Abstract

Chavs discusses the vilification of the British working class. Jones builds his case by drawing on the political, media, entertainment and industrial machinations of British society, while he traces the shift in attitudes towards the working class to the Thatcher political era (and the subsequent creation of New Labour). Jones calls not merely for a change in attitudes, but for action to address the unequal class divisions of British society.
Chapter 1, ‘The case of Shannon Matthews’, compares the media and political reaction to the faked kidnap of Shannon Matthews with the reaction to the disappearance of Madeleine McCann. The reporting of the former ‘was deliberately inflated into something much greater, for the purposes of journalists and politicians determined to prove that traditional working-class communities had decayed into a morally depraved, work-shy rump’ (p. 32). Chapter 2, ‘Class warriors’, outlines the ‘Thatcherite experiment’ of the 1980s and the decline of trade unions. As a result of this ‘class war’, working-class communities and identities shifted from being something to be proud of, to being seen as something to escape from (p. 40). The promise of social aspiration is thus a political means of undermining working-class identity (p. 44). Chapter 3, ‘Politicians and chavs’, focuses on the inequities of the British political system. Jones highlights the disconnect between the ‘privileged political elites’ and working-class communities (p. 107). Problems are thus attributed to individual behaviour rather than the social structure of Britain. In Chapter 4 (‘A class in the stocks’) readers are introduced to various chav caricatures which have been bandied around as entertainment, including the ‘Big Brother’ contestant Jade Goody. These examples demonstrate a wider ‘chav-hatred’ or ‘chav-war’. This class-hatred is related to the widespread assumption that ‘We’re all middle class now’, as Chapter 5 demonstrates. Jones builds his argument by outlining the effects of de-industrialization on working-class communities. The chapter relies on an ‘us versus them’ theme, with the wealthy, comfortable ‘Middle Englanders’ being compared to the old working class which is viewed as having degenerated into a ‘hopeless chav rump’ (p. 139). Chapter 6, ‘A rigged society’, focuses on the relationship between class and education, with Jones viewing the British system as ‘rigged’ in favour of the middle class while Chapter 7, ‘Broken Britain’, analyses the effects of government decisions on the lives of the working class via a discussion of unemployment, the benefit system and the lack of prospects for today’s youth. Chapter 8 focuses on the growing ‘backlash’ against immigration in Britain and the BNP’s rise in popularity. Jones claims this is a reaction to the marginalization of working-class people and ‘a product of politicians’ refusal to address working-class concerns, particularly affordable housing and a supply of decent, secure jobs’ (p. 223). Moreover, the rise of the far right can also be seen as a symptom of the lack of working-class representation in British politics.
Chavs is a timely contribution to discussions of British class inequalities, particularly given the Conservative-led government’s cutbacks and the spectre of the ongoing global economic crisis. British working-class families are unfairly punished, while those who caused the crisis rest easy that their interests will be valiantly guarded by their own inner ‘upper’ circle. Jones sheds light on the way in which the political elites of Britain conquer by ‘divide and rule’, pitting various social groups against each other in order to gain support. He reminds the reader of the danger of allotting blame to the most vulnerable groups in society who in reality are victims of a highly unequal class system.
There are a few additional points which Jones could have usefully expanded upon. It would have been helpful if the author had given a more detailed explanation of how he defines social class. Moreover, the book does not make allowances for the multiplicity of media voices or the impact of new forms of social media. At times, the middle classes are conceived of as unreflexive, uncritical Daily Mail supporters, who swallow any discriminatory spewings relating to the ‘chavy’ working class. Thus, it would have been useful if Jones had further reflected on contestations over, and challenges to, political and media power and discourses (particularly resistance to discrimination against the working class). The order of chapters is confusing (particularly the jump from Chapter 1 to 2) and the result is a slightly disjointed narrative with tenuous references back to the chav caricature.
Overall, however, Chavs opens the door for wider debate regarding the victimization of the working class at this crucial global, economic and social juncture. It is a must read and wake-up call for journalists, politicians and the wider public. Academics and students with an interest in class, politics, media representations and the labelling of marginal groups will also find it of interest.
