Abstract

The book A Contest for Supremacy is a very timely addition to the existing literature on the rise of China and its changing dynamics with respect to the United States.
The rise of China has become an undisputed fact more so in the aftermath of the global financial crisis and the strength of the Chinese economy in dealing with the crisis. According to the author, Aaron Friedberg, Beijing has become increasingly assertive in its stance after the financial crisis (p. xvi). Friedberg’s primary focus in the book is the change in the military equation involving China and the United States and how this is going to affect the dynamics of security especially in the Asian region. The book appears to be an analysis of the existing order, what US policymakers can do to avoid a complete loss of control over the Asian region, and also what the United States can do to sustain confidence amongst its allies, especially Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan. The author argues that to date ‘Beijing’s efforts to weaken the existing alliances of the United States have achieved limited success’ (p. 213). He also rightly highlights the fact that ‘military power is the foundation of United States strategic position in Asia’ (p. 216).
The author has lucidly analysed the full spectrum of Sino-US relations, from the time of the establishment of the People’s Republic of China (PRC) until 2011. Based on an assessment of the overall development of the relationship between the two sides, Friedberg concludes that ‘neither the structural nor the ideological drivers of suspicion and rivalry between the two nations have yet been fundamentally altered’ (p. 141). He further adds that ‘China as a strong regional power in East Asia poses a challenge to the US’s desire for regional dominance’ (p. 141). According to Friedberg, every step which Beijing undertakes beyond its borders to assert its dominance will be regarded by Washington as ‘encroaching on [its] geostrategic space’ (p. 141).
This argument clearly highlights the fact that the basic issue the author deals with is the strategic and military dominance and influence the United States enjoys in Asia and how the rise of China will affect this situation. There is also a need to accept the fact that China is geographically located in the East Asian region and as it continues to grow it will have a stronger and more immediate impact over its neighbours. Geographical proximity is something that Washington will find difficult to counter.
Right up to the penultimate chapter the author builds a background of this ever-transforming relationship, and it is only in the last chapter that he presents his suggestions. One of the most prominent is that the United States should attempt to form a ‘community of Asian democracies’ in response to the Chinese creation of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (p. 282).
The book enhances our understanding of the factors which played a role in moulding relations between the United States and China at different times. However, the author argues that trying to maintain a coherent relationship with China is a test of US diplomacy as the country does not fit into any one camp. He argues that China is ‘neither a friend, nor, at this point, an avowed enemy’ (p. 264). In addition, it is both an authoritarian regime as well as the largest trading partner of the United States (p. 264).
Even though Friedberg addresses and accepts the fact that there might be a situation in the not so distant future when the military technology gap between the United States and China may have greatly narrowed, the author fails to acknowledge the need to effectively address the problems related to the US economy. Even though Friedberg mentions this aspect briefly, it has to be acknowledged that there is a need to revisit and ‘fix’ the problems existing within the US economy. Moreover, the fact is that as long as China continues to grow economically, other countries will have to interact with it. The author adheres to the majority Western view that someday China will be a democratic country. He states that, ‘a “rebalanced China” would be more humane, and possibly a more democratic society, and there is a good chance that it would be a less vigorous and committed strategic competitor than it is today’ (p. 272).
This is an articulately written book and it is a must-read for scholars and students working on the subject. The book also provides an exhaustive appendix, which makes it a good source of information for students and scholars alike.
