High (12%) trajectories. We named trajectories for when in their careers they were most likely to be unemployed and for their likelihood of unemployment over time. The Consistently Low trajectory was most common and had the lowest risk of unemployment at every age between 27 and 49. At age 27, nineteen percent of Consistently Low respondents experienced at least a week of unemployment in the last twelve months, and this number declined with time, to six percent by age 49. In contrast, Decreasing Mid-Career respondents most often experienced unemployment prior to age 40, with the highest levels—35% unemployed—at age 29, before declining to ten percent at age 49. At greatest risk of unemployment at every age was the Persistently High group, with nearly half experiencing unemployment at age 27, before declining to only 38% at ages 37 and 39, then increasing again to 50% by age 49. Overall, unemployment experiences varied significantly from what is suggested by the overall trends in Figure 1. The next series of analyses estimates associations between these three-group–based trajectories and mental and physical health at age 50.
Group-Based Trajectories of Unemployment and Health
Estimated coefficients from generalized linear model with BCH weighting to predict physical and mental health at age 50 across group-based trajectories of unemployment, N=6434.
Note. *p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001, two-tailed tests. Reference category is Lower unemployment.
^=differs from Decreasing Mid-Career unemployment trajectory at p<.05. Results are averaged across 20 imputed datasets using mi estimate in Stata 16. Observations are replicated for each possible group assignment and weighted according to the misclassification matrix using the BCH method. Variances are estimated using a clustered sandwich estimator.
Model 1 of Table 4 estimates physical health SF-12 scores at age 50 across the Consistently Low, Decreasing Mid-Career, and Persistently High trajectories, with Consistently Low treated as reference. On average, a Decreasing Mid-Career unemployment trajectory was associated with SF-12 physical health scores 1.40 points lower than those on a Consistently Low unemployment trajectory, and a Persistently High unemployment trajectory was associated with a score 2.04 points lower than Consistently Low. The difference in health between Decreasing Mid-Career versus Persistently High was also significantly different, suggesting that early experiences of unemployment were less harmful to midlife health than a Persistently High risk. On average, men, non-US natives, and those with higher educational attainment reported higher physical health scores, and those with work-limiting health conditions at age 25 and those whose mothers did not graduate high school reported lower scores. Race-ethnicity was not associated with health at age 50 controlling for other variables.
The second column of Table 4 estimates mental health differences across Consistently Low, Decreasing Mid-Career, and Persistently High unemployment trajectories. As with physical health, the Consistently Low and Persistently High trajectories were associated with significantly lower mental health SF-12 scores, and the Decreasing Mid-Career and Persistently High trajectories also differed significantly, with Decreasing Mid-Career trajectories reporting better midlife mental health. Men and Black and Latino respondents also reported better mental health, controlling for all other variables.
The first column in Model 2 of Table 4 adds post-trajectory confounding variables that may contribute to midlife health to the model predicting physical health. Net of pre-trajectory and post-trajectory variables, Decreasing Mid-Career and Persistently High unemployment continued to be associated with worse physical health at midlife. However, the difference between Decreasing Mid-Career and Persistently High unemployment was reduced to non-significance. Of the variables added in Model 2, being never married, divorced, smoking, having higher BMI, physical inactivity, and lacking health insurance were associated with worse physical health, while averaging longer work hours while employed, greater sleep hours, occasional binge drinking (less than once a week in the last month), and higher mental health SF-12 scores were associated with better physical health at midlife.
The final column of Table 4 adds post-trajectory confounding variables to the model predicting mental health SF-12 scores at age 50. Relative to those on a Consistently Low unemployment trajectory, those with a Decreasing Mid-Career or Persistently High trajectory averaged significantly worse mental health after adjusting for these variables. Notably, unlike physical health, the difference between Decreasing Mid-Career and Persistently High remained statistically significant. In addition, the never married, the divorced, those binge drinking in the last month, smokers, those with higher BMI, and the physically inactive reported worse mental health, while averaging higher work hours, longer sleep on weekdays, and higher SF-12 physical health scores were associated with better mental health at age 50.
Supplemental Analyses
In Appendix B, we conducted a series of robustness checks for the findings presented in Table 4. We first considered our threshold of unemployment, to test whether our findings were consistent when considering at least 4 weeks of unemployment in the last year, rather than 1 week of unemployment. Our findings were similar in magnitude and significance when using a 4-week threshold. Second, because those with work-limiting health conditions are likely to experience both more unemployment and poorer mental and physical health, we replicated our analyses excluding those with work-limiting health conditions at age 49 (n=1062 excluded). Our results remained similar when excluding these respondents. Finally, because respondents in our sample may have experienced different economic circumstances based on their age, we stratified our analyses by birth year, comparing those born between 1957 and 1960 to those born between 1961 and 1964. Those born after 1960 reported slightly better physical and mental health in fully adjusted models, but experienced similar unemployment trajectories (see Appendix C) and similar health associations with unemployment trajectories (see Appendix B).
Discussion
Our study extends prior research on the lasting relationship between unemployment and poor health (Dupre et al., 2012; Garcy & Vågerö, 2013; Stauder, 2019; Young, 2012) by simultaneously considering the timing and likelihood of unemployment to identify group-based trajectories of unemployment from ages 27 to 49 and their relationship with physical and mental health at midlife. Our findings are consistent with prior research finding that those with less unemployment experience better mental and physical health. We add to these studies by demonstrating differences between Decreasing Mid-Career and Persistently High unemployment trajectories at age 50 for physical and mental health, with those experiencing a Persistently High trajectory reporting significantly worse mental health than other groups in fully adjusted models. We also find evidence of enduring unemployment tolls: both Decreasing Mid-Career unemployment and Persistently High unemployment risk are associated with poorer physical health in fully adjusted models.
Our modeling strategy allows us to account for the early-life course variables associated with poorer midlife mental and physical health when examining the relationships between health and the unemployment trajectories. By adjusting for these early-life variables, we can better isolate the relationships between the unemployment trajectories and health. In doing so, we find that the relationship between both Decreasing Mid-Career and Persistently High trajectories and poorer physical and mental health is significant at age 50, net of early-life factors. This advances prior cross-sectional research and points to the lasting importance of unemployment risk, while also showing who is most at risk of the cumulative disadvantages associated with poorer midlife health. Health limitations at age 25 and a mother who did not graduate high school were associated with worse physical health at age 50. In contrast, we found men had better physical and mental health than women at age 50; Black and Latino respondents had better mental health at age 50 than non-Black and non-Latino respondents; and Non-US (compared to US) natives and those with higher educational attainment (compared to those with fewer years of education) at age 25 had better physical health at age 50.
Our findings that the physical and mental health differences across the group-based trajectories of unemployment were reduced by the age 50 confounding variables suggests some of the scarring effects of unemployment may operate through employment-based resources and health behavior characteristics. These findings are in line with previous research demonstrating that unemployment is associated with a loss of health insurance, uptake of unhealthy behaviors, and declines in job quality upon reemployment (Damaske, 2021; Kalousova & Burgard, 2014), which in turn appear to be associated with worsened health at midlife. We see similar patterns for mental health where the relationship between both the Decreasing Mid-Career and the Persistently High unemployment trajectories is reduced, but remains significant, with the addition of the age 50 confounding variables. This suggests that the long-term toll over job insecurity may remain present for these groups and may not diminish with age. More research is needed to investigate this.
The significance of the age 50 confounding variables may be good news for policy experts, as it may point to areas of potential intervention for the physical and mental health costs of unemployment. Lacking health insurance, smoking, and a lack of physical activity were associated with poorer physical and mental health at age 50. Some variables were protective of both physical and mental health, including averaging higher work hours, not binge drinking, and sleeping more. Consistent with prior research, mental and physical health were mutually reinforcing (Frech & Damaske, 2019; Prince et al., 2007).
Our research includes several limitations. We control for, but do not exclude those with work-limiting health conditions or consider the significance of differences in the severity or timing of onset of work-limiting health conditions. While it stands to reason that these respondents will report more frequent unemployment and labor force exits than those who do not report these limitations, our findings are consistent when excluding those who report a work-limiting health condition at age 49 (see Supplemental analyses and Appendix B). Work-limiting health conditions are also an incomplete marker of the potential reverse causality between health and unemployment—poor health and health behaviors like heavy alcohol use, smoking, or other conditions may be associated with unemployment in ways that are not reflected in our models. Injury and illness cause people to leave the workforce, often in ways we are unable to address using the limited health measures available in the NLSY data before the respondents turn 40. As a consequence, our results may underestimate the differences in health at age 50. Controlling for early-life work-limiting health conditions partially adjusts for, but does not eliminate, the concern for reverse causality. Last, our control variables are measured at two points in time—pre-trajectory and post-trajectory, preventing us from assessing dynamic changes in marital status, work hours, occupation, or health behaviors on midlife health.
Using a life course approach allows us to see the reach of unemployment risk into middle age and midlife health, as we compare those whose risk of unemployment sharply declines after the age of 30 with those whose risk remains higher throughout their main working years. Our findings about mental health risk may be most troubling, as they suggest that unemployment risk leaves a lasting mark on workers. As job insecurity rises for most workers (Kalleberg, 2011), our findings suggest it will be increasingly important to identify the paths workers take to middle age and whether those paths were riddled with unemployment risk. Looking ahead, the age 50 measures point to important areas for potential policy intervention suggesting that policies aimed at improving access to full-time work and to its attendant benefits (e.g., health insurance), as well as those promoting healthy behaviors may be able to counter the negative effects of unemployment. Since the Great Recession, long-term unemployment has increased; future research should consider the duration of unemployment in addition to whether and when an unemployment bout occurred, as long-term unemployment may prove to be more damaging to one’s health (Kroft et al., 2016; Strandh et al., 2014). Moreover, in the United States, nearly 75% of workers receive health insurance through their employers (Damaske, 2021), which suggests that the longitudinal strains of unemployment may be greater here than in other countries; assessing whether and how these risks may vary in countries where healthcare is not tied to employment would be an important next step.
Footnotes
Acknowledgments
Many thanks to Jason Houle, Jamie Lynch, Steve McClaskie, and Léa Pessin.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: We gratefully acknowledge support from The National Institutes of Health (NIH-NICHD) and the Population Research Institute at Pennsylvania State University (RO3HD088806, P2CHD041025).
Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting Mortality and Attrition by Age 50 Relative to Retention,Relative Risk Ratios,N = 9986.
*p<.05, **p<.01, ***p<.001, two-tailed tests.
Mortality versus Retention
Attrition versus Retention
Female
.57
***
.92
Black (ref = non-Black, non-Latino)
1.34
**
.56
***
Latino
.87
.92
Non–US native
1.12
1.65
***
Health limits work, 1979
1.77
***
.67
*
Mother did not graduate high school
1.44
***
.74
***
Constant
.09
***
.27
***
Supplemental Models Predicting Physical and Mental Health at Age 50 Across Group-Based Trajectories of Unemployment
Model 2 of Table 4, N=6434
At least four weeks unemployed at age X, N=6434
Excluding those with work-limiting health conditions at age 49, N=5372
By age group, N=6434
Physical health
Mental health
Physical health
Mental health
Physical health
Mental health
Physical health
Mental health
Unemployment trajectory (ref = Consistently Low)
Decreasing Mid-Career
−.78
***
−.80
*
−.80
***
−.53
***
−.58
*
−.76
*
−.86
***
−.78
***
Persistently High
−.95
***
−2.13
***^
−1.30
***^
−1.79
***^
−.89
**
−1.80
***^
−.98
**
−2.41
***^
Born 1961–1964 (ref = born 1957–1960)
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
.18
***
.52
***
Decreasing Mid-Career X Born 1961–1964
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
.17
.01
Persistently High X Born 1961–1964
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
---
.05
.46
Group-Based Trajectories of Unemployment by Age Group
Group-based trajectories of unemployment among respondents born from 1957 to 1960, N= 3058. Group-based trajectories of unemployment among respondents born from 1961 to 1964, N=3376.
