Lifelong learning,human capital development and the career advancement of women in the telecommunications industry in South Africa

Abstract

This article offers insights into the concepts of lifelong learning and human capital development (HCD). It highlights HCD as the core of career advancement and lifelong learning for women as an important mechanism for progressing to senior management positions. The two concepts are considered in relation to women’s career choices and their professional advancement in South Africa. This approach is premised on the understanding that access to learning is critical to HCD. Methodologically, quantitative research methods was used. Questionnaires were administered to 133 junior workers at a mobile telecommunications network in South Africa. The findings show that continuous learning may offer a defence against gender discrimination and may create pathways for women to build their careers. The authors argue that HCD and lifelong learning are critical in creating opportunities for women to become leaders in the workplace and society. However, for this to happen, there must be supportive leadership, a conducive organizational culture and management integrity.

Keywords

Gender discrimination human capital development lifelong learning South Africa women workers women’s career opportunities

Human capital development (HCD) in Africa is of particular significance in view of poverty and poor economic growth on the continent. In this context, Kefela and Rena (2007) emphasize that national, organizational and individual development are intimately linked and that it is not possible for one to take place without the other. HCD relies on the opportunities that are provided for training, education-directed and planned experiences and guided growth (Mooney and Brinkerhoff, 2008: 49). Training fundamentally shapes individuals’ behaviour and modifies it to conform to a predefined pattern (Zigon, 2002); it may also influence factors such as absenteeism and turnover. Importantly, organizations must train and retrain their human resources to be flexible and adaptive to change (Ebiringa and Okorafor, 2010).

There is a strong link between HCD and economic development (Omojimite, 2011), and two key findings for the context of this article emerge from research linking HCD to economic growth. First, through training, HCD contributes to economic development by imparting general attitudes and specific skills and by reducing fertility – women who are educated are likely to practise birth control, have fewer children, manage their homes well and thus increase the value of their children’s human capital and reduce the need for more children (Kim, 2016). Second, learning helps people to improve the quality of their lives by developing skills and giving them access to information that will help them to make better informed choices. Lucas (1988), Romar (1990) and Barro and Jong-Wha (1993) use endogenous growth models to show that investment in human capital leads to growth in physical capital, and this, in turn, leads to economic growth. In the same vein, Adebiyi and Oladele (2005) argue that HCD ensures that the workforce will adapt to innovations and challenges in its environment.

Thus, HCD may be regarded as the process of acquiring and increasing the number of people who have the education, skills and experience critical for economic and social development (Sharma, 2004). Solomon (2009) suggests that HCD includes investment by society in education, investment by employees in training and investment by individuals in time and money for their own development. It improves both the skills and knowledge base of the members of an organization, which are precursors to organizational development (Nwuche and Awa, 2009). At the heart of the HCD, concept is the belief that it is not just the recruitment of individuals that is significant but also the investment in their learning and training.

Traditionally, women have not had access to the same opportunities for education and employment as men (Hornick-Lockard, 2008: 15). Women are still under-represented; in sub-Saharan Africa, contrary to global trends, they remain disadvantaged in terms of access to tertiary education. The tertiary gross enrolment ratio for women in sub-Saharan Africa is 4.8%, compared to 7.3% for men, despite the significant efforts that have been made to achieve gender parity since the 1990s (United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO) Institute of Statistics, 2010). Only 35% of women in South Africa enrol in tertiary institutions; this figure is not sufficient to meet the Millennium Development Goals for women in Africa (UNESCO Institute for Statistics, 2010). Moreover, it is worth noting that, although higher education is necessary, it is often not sufficient: the pathway to senior executive positions is complex. In addition, there is a lack of current data on women managers at all levels in African countries. There is also very little published research on women in managerial positions or the gender stereotype in African countries (Booysen and Nkomo, 2006). However, World Bank (2015) statistics identify a slight increase in the number of women in the South African workforce, from 45% in 2010 to 47% in 2012. Despite an increase in the number of women at the executive level, however, men still dominate and women are struggling to equal their male counterparts in management. As highlighted in Kanter’s (1977) structural theory, the gender ratio at the senior level affects interactions between the dominant group (men) and the token group (women). The dominant group amplifies the differences between its members and those of the token group, resulting in negative outcomes for women. More importantly, there is a paucity of empirical studies on women’s career development in the telecommunications sector in South Africa (Hafkin and Taggart, 2001). It is in this light that this study examines lifelong learning and the advancement of career opportunities for women in the South African telecommunications industry.

To date, research on lifelong learning in developing countries has focused primarily on improving the levels of adult literacy. This focus has, in turn, taken on a ‘women’s empowerment’ perspective in view of the prevalence of adult literacy among women in developing countries (UNESCO, 2014). Accordingly, there has been limited research on lifelong learning beyond the boundaries of improved literacy: indeed, the most recent study (2014) conducted by the UNESCO Institute for Lifelong Learning focuses exclusively on the importance of improved literacy for women as the central goal of lifelong learning.

There is much evidence to show that, although there are increasing numbers of women in corporate workforces, they remain at the lower levels of the organizational hierarchy (Vikas, 2011). This study, therefore, examines the feasibility of using lifelong learning as a means of enhancing women’s career possibilities. Specifically, it investigates how women working in the telecommunications environment may advance in their careers through lifelong learning. While lifelong learning and striving for success were seen as important factors in these women’s careers, they nevertheless encountered challenges that imposed unforeseen obstacles on their career paths.

Lifelong learning and career opportunities for women: Concept clarification

The concept of lifelong learning was popularized in the early 1970s by the United Nations Educational Scientific and Cultural Organization (UNESCO, 2006) as a way of linking different levels of formal education with non-formal and formal learning. UNESCO’s notion of lifelong learning is informed by its mission and its focus on individual achievement and growth. It is debatable whether this definition of lifelong learning adequately addresses problems facing developing countries, in Africa in particular. Preece (2006) considers the issue of ‘inclusivity’ in her definition of lifelong learning as formal and non-formal learning that fosters and broadens education for all concerned in society. In other words, education is used to promote economic growth and social development. Similarly, the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) (2006) sees the development of skilled workers as the means of achieving economic growth. In Europe, lifelong learning has been viewed as a significant means of skilling European workers, building business and growing the economy (Delors, 1996). Although one would hope that skilled female workers in Europe would be relatively equal to their male counterparts, it is widely acknowledged that across the world women occupy less skilled jobs, with those in developing countries especially disadvantaged.

The potential impact of lifelong learning on the career development of women in the workplace is evident in the sense that lifelong learning provides an opportunity for ongoing skills acquisition and thus leads to career development (Park, 2011). In other words, access to education and/or training can motivate women in their quest to develop their career in their organization. Learning on the job, through informal, non-formal or formal methods, adds value to employees as well as helps them to progress along their career path.

In the context of the telecommunications organization considered in this study, we look at the role lifelong learning plays in shaping the direction of women’s careers. At the same time, it enhances their sense of personal development, enabling them to develop their talent and potential through learning and experiences acquired in the workplace (Wan, 2007).

However, it is difficult to pin down exactly what constitutes lifelong learning. While, historically, ‘lifelong learning’ has been seen as transcending organized formal education, its application to the career opportunities of women has not been adequately addressed in the literature (Hornick-Lockard, 2008). Gilfus Education (2011) provided accounts of women and physically challenged individuals in Europe who had been marginalized because of their limited opportunities to access education and training. Such access is critical to the development of women and the lack of it has undermined the goal of HCD in numerous countries, not least in Africa (UNDP, 2014). A broad definition of lifelong learning, or the general assumption that lifelong learning includes everybody, may have limited usefulness.

Organizations generally consider it necessary to train workers in the interests of competitiveness and productivity. The practice of engaging workers in a variety of learning methods is believed to be an effective way of preparing them for the challenges and opportunities that lie ahead (Scott and Davis, 2015). Their career development, therefore, may be seen as the result of the knowledge acquired from the continuous retraining they obtain on the job (Atulba, 2012).

However, the dynamic nature of the retraining of workers required to maintain or stimulate innovation and creativity in the corporate world means that large organizations need to invest heavily in human resource development (Brooks, 2009). It seems that large companies consider organizational learning and education for workers as increasingly significant mechanisms, as well as part of their corporate social responsibility to upgrade competencies and advance job opportunities.

In the 19th century, the purpose of lifelong learning was defined broadly in terms of human development, with people of all ages taught in conventional and traditional ways (Gilfus Education, 2011) and with no particular reference to gender. Basic social structures tend to determine the social positions that people occupy and that impact on their opportunities and life chances (Young, 2001). In this context, lifelong learning may be defined as an opportunity for continuous education that is inclusive and that promotes the value and rights of the individual. When the concept of lifelong learning encompasses these elements, it represents the goal of social justice and the development of all.

From another perspective, lifelong learning may be seen as learning that empowers the single person to ‘widen his or her insight, aptitudes and disposition and to adjust to a changing, perplexing and related world’ (Delors, 1996: 14). Tapsoba (2002: 51) argues that it is not possible to discuss lifelong learning in a vacuum, noting that it needs to be coordinated with societal conditions, and adds that ‘we have to improve and consider also the proximity and access to valuable instructional materials for learners’. In other words, it is vital that the basic resources for the proper implementation of lifelong learning are provided, so that individuals can participate in it through their ability to access continuously the knowledge, technology and information they need to be effective and useful members of society (Tapsoba, 2002). Connected to this requirement for accessibility is the requirement for individual self-motivation: as a push factor, lifelong learning encompasses the ability of an individual to recognize a need and to act in order to meet that need (e.g. the need for promotion within an organization or the aspiration to attain a certain level in society). With such motivation, learning becomes both enjoyable and goal-driven because the desire to study arises from within the individual rather than from the attraction of technology and/or learning resources or the needs of society.

Arguably, lifelong learning has had an enormous impact on shaping workers’ development (Hyde and Phillipson, 2014). Aside from the benefit they derive from learning on the job, lifelong learning drives self-motivation and fosters a realization of the importance of self-training throughout one’s career. Moreover, lifelong learning optimizes the employee’s well-being in the workplace through improved self-efficacy and confidence in developing skills. It can also assist, among others, female workers to make informed choices about their career aspirations (Withnall, 2010).

Universities have expanded the degrees they offer by including different types of executive education, continuing education and adult education and offering non-credit-bearing programmes. Thus, the contribution of lifelong learning to both economic and personal growth has led to a shift in educational institutions towards more flexible models of access and learning that enable learners of all ages and career stages to participate (O’Lawrence, 2005). These developments are especially important in a constantly changing economic environment in which workers require continuous training and retraining so that they can build the competencies that will enable them to remain both employable and competitive in the labour force.

Sullivan and Sheffrin (2003: 194) maintain that a narrow definition of lifelong learning focuses only on the individual’s competencies, knowledge and personality that enable him or her to carry out certain tasks for the purpose of economic gain. Although such a definition is indeed narrow, it is not far removed from the meaning often associated with the concept of lifelong learning. One important component of this definition is the need to invest in HCD.

Access, equity and opportunities for women in the workplace in South Africa

Booysen (2007) notes that the advancement of women to executive positions in South Africa must no longer be seen as an option but as a requirement. The South African Employment Equity Act 55 of 1998 redressed the balance in favour of previously disadvantaged individuals with regard to access to opportunities in the workplace, while companies also came under pressure to meet employment equity quotas.

Employment equity legislation plays an important part in addressing a legacy of inequality, disadvantage and segregation experienced by particular groups in the labour market (Valenziano, 2008). It is obvious that if certain groups are disadvantaged, there will be a broad economic impact on society: disadvantaged individuals rarely reach their full potential or realize their potential earning power and may even have to rely on assistance. If companies are to become both effective and efficient, therefore, they need to ensure that their internal organization and corporate structure includes the means to build the strengths of undervalued people, who are often women (Equal Opportunities Commission, 2002). Ziehl (2000) stresses that equal employment opportunity has been a focus of academic debate concerning the creation of a non-sexist and non-racist environment. Women and other subjects of equal employment opportunity strategies require protection and not organizations in which racism, sexism and other forms of intolerance prevail.

Research has also highlighted a tendency in organizations to prevent Black women from moving into senior positions (Meyerson and Fletcher, 2000). In addition, when women do rise to the top, they are often assigned roles that are particularly challenging and that carry a significant risk of failure – thus effectively positioning them on what has been called a ‘glass cliff’ (Ryan and Haslam, 2005, 2009). Vinnicombe and Bank (2003) note that organizations may encourage women to take up positions in personnel and human resources – positions that typically have less authority and lower status than other managerial positions.

Currently, there are limited data available on women managers at all levels in African countries. A UN study published in 2000 reported that women’s participation in management and administrative jobs in 26 African countries averaged 15% (Schein, 2007). According to Grant Thornton statistics, the average percentage of women in senior management positions in South Africa was down from 27% in 2015 and has now dropped to below the average of 26% achieved between 2004 and 2015 (Grant Thornton, 2016). Grant Thornton’s (2016) Women in Business survey further reported that, despite the increase in the number of women in senior positions, women still lagged far behind their male counterparts in representation in executive management and CEO positions. Gender stereotyping of the managerial position has been offered as one explanation for the glass ceiling that women encounter in their managerial career mobility (Eagly and Carli, 2003; Schein, 2001, 2007), with the proponents of this explanation arguing that the extent to which the managerial position is viewed as ‘male’ may be associated with the fact that the characteristics required for success are perceived as being more common to men than to women (Schein, 2001, 2007). Schein labelled this gender stereotyping as the ‘think manager, think male’ maxim. This gender role stereotyping is a well-researched phenomenon, although there are few research studies that specifically examine the combined effects of race and gender.

African feminists have stressed the need to understand both the complex role of culture, race and gender in understanding work experiences and the leadership status of women in corporate organizations in Africa (Nkomo and Ngambi, 2009; Steady, 2007). Steady (2007) calls for the recognition of culture as a paradigmatic framework for identifying positive and negative influences on the societal roles of women in Africa.

Although an approach combining the effects of race and gender is missing in the study of gender-based managerial stereotypes in African countries, several scholars have examined the significance of race and gender in organizations (Acker, 2006; Bell and Nkomo, 2001; Bell et al., 2003; Hite, 2004). For example, Bell and Nkomo (2001), in their research on the effects of race and gender on the careers and life journeys of Black and White women managers, found that Black and White women had significantly different organizational experiences and perceptions of the barriers to their advancement. Black women perceived both racism and sexism as negatively affecting their workplace experiences. White women, on the other hand, had achieved greater career mobility, although they still reported significant barriers to success embedded in gender. Bell and Nkomo (2001) concluded that White professional women in South Africa were privileged because of their race yet subordinated because of their gender, while Black women faced both racism and sexism in their daily work experiences. Hence, it is reasonable to expect that an individual’s race and gender, and not gender alone, will affect managerial stereotypes.

Methods

A survey research design was used for this study to explore how junior female workers experienced career development through lifelong learning in a telecommunications organization in South Africa. A questionnaire was formulated to obtain the data. Junior women workers were chosen in order to understand how they were planning to build their careers. Specifically, the study sought to ascertain how lifelong learning had influenced the women’s career development. Thus, our aim was to obtain data from women who were not yet in a managerial position but were perhaps planning to become senior managers in future in the corporate world.

We used a simple random probability sampling technique to select the junior female workers. A total of 234 employees were quantitatively sampled. This sample was generated from the population of 1876 junior female workers at the organization using a confidence interval of 6 and a confidence level of 95% to determine the sample size. This represented the total n value for the study, which was sampled quantitatively. The sampling technique ensured that every woman in a junior position in the organization had an equal chance of being selected.

Of the 234 questionnaires administered, 133 completed questionnaires were returned. Data analysis was based on the retrieved questionnaires. Data were analyzed using a statistical correlation analysis to determine the significance of the relationship between lifelong learning and career development in junior female workers in the organization.

Findings

The information gathered via the survey questionnaire relates to the determinants of employment fulfilment in women, the variables that play a role in the positions occupied by women in corporate organizations, the boundaries to women’s professional achievements, continuous learning and the career advancement of women and ways to upgrade women’s careers in corporate organizations.

As presented in Table 1, 25 (20.30%) respondents stated that they had not attended any training programme since they had joined the telecommunications organization, 41 (30.83%) had attended 1 or 2 training programmes, 45 (33.83%) had attended 3 to 5, 15 (11.28%) had attended 6 to 8 and 5 (3.76%) reported that they had attended at least 9 training programmes since joining the organization. These responses clearly indicate that the respondents were given opportunities to attend training programmes by the organization. The fact that a significant number had participated in training programmes since joining the organization confirms that there are training programmes available for the women to attend and, thus, that the organization supports women through training programmes to assist them on their career paths. Table 1 also shows that the organization supports its workers through on-the-job training to develop them further. This seems to be consistent with the view of Brunetto et al. (2012) that such an organizational approach leads to high levels of worker commitment and may help workers to advance to the pinnacle of their careers. A statistical analysis finds that fewer than 20% of the respondents seem not to have attended any form of training, which implies that the organizational policy generally supports workers’ career development, aiming to increase competencies in the workplace by encouraging workers to undergo training that will be useful for career development.

Table 1.

Number of training programmes attended by respondents.

Training programmes attended	Frequency	Percentage
1–2	41	30.8
3–5	45	33.8
6–8	15	11.3
9–10	5	3.8
No training attended	25	18.8
No response	2	1.5
Total	133	100

In response to a question concerning factors that influence women’s access to senior positions in the organization, 67 (50.38%) respondents believed that sexual harassment and discrimination had played a part, while 46 (34.59%) thought that the competition for leadership positions was greatly determined by access to training or the number of training courses attended. Clearly, the work environment plays a significant role in women’s access to senior positions: these external factors strongly influenced respondents’ decisions on whether or not to seek senior positions, and these women demonstrated a strong internal desire for those positions.

Table 1 suggests that the organization is value oriented, with workers’ skills valued. These valued skills relate to workers’ adaptability and creativity with regard to strategic thinking in the workplace. It seems reasonable to suggest that if opportunities for workers to learn continuously within the organization are available, such opportunities will increase their motivation and thus increase human resource development; 50.38% of the respondents agreed that they had gained experience on the job and believed that this had assisted their career development.

Table 2 further reflects the fact that the organization had articulated coherent values for its employees, while the survey responses indicate that the workers were willing and able to embrace the organization’s core values in order to advance their careers.

Table 2.

Factors influencing women’s access to senior positions.

Factor	Frequency	Percentage
Organizational culture	67	50.38
Competition for jobs	46	34.00
No response	20	15.02
Total	133	100

As can be seen from Table 3, the two most significant barriers to women’s career progress included gender discrimination and a lack of mentoring. The respondents’ perceptions, as reported in Table 3, are endorsed by numerous researchers (e.g. Baumgartner and Johnson-Bailey, 2010; Pincus, 1996). These researchers argue that the institutional barriers affecting women in corporate settings often include the practices, norms and traditions of the dominant gender group and the implementation of policies that disadvantage women and benefit their male counterparts in the workplace. Thus, the key factors in the lack of advancement of women, such as gender discrimination, are not of their own making but rather are attributable to organizational culture and practices.

Table 3.

Institutional barriers affecting the career advancement of respondents.

Barrier	Frequency	Percentage
Women’s beliefs	19	14.28
Sexual harassment	6	4.51
Discrimination against women	30	22.56
Lack of mentoring	41	30.83
Prevention by men	13	9.77
No formal qualifications	20	15.04
No response	4	3.01
Total	133	100

We found that 20 (15.04%) respondents believed that a lack of formal qualification was the main barrier affecting their career development. According to the demographical data, the majority had a diploma and/or a bachelor’s degree, perhaps indicating recognition that qualifications are a way of advancing one’s career. Meanwhile, 19 (14.29%) respondents agreed that the perception that women were not suited to be managers was a factor affecting career progress; 6 (4.51%) respondents cited sexual harassment and 30 (22.56%) referred to discrimination against women as organizational. In addition, 41 (30.83%) believed that a lack of access to mentoring was affecting their career progress and 13 (9.77%) thought that their career progress was actively being prevented by male managers.

In the light of these responses, it seems that, despite organizational value structures that foster investment in the training of workers to develop their careers, human factors still prevail with regard to gender differentiation in the workplace. In addition, gender imbalances in the organization were primarily attributed to discrimination against women workers – particularly the lack of mentoring for women wishing to attain senior positions. As the data show, 30.83% of the respondents seem to regard mentoring as an essential factor for career development in the organization. It seems, then, that mentoring may be a useful means of providing ongoing support for women’s career progression.

The respondents believed that there were opportunities available for learning and training that made higher positions more accessible to them. The majority (about 90%) seemed to think that the ability to make progress in their careers was attributable to the fact that the organization, by creating a culture for learning continuously on the job, was encouraging women in particular to advance along their career paths.

Discussion

The results show, then, that learning on the job is perceived to be a key factor in the career development of women in the telecommunications organization. They also show a correlation between continuous learning and women’s career development in that if the respondents were given the opportunity to engage in the organizational learning process, this improved their chances of developing their careers in the corporate world. The desire for continuous learning was attributed to internal motivation, which was also identified as the most important factor in career development.

It seems that, in general, the respondents experienced job satisfaction, felt comfortable with their careers and believed that they were progressing in the organization. These attitudes were attributed to interesting work, job security and the promotional opportunities offered. It is worth stressing that the majority of the respondents were still young and believed that the communications sector would offer them ample opportunities to advance in their chosen careers.

Conclusion

This article provides an exploratory analysis of women’s career experiences in South Africa and how lifelong learning influences their career paths in the corporate world, using the case of a telecommunications organization. We approached the issues with our own interpretive frame of reference and our own belief system. This paradigmatic perspective played an important role in guiding our comments. The commentary offers insights into the concept of lifelong learning and HCD in relation to what women workers in the organization identified as an appropriate approach for fulfilling their career development. We present this case in relation to career advancement in a global context, and in Africa and South Africa in particular. There is no doubt that women experience greater challenges than men in building their careers in organizations where the upper management levels are occupied largely by men. However, some women in the corporate environment are able to break through the glass ceiling to reach top positions.

The majority of the women participants in this research were junior workers who were trying to create opportunities to advance their careers in the organization. The findings suggest that on-the-job learning through experience and further education had opened up extensive opportunities for the women to develop their careers. In addition, the women thought that access to training opportunities was a factor that improved their chances of success and enabled them to overcome challenges that might otherwise have affected their progress in the workplace.

As our discussion of the findings indicates, if women are to achieve career success in a corporate setting, there must be ongoing organizational support for them to learn on the job. We argue that women achieve success in their careers through a lifelong learning process and through the opportunities for training provided by their employing organization. Thus, we suggest that a good organizational structure will recognize women and encourage their efforts to achieve their goals. Senior corporate management should therefore pay attention to the important role of women and should ensure job mobility so that they may aspire to top positions in the corporate world.

Footnotes

Declaration of conflicting interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

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