Abstract
Objectives
To examine the need for and arrangements pertaining to personal care assistance among individuals 65 and older, and how life stage at migration impacts nativity differences in aging-related care.
Methods
Using data from the Survey of Income and Program Participation (2001, 2004, and 2008), I examine the odds of needing care assistance, who provides care assistance, and the duration of time care assistance is needed, comparing U.S.-born individuals to migrants who arrived before age 50 (“earlier-life migrants”) and those who arrived after age 50 (“later-life migrants”).
Results
While earlier-life migrants showed similar patterns to U.S.-born, later-life migrants showed higher care needs, were more likely to receive care from an adult child, and were particularly likely to need care for longer durations compared to U.S.-born.
Discussion
Aging later-life migrants have strikingly distinct care needs and arrangements, with implications for individual and family well-being, especially considering their barriers to public support.
Introduction
The rise and diversification of immigration to the United States following the Immigration and Nationality Act of 1965 sparked an interest in research and policy centered around the health and well-being of immigrants (Hagan, 2004; Hagan et al., 2003; Hirschman & Wong, 1981; Ihara, 2011; Yeo, 2017). The 1965 Immigration and Nationality Act granted priority to immediate relatives of U.S. citizens seeking to migrate to the United States, which includes aging parents of U.S. citizens. Family reunification policies and the shifting demographics of recent immigrants have important and relatively understudied links with another rapidly changing demographic process—aging. As more aging parents of U.S. citizens began to migrate through family reunification, the age structure of immigrants began to shift upwards, calling attention to the need for research on the health and aging of immigrants, and distinguishing between migrants who arrived at younger ages and aged in the United States (“earlier-life migrants”) and those who migrated at older ages (“later-life migrants”) (Carr & Tienda, 2013; Batalova, 2012; Leach, 2009; Mizoguchi et al., 2019; Pew Research Center, 2015). While research has demonstrated that age at migration has important implications for well-being broadly (Angel & Angel, 1992; Blakemore, 1999; Garcia & Reyes, 2018; Gubernskaya & Tang, 2017; Maleku et al., 2021; Wakabayashi, 2010), the personal care needs and care arrangements of aging immigrants who migrate at different life stages are relatively unknown. This paper will contribute to the literature on migration and aging by examining the need for care assistance with activities of daily living and instrumental activities of daily living among a sample of non-Hispanic (NH) White, Hispanic, and NH Asian individuals aged 65 and older, comparing U.S.-born individuals to both earlier-life and later-life migrants. In addition, among those who need care assistance, I examine who provides such care (respondent’s adult child, spouse, or some other arrangement), and for how long care is needed, paying particular attention to differences by life stage at migration.
Background
Life Stage at Migration and Aging-Related Health
Life course theory suggests that events and conditions experienced by an individual may have different consequences depending on the individual’s age or life stage (Elder & Johnson, 2003). Under life course theory, migration shapes opportunities and (dis)advantages differently depending on at what age migration occurred. Life stage at migration has important implications for the accumulation of economic resources (Angel et al., 1999), for social connectedness and acculturation (Angel & Angel, 1992), and the ability to navigate U.S. systems and institutions (Alston & Aguirre, 1987), all of which impacts aging-related health and access to long-term care (Angel & Angel, 2006; Findley, 1988; Guo et al., 2019; House et al., 1989; Wakabayashi, 2010; Walsh & Walsh, 1987). For example, earlier-life migrants with longer durations in the United States may benefit from better English language ability, better integration into the U.S. labor market, and more experience with and understanding of U.S. health care systems compared to later-life migrants. However, earlier-life migrants have more exposure to discrimination and other forms of systemic racism and nativism in the United States, which cumulative disadvantage theory suggests may lessen health advantages over time (Angel et al., 2001). While later-life migrants on the other hand have fewer years of exposure to discriminatory conditions in the United States, this comes with less familiarity and access to U.S. labor markets, health care institutions, and social networks, creating disadvantages for well-being in old age. Furthermore, early-life adversities experienced in sending countries, such as war, famine, or exposure to violence, may impact the aging-related health of later-life migrants (Crocker, 2021; Elo & Preston, 1992; Gubernskaya & Kim, 2018; Kovnick et al., 2021). Considering the rising proportion of later-life migrants among both immigrant and aging populations (Carr & Tienda, 2013; Mizoguchi et al., 2019; Pew Research Center, 2015), it is increasingly important to understand how life stage at migration influences the personal care needs and care arrangements of aging immigrants.
Health Status and Selectivity Differences by Life Stage at Migration
There is a large body of literature on the “healthy migrant effect,” or the observation that migrants tend to have better mortality-related health outcomes than non-migrants, despite socioeconomic disadvantage among many immigrant groups (Abraido-Lanza et al., 1999; Liao et al., 1998; Markides & Coreil, 1986; Ruiz et al., 2012; Sorlie et al., 1993). Findings surrounding the healthy migrant effect are often attributed to selectivity, as healthier individuals tend to be the ones to migrate, particularly if migrating for employment reasons (Garcia et al., 2017; Markides & Rote, 2019; Palloni & Arias, 2004). However, the mortality advantage among immigrants has not consistently translated to increased health across the life course. Researchers have found heightened prevalence of functional limitations among immigrant-origin groups, including difficulties with activities of daily living (ADLs, such as eating, bathing, dressing, and getting around inside the home) and instrumental activities of daily living (IADLs, such as using a telephone, driving a car, shopping, preparing meals, doing housework, taking medicine, and handling finances), when compared to their U.S.-born counterparts (Boen & Hummer, 2019; Garcia & Reyes, 2018; Hayward et al., 2014; Melvin et al., 2014).
The relatively high levels of morbidity among older immigrants is typically attributed to longevity, negative acculturation, and cumulative disadvantage (Angel et al., 2001; Boen & Hummer, 2019; Choi, 2012; Markides et al., 2009) but may also be driven by the increase in later-life migrants, who are more likely to migrate for family reunification than for employment, and thus may be less positively selected on health than earlier-life migrants (Choi, 2012; Gubernskaya, 2014; Hill et al., 2012; Markides et al., 2009; Walters, 2002). In fact, individuals who migrate later in life are particularly likely to cite declining health as their reason for migrating (Markides & Rote, 2019; Tienda, 2017; Walters, 2002) and report worse self-rated health and functional limitations in old age compared to their counterparts who migrated earlier in life (Gubernskaya, 2014; Wakabayashi, 2010). Considering these distinctions in health selectivity and health status, examining the aging-related care needs and arrangements of later-life migrants separately from their peers who migrated earlier in life is an important step in addressing the long-term care needs of this growing and heterogeneous population.
Health Status and Selectivity by Region of Origin
Most research on immigrant health selectivity and the healthy migrant effect focuses on Hispanic populations, particularly Mexican-origin individuals (Markides & Rote, 2019), as Mexico represents the top country of origin for immigrants in the United States (Budiman, 2020). However, Asian Americans are now the fastest growing racial/ethnic group in the United States, largely due to immigration (Budiman & Ruiz, 2021), thus their inclusion is critical for understanding the aging-related care needs of the growing and diverse foreign-born population. While research on health and aging among Asian immigrants is sparse (Kim et al., 2010), a few studies have shown mortality advantages among Asian Americans (Lauderdale & Kestenbaum, 2002; Markides & Rote, 2019), but higher rates of disability, particularly among the foreign-born (Markides et al., 2009; Mutchler et al., 2007).
Despite similar mortality advantages, Hispanic and Asian immigrants experience unique migration conditions, opportunities for incorporation, and experiences of racial exclusion upon arrival in the United States, all of which may differently impact aging-related care needs and arrangements. For example, while Hispanic immigrants tend to have lower education levels than U.S.-born individuals, many groups of Asian immigrants are on average more educated than both U.S.-born individuals and non-migrants in sending countries (Tran et al., 2018; Zhou & Bankston, 2020). Thus, U.S. labor markets for immigrant-origin individuals tend to be relatively bifurcated, with Hispanic individuals disproportionately likely to work in low-paid positions and Asian individuals in higher-paid positions (Zhou & Bankston, 2020). For reasons further discussed below, the disproportionate representation of Hispanic individuals in low-paid and low-benefit jobs suggests that Hispanic individuals may have more care needs and fewer options for care arrangements in old age than both Asian and non-Hispanic White individuals, having worked more labor-intensive jobs with less access to health insurance and retirement benefits (Aguila & Zissimopoulos, 2013; Carr & Tienda, 2013; Taubman & Sickles, 1983; Herd et al., 2008).
Compositional Differences Between Earlier-Life and Later-Life Migrants
Scholars have noted important compositional differences between earlier-life and later-life migrants, with implications for aging-related care needs and care arrangements. For example, immigrants who migrate later in life are more likely to experience work disruptions and have labor histories split between two countries, which impacts their ability to receive retirement income, Social Security, and other benefits demonstrated to improve the health and disability status of older adults (Aguila & Zissimopoulos, 2013; Carr & Tienda, 2013; Taubman & Sickles, 1983; Herd et al., 2008). This relative lack of economic security in old age suggests that later-life migrants may be more likely to rely on family members for prolonged care and support (Angel & Angel, 1992; Angel et al., 1999; Gubernskaya, 2014). Finally, older individuals who migrate later in life are less likely to be currently married than those who migrate earlier in life and native-born individuals, as death of a spouse is a common driver of later-life migration (Chevan, 1995; Choi, 1996; Leach, 2009; Markides & Rote, 2019; Tienda, 2017; Walters, 2002). Thus, although spouses are among the more common means of care assistance in old age (Ornstein et al., 2017), later-life migrants are less likely to have spousal support and may be more likely to seek care from their adult children.
In addition, scholars note important nativity differentials in household composition, which are further patterned by life stage at migration. For example, Gubernskaya & Tang (2017) show that co-residency with extended family members is considerably higher for older immigrants who migrated after age 50 than for both older immigrants who migrated at younger ages and older adults in sending countries, a pattern likely driven by U.S. family reunification policies and immigrant selectivity. These distinctions in residential patterns suggest that aging-related care arrangements may be similarly dependent on life stage at migration, as co-residency and proximity to kin are important determinants of family caregiving (Litwak & Kulis, 1987).
Study Purpose and Hypotheses
Given the rise in the proportion of older, foreign-born individuals living in the United States, and prior research suggesting important distinctions in health and aging by life stage at migration, this analysis examines differences in care needs and care arrangements between aging NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian U.S.-born and foreign-born individuals, separating foreign-born into those who migrated earlier in life (before age 50) and later in life (age 50 or later). I test the following three hypotheses: ○ ○ ○
Methods
Data and Sample
I pooled data from 2001, 2004, and 2008 panels of the Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP). The SIPP is a nationally representative survey designed as a continuous series of panels. Respondents include all household members aged 15 and older, including non-English speakers (the data includes an indicator if the interview was conducted in a language other than English). The SIPP collects monthly-level data on topics such as family and household structure, employment and income histories, and insurance coverage and health care utilization, and includes cross-sectional topical modules on several social indicators, including information on migration histories and personal care needs and care arrangements. The SIPP questionnaire has gone through many re-designs since its inception in 1984, and many relevant questions used for this analysis on adult care needs and arrangements were discontinued in the most recent panels (2014 and 2018). Whereas many nationally representative surveys group Asian American respondents into an “other race” category due to sample size constraints, an advantage of the SIPP is the inclusion of Asian American and Pacific Islanders as a stand-alone racial/ethnic group. This inclusion allows for estimates of care needs and arrangements among the two largest racialized immigrant-origin groups in the United States (Hispanic and Asian immigrants), expanding upon prior studies which tend to focus exclusively on Hispanic immigrants (Markides & Rote, 2019).
As the purpose of this study is to understand how life stage at migration impacts the care needs and care arrangements of older immigrants, I used cross-sectional data from the wave of each panel where topical modules on adult care needs and arrangements were asked. Specifically, I used core and topical module data from wave 5 of panel 2001, wave 5 of panel 2004, and wave 6 of panel 2008. In addition, I applied the retrospective question on year migrated from the migration topical module in wave 2 of each panel to distinguish between earlier-life and later-life migrants. I also used retrospective data from the topical module on fertility in wave 2 of each panel to look descriptively at whether an individual has children. Finally, as each SIPP wave covers a four-month period but is designed to track changes at the monthly-level, the survey retrospectively asks respondents to report certain measures such as health insurance coverage and use of public benefits for each month over the four-month reference period. Thus, each individual has four observations per-wave (one for each month of the 4-month reference period). I included only the first observation per person, corresponding to the first month of the four-month reference period. I used the monthly cross-sectional weights at the individual-level provided by the SIPP, so the analysis is representative at the individual-level, rather than the household or family-level.
I created two samples from the data for this analysis—the “full sample” of all adults aged 65 or older, excluding those noted below, and a “sub-sample” of only individuals in need of care assistance (the sub-sample is derived from the full-sample). To create the full sample, I restricted to only respondents aged 65 or older, and thus focused on care needs and arrangements from the perspective of older adults themselves. Furthermore, as the purpose of this analysis is to examine the influence of migration on care needs and arrangements, I only include individuals who self-identify as Hispanic, non-Hispanic (NH) Asian or Pacific Islander, and NH White. NH Black individuals were excluded from this analysis as the sample of foreign-born Black individuals was quite small, and thus Black individuals would be included in the U.S.-born reference group, but not in the immigrant comparison groups. Furthermore, Black/White differences in care needs and arrangements likely reflect deep-rooted histories of racial stratification in the United States rather than mechanisms related to migration, which is outside the scope of this analysis. NH “other race” individuals were also excluded, as the heterogeneity and ambiguity of this group make conclusions difficult to draw. As such, it is important to note that results from this analysis are specific to NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian individuals only. The full sample consists of 28,332 older adults, including 25,913 U.S.-born NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian individuals, 1594 NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian earlier-life migrants, and 825 NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian later-life migrants. The sub-sample of individuals who need care assistance (n = 4354), includes 3912 U.S.-born NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian individuals, 245 NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian earlier-life migrants, and 197 NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian later-life migrants. The criteria used to identify the sub-sample of individuals who need care assistance is described in the following section.
Outcome Variables
I examine five outcome variables, the first three measuring care needs and the last two measuring care arrangements. The first three outcome variables measuring care needs were analyzed among the full sample, while the last two outcome variables measuring care arrangements were analyzed for the sub-sample of individuals in need of care assistance only. Each outcome variable is described below: ○ Any care assistance: This outcome is a dichotomous variable (yes/no) measuring whether the respondent needs any care assistance, with “no” as the reference group. This measure is derived from a series of questions in the SIPP asking if the respondent “needs the help of another person” for each of the following tasks: getting around inside the house, going outside the house, getting in and out of bed, taking a bath or shower, getting dressed, walking, eating, using or getting to the toilet, keeping track of money or bills, preparing meals, doing light housework, and/or taking medication. For this measure, “yes” indicates the respondent needs assistance with at least one of the listed tasks, and “no” indicates the respondent does not need assistance with any of the tasks. This outcome variable was examined for the full sample only. The “sub-sample” of only individuals who need care assistance used in later analyses includes only those who are coded as “yes” for this measure. ○ Assistance with ADL: This outcome is a dichotomous variable (yes/no) measuring whether the respondent needs care assistance with an ADL-specific task with “no” as the reference group. This measure is derived from the same series of questions used to create the “any care assistance” outcome variable, taking the value “yes” for individuals who need the “help of another person” with an ADL-specific task (getting around inside the house, going outside the house, getting in and out of bed, taking a bath or shower, getting dressed, walking, eating, and/or using or getting to the toilet). This outcome variable was examined for the full sample only. ○ Assistance with IADL: This outcome is a dichotomous variable (yes/no) measuring whether the respondent needs care assistance with an IADL-specific task with “no” as the reference group. This measure is derived from the same series of questions used to create the “any care assistance” outcome variable, taking the value “yes” for individuals who need the “help of another person” with an IADL-specific task (keeping track of money or bills, preparing meals, doing light housework, and/or taking medication). This outcome variable was examined for the full sample only. ○ Who provides care: This outcome is a categorical measure capturing who provides care assistance to the respondent. This measure is drawn from a survey question asking the respondent to identify the person who “generally helps with these activities.” Possible response options in the SIPP include the respondent’s son, daughter, spouse, parent, other relative, friend or neighbor, paid help, other nonrelative, or did not receive help. For sample size purposes, I grouped this measure into three categories: the respondent’s adult child (reference group), spouse, or any other arrangement. I excluded a small number of individuals whose care arrangements did not match their marital status. Specifically, I excluded 5 never-married and 37 previously married individuals who reported a spouse as their primary caregiver. This outcome variable was examined for the sub-sample of individuals in need of care assistance only (those who were coded as “yes” for the variable “any care assistance”). ○ Years needing care assistance: This outcome is a categorical variable measuring the amount of time (years) the individual needed care assistance. This measure is drawn from a survey question asking the respondent “for how long have you needed the help of another person [with the listed task(s)]?” The original survey question in the SIPP included five categories: less than 6 months, 6–11 months, 1–2 years, 3–5 years, and more than 5 years. For sample size purposes, I grouped this variable into three categories: less than one year, 1–5 years (reference group), and more than 5 years. Alternative specifications were checked for robustness. This outcome variable was examined for the sub-sample of individuals in need of care assistance only (those who were coded as “yes” for the variable “any care assistance”).
While paid help would ideally be examined as its own category under “who provides care,” a relatively small proportion (12%) of respondents received paid help, which was particularly small among later-life migrants (n = 25), thus the sample is underpowered to examine paid help as a standalone outcome. Similarly, individuals needing care assistance who reported they “did not receive help” represented only 1.5% of respondents with a care need (n = 67) and were grouped into the “any other arrangements” category rather than examined alone. While these sample size constraints may mask important variation in the “any other arrangements” category, research shows that spouses and adult biological children are the most common caregivers (Wolff et al., 2018), and thus the distribution of these two caregiver types across groups was of particular interest in this analysis.
Main Predictor Variable
○ Life stage at migration: This variable is a categorical measure of life stage at migration with three categories: earlier-life migrants, later-life migrants, and U.S.-born individuals (reference group). Earlier-life migrants are foreign-born individuals who migrated before age 50, and later-life migrants are foreign-born individuals who migrated at age 50 or later. Foreign-born and U.S.-born status was measured using a variable asking whether the respondent was born in the U.S. (yes/no). And among the foreign-born, age at migration was calculated by subtracting the individual’s birth year from the year they migrated. The variable for year migrated in the SIPP was often reported in a 1–2-year range, and the mid-point was used as an estimate of exact year migrated (e.g., an individual who migrated in 1982–1984 was coded as migrating in 1983). The use of age 50 to distinguish later-life and earlier-life migrants was adopted from previous studies (Angel et al., 2002; Gubernskaya & Tang, 2017).
Sociodemographic Covariates
Finally, I examine the extent to which the following sociodemographic measures impact differences in care needs and arrangements by life stage at migration: ○ Racial/ethnic stratification: This measure includes three categories: Hispanic, NH Asian, and NH White (reference group). ○ Gender: This variable measures the respondent’s gender, coded dichotomously as woman/man (reference group). ○ Age group: This variable groups a continuous measure of respondent’s age into four categories: 65–70 (reference group); 71–75; 76–80; and 81+. ○ Marital status: This variable groups respondent’s current marital status into three categories: currently married (reference group), formerly married (which included individuals who are divorced, separated, or widowed and not currently married), and never married. ○ College degree: This variable was coded dichotomously (yes/no) and indicates whether the respondent completed a bachelor’s degree, with “no” as the reference group. ○ Private health insurance: This variable was coded dichotomously (yes/no) and indicates whether the respondent is currently covered by a private health insurance plan, with “no” as the reference group. ○ Medicaid: This variable was coded dichotomously (yes/no) and indicates whether the respondent is currently covered by Medicaid, with “no” as the reference group. ○ Medicare: This variable was coded dichotomously (yes/no) and indicates whether the respondent is currently covered by Medicare, with “no” as the reference group. ○ Social Security payments: This variable was coded dichotomously (yes/no) and indicates whether the respondent is currently receiving any Social Security payments, with “no” as the reference group.
Analytic Strategy
I first ran weighted descriptive statistics of the full sample, as well as the sub-sample of individuals who need care assistance, separately for U.S.-born, earlier-life, and later-life migrants, to compare the distribution of care needs, care arrangements, and sociodemographic characteristics across nativity status.
Next, I ran logistic regression models examining the odds of needing any care assistance from another person (yes/no), as well as needing care specifically with an ADL task(s) and an IADL task(s) among the full sample. I first examine differences in care needs by nativity status, comparing U.S.-born (reference) to earlier- and later-life migrants, controlling for sociodemographic and survey differences including racial/ethnic stratification, gender, age, and survey year. I then examine the extent to which compositional differences including marital status and having a college degree influence differences in care needs, and finally, the extent to which health insurance coverage and receipt of Social Security payments influence differences in care needs.
Among the sub-sample of respondents who need care assistance, I ran multinomial logistic regression models to examine who provides care: the respondent’s adult child (reference), their spouse, or some other arrangement. I ran one set of models among all individuals in need of care assistance (married and unmarried individuals) (n = 4354), and another set of models among only married individuals in need of care assistance (n = 1792), as an individual’s marital status highly influences care arrangements (e.g., individuals without a spouse cannot be cared for by their spouse). I first examine differences in care arrangements between U.S.-born (reference), earlier-life, and later-life migrants, controlling for racial/ethnic stratification, gender, age, and survey year. I then control for compositional differences in education, and finally for health insurance coverage and receipt of Social Security payments, to examine how these sociodemographic indicators influence differences in care arrangements by nativity status.
Finally, among the sub-sample of individuals who need care assistance, I ran multinomial logistic regression models examining the number of years the individual has needed care assistance (n = 4,288, as 66 individuals who needed care assistance (1.5%) had missing data on the number of years care assistance was needed). The outcome variable included three categories: less than 1 year, 1–5 years (reference), and more than 5 years. 1–5 years was chosen as the reference category as it was the most commonly reported category and allows for estimates of both the lowest need group (less than 1 year) and the highest need group (more than 5 years). I ran additional models to test alternative specifications of this outcome variable for robustness. These models follow a similar structure as the first two analyses, first controlling for sociodemographic and survey differences (racial/ethnic stratification, gender, age, and survey year), then compositional differences (marital status, education), and finally health insurance coverage and receipt of Social Security payments.
I used the “svy set” commands in Stata for the descriptive statistics and all analytical models to account for the weighting, clustering, and stratification within the complex survey design of SIPP. Person-level weights were used to allow representativeness at the individual-level, rather than at the household or family-level.
Results
Descriptive Results
Descriptive Characteristics of Individuals Age 65 and Older, by Nativity Status. Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) Pooled Panels 2001, 2004, 2008 (n = 28,332).
Needs personal care assistance includes individuals needing help with the following task(s): getting around inside the house, going outside the house, getting in and out of bed, taking a bath or shower, getting dressed, walking, eating, using or getting to the toilet, keeping track of money or bills, preparing meals, doing light housework, and taking medication.
Needs assistance with ADL activities includes individuals needing help with the following task(s): getting around inside the house, going outside the house, getting in and out of bed, taking a bath or shower, getting dressed, walking, eating, using or getting to the toilet.
Needs assistance with IADL activities includes individuals needing help with the following task(s): keeping track of money or bills, preparing meals, doing light housework, taking medication.
Means and percentages weighted.
*statistically different from U.S.-born (p ≤ .05).
(or from earlier-life migrants in categories where U.S.-born do not have values).
Later-life migrants were the least likely to be currently married (54.5%) and the most likely to be previously married (42.1%), which includes divorced, separated, and widowed individuals. Over 85% of individuals across each group had at least one biological child, ranging from 86.5% of earlier-life migrants to 89.1% of later-life migrants. Receipt of college degree was largely comparable, with about one-fifth of respondents in each group holding a college degree.
Later-life migrants were by and large the least likely to have private health insurance (24.6%), while over 80% of U.S.-born and about 60% of earlier-life migrants had private health insurance. Later-life migrants were the most likely to be covered under Medicaid (47.8%). While most individuals across all groups received Medicare coverage, later-life migrants were the least likely (78.4%). Furthermore, later-life migrants were by far the least likely to receive Social Security payments (57.6%), compared to 90.5% of earlier-life migrants and 94.7% of U.S.-born older adults.
Descriptive Characteristics of Individuals Age 65 and Older, Among Individuals Who Need Care Assistance, by Nativity Status. Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) Pooled Panels 2001, 2004, 2008 (n = 4354).
Needs personal care assistance includes individuals needing help with the following task(s): getting around inside the house, going outside the house, getting in and out of bed, taking a bath or shower, getting dressed, walking, eating, using or getting to the toilet, keeping track of money or bills, preparing meals, doing light housework, and taking medication.
Needs assistance with ADL activities includes individuals needing help with the following task(s): getting around inside the house, going outside the house, getting in and out of bed, taking a bath or shower, getting dressed, walking, eating, using or getting to the toilet.
Needs assistance with IADL activities includes individuals needing help with the following task(s): keeping track of money or bills, preparing meals, doing light housework, taking medication.
Means and percentages weighted.
*statistically different from U.S.-born (p ≤ .05).
(or from earlier-life migrants in categories where U.S.-born do not have values).
Patterns of racial/ethnic stratification across groups in the full sample largely carried over to the sub-sample of individuals needing care assistance. The gender gap among the sub-sample of individuals needing care assistance was larger than in the full sample, with women making up 67.0% of U.S.-born, 69.4% of earlier-life migrants, and 61.4% of later-life migrants in need of care assistance. Individuals in need of care assistance were on average slightly older than the full sample population, and the average age migrated was slightly older among those who need care than in the full sample. Approximately 40% of individuals across all groups in the sub-sample of individuals in need of care assistance were currently married, which was sizably lower than for the full sample. Nearly 90% of individuals in need of care assistance across each group had at least one biological child. Individuals in need of care assistance were nearly 10 percentage points less likely to have a college degree than those in the full sample across each group. Finally, there were large differences in health insurance coverage between the full sample and the sub-sample of individuals who need care assistance. Sizably lower proportions of those needing care assistance were covered under private health insurance, including 12.2% of later-life migrants, 43.8% of earlier-life migrants, and 72.5% of U.S.-born older adults. Sizably higher proportions of those needing care assistance were covered under Medicaid, including 74.4% of later-life migrants, 38.8% of earlier-life migrants, and 13.7% of U.S.-born older adults. Medicare coverage was similar among individuals in need of care assistance as in the full sample, as was receipt of Social Security payments for all groups except later-life migrants, with only 48.5% of later-life migrants in need of care assistance receiving Social Security payments, compared to 57.6% of later-life migrants in the full sample.
Need for Care Assistance
Logistic Regression Predicting the Odds of Needing Personal Care Assistance. Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) Pooled Panels 2001, 2004, 2008 (n = 28,332).
Notes: +p≤.1; *p≤.05; **p≤.01; ***p≤.001.
Odds ratios (standard errors) reported.
In addition, table 3 shows notable racial/ethnic and sociodemographic differences in care needs. For example, while Hispanic individuals were more likely to report a care need than NH White individuals, Asian individuals showed no differences in care needs compared to NH White individuals. However, the difference in care needs between Hispanic and NH White older adults became statistically insignificant with the inclusion of health insurance coverage in the model. Women were consistently more likely than men to report a care need across all models, which may reflect increased longevity among women compared to men. Older age groups were associated with higher odds of needing care assistance, as was being formerly or never married compared to being currently married. Individuals with a college degree were significantly less likely to need care assistance, including ADL and IADL specific care, compared to individuals without a college degree, reflecting well-documented educational gradients in health (Conti et al., 2010; Elo, 2009; Kimbro et al., 2008). Private health insurance coverage was associated with a significantly lower likelihood of having a care need, while Medicaid coverage was associated with a significantly higher likelihood of having a care need.
Care Arrangements Among Individuals Who Need Care Assistance
Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting Who Provides Care, Among Individuals Who Need Care Assistance. Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) Pooled Panels 2001, 2004, 2008
Notes: +p≤.1; *p ≤ .05; **p ≤ .01; ***p ≤ .001.
Relative risk ratios (standard errors) reported.
Additionally, table 4 shows that Hispanic individuals were less likely to receive care from a spouse than from an adult child compared to NH White individuals, although this difference became insignificant with the inclusion of health insurance variables. Asian individuals in need of care assistance were marginally less likely (p < .1) to receive care from a spouse than from an adult child compared to NH White individuals in models 1 and 2. Among married individuals in need of care assistance, Asian older adults were significantly less likely to receive care from a spouse than from an adult child across all three models. Furthermore, Asian older adults in need of care assistance were less likely to receive care from some other arrangement than from their adult child. There were no significant differences in care from some other arrangement between married Asian and married NH White older individuals, which may reflect sample size constraints. Hispanic older adults in need of care assistance showed no significant differences in receiving care from some other arrangement than NH White older adults.
Older age was associated with a significantly lower likelihood of receiving care from a spouse. Individuals with a college degree were more likely to receive care from either a spouse or from some other arrangement than from adult children, but not among married individuals alone, which may reflect sample size constraints. Individuals with private health insurance coverage were more likely to receive care from a spouse than from an adult child, while individuals with Medicaid coverage were less likely.
Years Needing Care Among Individuals Who Need Care Assistance
Multinomial Logistic Regression Predicting Years Needing Care Assistance, Among Individuals Who Need Care Assistance. Survey of Income and Program Participation (SIPP) Pooled Panels 2001, 2004, 2008 (n = 4288).
Notes: +p ≤ .1; *p ≤ .05; **p ≤ .01; ***p ≤ .001.
Relative risk ratios (standard errors) reported.
n = 66 individuals in need of care assistance have missing data on length of care arrangements, and are therefore not included in this analysis.
Those with Medicaid coverage were significantly more likely to need care for more than 5 years and significantly less likely to need care for under a year, compared to needing care for 1–5 years, while individuals who receive Social Security payments were less likely to need care for more than 5 years and less likely to need care for under a year. Older age groups were negatively associated with long-term care needs, likely due to increased mortality, while being previously or never married were positively associated with long-term care needs, consistent with prior research on marital status and health, including at older ages (Goldman et al., 1995; Liu & Umberson, 2008).
The finding that later-life migrants were significantly more likely to need care assistance for over 5 years held across various specifications of the categorical variable measuring time needing care assistance (data not shown). Alternative specifications included the original measure in the SIPP (with categories: less than 6 months, 6–11 months, 1–2 years (reference), 3–5 years, and more than 5 years), and other groupings such as less than 6 months, 6 months-2 years (reference), 3–5 years, more than 5 years, and the grouping less than 1 year, 1–2 years (reference), 3–5 years, more than 5 years. Across all specifications, later-life migrants were significantly more likely to need care for over 5 years than U.S.-born older adults, a distinction that was largely explained by the inclusion of health insurance coverage, particularly Medicaid, or receipt of Social Security payments, as the significant difference between later-life migrants and U.S.-born individuals disappeared with the inclusion of these measures. Furthermore, in all specifications that categorized less than 6 months as the lowest need group, earlier-life migrants were significantly more likely to need care for less than 6 months than for a middle range reference (6 months–2 years, or 1–2 years), a pattern which held with the inclusion of all sociodemographic variables, including health insurance and receipt of Social Security payments. However, when 1 year was used as the cut-off for the lowest need group, earlier-life migrants showed no significant differences in length of care needs compared to U.S.-born older adults.
Discussion
As foreign-born individuals, including those who migrate at older ages, make up an increasing proportion of the aging population in the United States, understanding the care needs and arrangements of older immigrants is an important and timely research and policy goal to ensure the health and well-being of aging immigrants and their families. This paper contributes to literature on migration and aging by examining the need for and arrangements pertaining to personal care assistance among NH White, Hispanic, and NH Asian individuals aged 65 and older, noting differences between U.S.-born older adults, those who migrated under age 50 (“earlier-life migrants”), and those who migrated at age 50 or older (“later-life migrants”). Results show that later-life migrants were particularly likely to need care assistance, to receive care assistance from their adult children, and to need care assistance for longer durations compared to U.S.-born individuals, while earlier-life migrants were not. These findings underscore the importance of life course theory in understanding the health of immigrants in later-life, as aging-related well-being was strikingly distinct between more recent migrants who arrived at older ages and those who migrated younger and aged in the United States.
That health insurance coverage, particularly Medicaid and private health insurance, explains much of the difference in care needs and arrangements between later-life migrants and U.S.-born older adults may be in part due to endogeneity, as health insurance variables may be capturing differences across groups in health status and disability, and thus absorbing variation in the outcome variable. However, private health coverage may reflect access to health care, including long-term care, while Medicaid coverage may serve as an indicator of relative poverty, which is likely to impact the ability to receive long-term care. As later-life immigrants are significantly less likely to have private health insurance and significantly more likely to have Medicaid coverage than U.S.-born older adults, it is reasonable to conclude that differences in care needs and arrangements may be largely due to differences in health-related resources.
In addition, while Hispanic individuals were more likely to report a care need than NH White individuals, Asian individuals were not, which may reflect differences in socioeconomic selectivity and labor market experiences between Hispanic and Asian individuals, factors likely to influence aging-related health (Aguila & Zissimopoulos, 2013; Carr & Tienda, 2013; Taubman & Sickles, 1983; Herd et al., 2008). Furthermore, while Hispanic and Asian older adults in need of care assistance were more likely to receive care from an adult child than from a spouse compared to NH White older adults, Asian older adults were also more likely to receive care from their adult children than from some other arrangement, which may reflect cultural practices and expectations that make older Asian individuals particularly likely to receive care from their adult children (Miyawaki, 2015), or perhaps the large representation of Asian later-life migrants (43% of Asian individuals in this sample were later-life migrants), who are disproportionately likely to migrate for family reunification and thus more likely to have adult children available and willing to provide care support.
These findings have implications for both migration and aging-related policies and programs. Although U.S. migration policy purports to hold family reunification as its cornerstone (Treas & Gubernskaya, 2015; Wolgin, 2018), welfare and other anti-immigrant policies systematically exclude and deny immigrants from support for health and well-being, including restrictions to public health coverage (Fix & Passel, 2002). Legislation has been introduced in Congress to expand Medicaid eligibility for recent immigrants (National Immigration Law Center, 2020), and such policies are crucial to ensure access to needed health care, including long-term care. Related, as private health insurance, Social Security, and other retirement benefits are often hinged on U.S. work experience, efforts to decouple these benefits from the labor market would greatly expand long-term care options for both earlier-life migrants who work in precarious or informal sectors, and later-life migrants with little to no U.S. work experience. Family reunification remains an essential policy goal, as family migration has positive socioeconomic outcomes for both families and society (Gubernskaya & Dreby, 2017), and future research should continue to push to inform policy change that bolster family reunification and support the well-being of aging immigrants and their families.
These findings have implications for family caregivers as well. As this and other studies show, adult children are an important means of care support for immigrants (Angel et al., 2014), particularly for later-life immigrants, and literature on care work shows that individuals who provide unpaid care often face penalties in the labor market, detriments to their own health and well-being, and additional obstacles to caring for both aging parents and young children, largely due to a distressing lack of support for family caregivers (Bauer & Sousa-Poza, 2015; Moussa, 2019; O’Sullivan, 2014; Wakabayashi & Donato, 2005). Caregivers from immigrant families may be particularly impacted, being disproportionately likely to work in lower income or less stable jobs and, depending on their own migration background, less likely to have social supports and resources to help care for aging parents (Flippen, 2014; Gans, 1992; León-Pérez et al., 2021).
There are limitations to this analysis. First, the sample size of foreign-born respondents, particularly those who migrated after age 50, was limited, and thus disaggregation of trends by racial/ethnic stratification, region of origin, or additional groupings of age at migration was not possible. Sample size constraints also limited the ability to examine intersections between racial/ethnic stratification and nativity status. Furthermore, given the extremely small number of later- and earlier-life migrants who identified as Black, Black individuals were excluded from this analysis, as patterns of care needs and arrangements among Black individuals would be reflected in the U.S.-born reference group, but not in the immigrant groups. Given recent increases in Black immigrants living in the United States (Hamilton, 2020), future studies using more recent data should incorporate Black immigrants to better understand both racial and nativity disparities in health and aging. Limited sample size also prevented separate analyses by gender, including gender of caregiver, which are important avenues for future research considering well-documented gender divisions in both care needs and caregiving (Finley, 1989; Glauber, 2017; Lee et al., 1993). Furthermore, while the analysis on care arrangements focuses on identifying the individual who “generally” provides care, research shows that individuals often have more than one caregiver (Andersson & Monin, 2018; Reyes et al., 2021; Xu et al., 2021), and future studies should look at caregiving more holistically, as immigrants may have distinct networks of care providers due to varying availability of family members living in the United States. Finally, future studies should examine how factors such as social supports, health status, and living arrangements impact the care needs and care arrangements of older foreign-born adults, which literature shows to be important mechanisms for aging-related well-being (Angel & Angel, 2006; Hays, 2002; House et al., 1989; Walsh & Walsh, 1987), and that vary greatly depending on life stage at migration (Alston & Aguirre, 1987; Angel & Angel, 1992; Gubernskaya & Tang, 2017; Van Hook & Glick, 2007).
Nevertheless, this research adds to the body of literature on immigrant health and aging by examining specific measures of care needs and care arrangements, with an emphasis on how life course theory and access to health-related resources explain care in older ages. Notably, the SIPP allows for the inclusion of Asian Americans in the analysis, who, despite being the fastest growing immigrant and racial/ethnic group in the United States (Budiman, 2020; Budiman & Ruiz, 2021), are often left out of research or grouped into an “other race” category. Future research should continue to explore how migration status intersects with racial/ethnic stratification to shape aging-related care needs and arrangements, and the impact of social policies on health and well-being for both aging individuals and their families, which, as this and other research demonstrates, is particularly important for groups who are systematically excluded from public supports.
Footnotes
Authors’ Note
An earlier draft of this article was presented at the 2022 Population Association of America Meeting.
Acknowledgments
I am grateful to Chenoa Flippen for guidance and mentorship with this study, as well as Pilar Gonalons-Pons, Emilio Parrado, Courtney Boen, and Mikko Myrskylä for their feedback to strengthen the article. I also thank the editor and three anonymous reviewers for constructive and insightful comments and suggestions.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This work received support from the Population Research Training Grant (NIH T32 HD007242) awarded to the Population Studies Center at the University of Pennsylvania by the National Institutes of Health’s (NIH)’s Eunice Kennedy Shriver National Institute of Child Health and Human Development.
