Abstract
It has become common, in both popular and scholarly discourse, to appeal to ‘delayed animation’ as an argument for abortion (DAAA). Augustine and Aquinas seemingly held that the rational soul was infused midway in pregnancy, and therefore did not regard early abortion as homicide. The authority of these thinkers is thus cited by some contemporary Christians as a reason to tolerate or, for proportionate reasons, to promote first-trimester abortion and embryo experimentation. The present essay is an exercise in aetiology. It examines the origins of DAAA. Distinctions are drawn between different forms of DAAA in historical context, premises, and conclusions. Some forms raise important anthropological questions, though these arguments are not indefeasible. The most popular forms of DAAA, which are typically framed as appeals to precedent, are the weakest, in that there is little precedent for DAAA before 1950. The argument is in fact a novelty in the tradition.
A Statement of the Argument
The first time that the author came across the argument that is the topic of this essay was in 2001, in a statement in the House of Lords by the Anglican Bishop of Oxford, Richard Harries. Referring to the legal protection that many Christians (and particularly the Roman Catholic Church) seek to give to the human embryo, he stated that: I should like to suggest that it was only in the 19th century that the position became firmed up. Earlier Christian thought on this subject indicates an awareness of a developing reality, with developing rights as we would put it.
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This quotation was far from expressing an isolated opinion. It was, rather, an example of an argument that has become common both in scholarly and in popular discourse on the status of the human embryo, and that has been invoked by legislators both in the United Kingdom and in the United States.
In August 2008 the Speaker of the United States House of Representatives, Nancy Pelosi, was asked when human life begins. She replied: I would say that as an ardent, practicing Catholic, this is an issue that I have studied for a long time. And what I know is, over the centuries, the doctors of the Church have not been able to make that definition. St Augustine said ‘at three months’. We don’t know. The point is that it shouldn’t have an impact on a woman’s right to choose.
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The comments of Nancy Pelosi raised a storm of controversy
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and also led to Senator Joe Biden, another prominent Catholic politician, being asked the same question. He stated that I voted against curtailing the right, criminalizing abortion. I voted against telling everyone else in the country that they have to accept my religiously based view that it’s a moment of conception. There is a debate in our church, as Cardinal Egan would acknowledge, that’s existed. Back in [the] Summa Theologiae when Thomas Aquinas wrote [the] Summa Theologiae he said there was no [soul]—it didn’t occur until quickening, 40 days after conception.
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Also in 2008, in the United Kingdom, the newly appointed chair of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Authority, Lisa Jardine, was asked about the Catholic Church’s view on the moral status of the human embryo. She replied that, ‘it was only relatively recently that the date at which the soul enters the embryo was moved back to fertilisation. St Augustine believed that it happened when the baby kicked in the womb—17 weeks—and that suited for a very long time.’ 5
Similar comments can be found among some Catholic philosophers and theologians. Thus Rosemary Radford Ruether argued that ‘A careful study of the Catholic tradition of such major theologians as Thomas Aquinas, in the context of modern embryology, in fact supports the pro-choice position in the first two trimesters.’ 6 More dramatically, Nick Gier, emeritus professor in the Department of Philosophy at the University of Idaho, has asserted that, ‘As surprising as it sounds, the greatest Catholic theologian, declared infallible [sic] by Pius IX, would have agreed with Roe v. Wade.’ 7
Such comments and publications have not gone unopposed, and there is a lively scholarly counter literature showing the consistency of Christian, and particularly Catholic, ethical concern for the human embryo over the centuries. 8 Nevertheless, what has not been attempted so far is an account of where this contemporary argument came from, when it arose, and what different forms it has taken. The present article is an exercise in aetiology. It considers the emergence of this argument within the Christian tradition. As the argument is framed as an appeal to historical precedent, it is fitting to enquire as to the historical precedent of this argument itself. Whence did it emerge?
There are, of course, subtle differences between the claims and conclusions propounded even in these few quotations, and this essay will distinguish different forms of the argument. One form takes as its premise the proposition that Augustine, Thomas Aquinas and/or other prominent Christian theologians held that the rational soul was not present at conception but that it was given at a later stage of embryonic development. From this it is argued that these thinkers would not have regarded embryonic stem cell research or first-trimester abortion as involving homicide. The moral authority of these thinkers, or of the Christian tradition more generally, is thus cited as a reason for Christians to tolerate or, for proportionate reasons to promote, embryo experimentation and early abortion.
A slightly different form of the argument aims to show that consideration of philosophical or theological anthropology within a contemporary context justifies conclusions similar to those held by Augustine or Thomas Aquinas. Such an argument may well appeal explicitly to Thomistic philosophical principles. However, the conclusion is here drawn not from appeal to historical precedent per se but from anthropological considerations. Nevertheless, while these forms of the argument are distinguishable, they have a common logic: they each invoke delayed animation, or some analogous concept, as a reason for tolerating or promoting early abortion and embryo experimentation. In this essay, this pattern of argument will be termed delayed animation as an argument for abortion (DAAA).
A Brief History of Delayed Animation
Prior to charting the emergence of DAAA it is necessary to sketch, even if in the broadest terms, the shape of the longer tradition to which the proponents of DAAA appeal: the rise, fall and revival of the concept of delayed animation. The following is a very general account and will of necessity simplify many aspects of the Western intellectual tradition. It is presented here only to show how many different aspects of intellectual culture were touched by the idea that there is a fundamental transition in the status of the human embryo that occurs at a certain point during development.
It is widely accepted that the idea of delayed animation originates with the ancient Greeks. Early medical writers 9 made a biological distinction, which Aristotle understood to reflect a philosophical distinction, between the unformed and the formed embryo. Aristotle argued that the early unformed embryo was animated by a vegetative soul and then by a generic sensitive soul and only the fully formed embryo was animated by the specific soul of the animal (in the case of human beings, the specifically human rational soul). 10 Aristotle famously thought the body of the human embryo was fully formed at 40 days for males and 90 days for females. 11
From the second century before the Common Era, Greek thought came to exercise a strong influence on the practice of Judaism, most evidently through the Septuagint translation of the Jewish Scriptures (LXX) from Hebrew into Greek. One small example is the translation of Exod. 21.22-25, where the LXX introduces a distinction between the unformed and formed embryo that is not in the Hebrew text. 12 Under the influence of the LXX, this distinction appears in the writings of Philo and later still (perhaps due to diverse influences) in some passages in the Talmud. From the LXX, and the Old Latin translation of the Bible which was based upon it, the distinction entered the Christian tradition especially from the fifth century of the Common Era. This was largely through Christian sermons and commentaries on Scripture, of which some of the most influential were by or were ascribed to Augustine of Hippo. 13
The distinction between the unformed or unanimated embryo and the formed or animated embryo was thus present in some Greek medical and philosophical literature, and in both Jewish and Christian writings, in the period immediately prior to the emergence of Islam. It is therefore unsurprising that very similar ideas are found in the Quran and the Haddith and are reflected in later Islamic philosophical and medical writings. 14
Within the Western Christian tradition patristic sermon and commentary material began to inform the public discipline of the Church, both in relation to books of penance and in relation to various penalties of canon law. In some cases the law made no distinction between early and late abortion but for some purposes greater penalties were imposed on abortion after ‘animation’. 15
When Thomas Aquinas was writing in the thirteenth century, many of his available sources contained some trace of the idea of delayed animation. This was true of the philosophy of Aristotle (especially as mediated by earlier Christian and Islamic philosophers), of the theology of Augustine (especially as mediated by the later Latin tradition) and of canon law. Thomas Aquinas was in fact very conventional for a Catholic theologian of his day in holding that ‘the intellectual soul is created by God at the end of human generation’, 16 by which he meant, after the body of the embryo was formed, which for male infants was thought to be at 40 days or there about.
The moral implications of the distinction between unanimated and animated embryo were debated among moral theologians from the fifteenth century (for example, by Antoninus of Florence) to the eighteenth century (for example, by Alphonsus Liguori). 17 However, for much of this time the debate was distorted by the ‘polemics of the rigorist and the probabiliorists against the laxists and probabilists’. 18
From mediaeval canon law the idea of delayed animation also entered English common law in that some jurists held that abortion was an offence only after ‘quickening’, the moment when the child was first felt to move. This approach to the legal status of the fetus was reflected in the first statute laws on abortion in the UK (the Ellenborough Act 1803 and the Lansdowne Act 1828) and in the United States (in Connecticut in 1821), all of which include reference to the woman being ‘quick with child’. 19
The Gradual Abandonment of Delayed Animation
The influence of the idea of delayed animation petered out in the mid-nineteenth century, but its zenith was much earlier—in the thirteenth century—and it was arguably already on the wane by the sixteenth century. The effect of the Renaissance and the Reformation had been to undermine the authority of scholastic theology and of traditions not rooted in Scripture. A fresh reading of the Scriptures in the original languages showed the LXX distinction not to be present in the Hebrew of Exodus, while a fresh reading of Augustine showed him to be careful not to deny the possible presence of the soul from conception. 20 Much more significantly, the scientific revolution of the seventeenth century dislodged reliance on Aristotelian natural science. The scientific investigations of William Harvey and other early modern scientists gave the reason for tracing the beginning of human life to the moment of fertilisation of a human egg. 21 Subsequent scientific advances (such as the twentieth-century discovery of the mechanism of genetic inheritance) only served to reinforce the significance of fertilisation and the fundamental continuity of development from conception until birth.
By the nineteenth century when the first statutes were passed against abortion, references to ‘quick with child’ were already anachronistic and somewhat of an embarrassment to doctors. In the mid-nineteenth century, criminal law (for example, the Offenses Against the Person Act 1837) and Catholic Canon Law (in 1869) caught up with biology. By the time the World Medical Association agreed in 1948 to ‘maintain the utmost respect for human life from the time of its conception’ 22 there was a broad medical, philosophical, legal, secular and religious consensus on the identification of fertilisation as the beginning of human life.
The Recent Re-emergence of Delayed Animation
In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century there was thus a broad consensus that human life began at conception. However, among Roman Catholic theologians there were two factors that sustained interest in delayed animation during this period.
The acceptance of delayed animation among Catholic theologians and philosophers was undoubtedly assisted by the decision by Pope Leo XIII in 1879 ‘to restore the golden wisdom of St. Thomas, and to spread it far and wide for the defense and beauty of the Catholic faith, for the good of society, and for the advantage of all the sciences’. 23 He effectively established Thomism as the norm for philosophy and theology within the Catholic Church, a decision given the force of law in the 1917 Code of Canon Law. 24 This encouraged a generation of philosophers and theologians to see Thomas as the most reliable guide in all matters excepting only those which had been condemned unequivocally (such as Thomas’s denial of the doctrine of the immaculate conception of Mary). 25 As Thomas Aquinas explicitly held that the rational soul was given only after the organs of the embryo were formed, this opinion therefore attracted support from a new generation of philosophers and theologians. It is this that explains the vigorous defence of delayed animation by writers such as Mercier, 26 Reany, 27 Hering 28 and, later, Maritain. 29
The second factor to revive interest in delayed animation was the influence of evolutionary biology. In the nineteenth century Ernst Haeckel had applied ideas of evolution to the embryo. His slogan was ‘ontogeny recapitulates phylogeny’, that is, the stages of development of the embryo repeat the stages of evolution (from simple organism, to fish, to amphibian, to simple mammal, to primate etc.). 30 Haeckel’s ideas have long since been abandoned by scientists and he had little direct influence on theologians. However, the more general suggestion that there is some parallel between the development of the human species and the development of an individual human being has remained a powerful idea among philosophers and theologians. This has seemed to some to imply that humanness is not present from the beginning but is something that emerges at a certain critical point in the upward movement of complexity.
The writer perhaps most strongly associated with a synthesis of Catholic theology and evolutionary biology was the Jesuit theologian and palaeontologist Teilhard de Chardin. Although he wrote from the 1920s until his death in 1955, most of his works were not published at the time due to their controversial nature. It was only in the period after his death that de Chardin’s influence was felt in Catholic theology, both directly through his published works, 31 and through the writings of confreres such as Karl Rahner. Rahner took from Teilhard the term ‘hominisation’, which he used both for the gradual evolution of the human species and the gradual development of the human embryo. 32
Support for delayed animation among Catholic theologians seems to have increased in the period between 1960 and 1970 as is evident from the shift of opinion of Barnard Häring. In 1963 he opined that, ‘the antiquated opinion of Aristotle is at best only slightly probable. To my mind it is utterly untenable at least on the practical moral level.’ 33 However the translator added a note in 1967 stating that ‘Some modern theologians and philosophers still hold that the soul is created (and infused) sometime after the fertilisation of the ovum by the male sperm’ 34 and quoting with approval Richard McCormick (from 1965), ‘The theory of retarded or delayed animation is unquestionably a tenable and respectable theory.’ 35 By 1972 Häring had come to the view that, ‘the theory which presents hominisation as dependent on the development of the cerebral cortex has its own probability’. 36
A New Argument Emerges
Belief in delayed animation does not necessarily imply support for the moral or legal acceptability of abortion. While McCormick in 1965 and Häring in 1972 defended the reasonableness of delayed animation, both continued to defend the prohibition of abortion as the proper moral course. Indeed while the influence of the Thomist revival and, later, the influence of evolutionary ideas, sustained belief in delayed animation among Catholic theologians before 1950 and well into the 1960s, this was not invoked in this period as an argument in favour of tolerating early abortion. There was a very strong consensus at this time that, even if animation were later than conception, the deliberate destruction of the embryo would be an act akin to murder, a kind of ‘anticipated homicide’. 37 This reflects also the moral position of Aquinas himself, who wrote of abortion prior to animation that ‘after the sin of murder, whereby a human nature already in actual existence is destroyed, this sort of sin seems to hold the second place’. 38
The long history of belief in delayed animation does not, therefore, imply that DAAA has a long history. DAAA was an argument that did not emerge until there had been a shift in social attitudes towards abortion. In the late nineteenth and early twentieth century most feminists and social reformers viewed illegal abortion as a social evil that was harmful for women, but they did not advocate legalised abortion as the solution to this evil. 39 It was only in the 1920s and 1930s, initially within the context of the eugenics and birth control movements, 40 that legal abortion came to be re-interpreted as something positive.
The founding of the Abortion Law Reform Association in the United Kingdom in 1936 and the Bourne judgement of 1938 were expressions of this new attitude. The abortion law reform movement was complex and encompassed more than one agenda, but from it emerged an enormously powerful idea in twentieth-century gender politics—that access to ‘safe abortion’ should be seen as a constituent element of women’s emancipation. By the 1950s within a number of countries the advocacy of legal abortion had become part of a larger liberalising social agenda (affecting attitudes to contraception, homosexuality and divorce as well as an assortment of other issues). 41
It is this cultural shift, which was gathering pace in the 1950s and 1960s, that provides the context that explains the emergence of the DAAA. Scholars who understood themselves as ‘liberal’ 42 and who regarded the new social agenda as fundamentally positive, turned to Augustine, Aquinas, and the idea of delayed animation in search of historical precedent for a more permissive approach to abortion. This same appeal occurred independently a number of times within different intellectual contexts, which in turn led to the emergence of subtly distinct forms of DAAA. These could no doubt be categorised in various ways but here are divided between secular expressions of the argument, Anglican expressions of the argument and Catholic expressions of the argument.
Secular Expressions of the Argument
In Secular Bioethics
Perhaps the first proponent of a form of DAAA was Joseph Fletcher in 1954 in his ground-breaking work Morals and Medicine. 43 This book is sometimes regarded as the first example of modern bioethics. Fletcher was at that time an Episcopalian and described his approach as ‘personalist’. 44 However, shortly after writing Situation Ethics in 1966 he disavowed Christianity in favour of secular humanism. He has exercised an enduring influence over secular bioethics.
Fletcher invoked the history of belief in delayed animation in the Catholic tradition as a way to undermine the credibility of contemporary Catholic teaching. He did not give this argument particular prominence. Rather, it was but one example of his use of Catholic sources against Catholic moral conclusions. Nevertheless, Fletcher was important for introducing the idea that contemporary Catholic teaching on abortion had ‘some difficulty with St. Augustine’ 45 because of Augustine’s belief in delayed animation.
Fletcher’s own view was that, ‘a fetus is not a moral or personal being since it lacks freedom, self-determination, rationality, the ability to choose either means or ends, and knowledge of circumstances’.
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As many of these human capacities are not exercised until well into infancy, Fletcher opened the door not only to abortion but also to infanticide. Fletcher’s ideas were taken up by a later generation of secular bioethicists including Michael Tooley,
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John Harris
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and Peter Singer.
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Nevertheless, Peter Singer has defended the Catholic Church against the charge of inconsistency in regard to delayed animation. The Church’s apparent change of mind occurred not because of its abandonment of ethical or philosophical principles but because these principles were now informed by a new biology: But the reason for the church’s change of view on the stage of pregnancy at which abortion becomes the killing of a human being was surely, within the terms of its own view of the sanctity of human life, a sound one. Once modern biology had shown the actual nature of early human development, the church had little choice but to abandon its support for the unscientific Aristotelian embryology of Thomas Aquinas. (Liberal Catholics will hardly want to condemn one of the few instances in which the church has been willing to modify its views in the light of new scientific knowledge.)
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The use of DAAA by Fletcher and by other secular bioethicists obscures a more fundamental difference between their approach to bioethics and that of the Catholic ethical tradition, that is, the question of whether the life of every human being is morally inviolable. Singer is perceptive in acknowledging the logic of the Catholic ethical tradition given its fundamental principles, and hence the weakness of this particular form of DAAA. The Church is being consistent in extending the principle of the inviolability of human life to all beings who are identified as members of the human species.
In Legal Contexts
Another early context for the emergence of DAAA was among lawyers, beginning in 1957 with Glanville Williams, then reader in law at Cambridge University. In his book The Sanctity of Life and the Criminal Law 51 under the influence of Fletcher, 52 Williams invoked delayed animation as an example of the alleged inconsistency of contemporary and historical Catholic attitudes to nascent human life. However he also introduced another form of DAAA, not as a reductio ad absurdum of Catholic beliefs but as a precedent for the common law distinction between abortion before and after ‘quickening’.
Williams’s book is not a systematic work of legal philosophy, but the argument seems to be that the distinction of early and later abortion, which was once held for theological reasons, may still be followed for a different reason. This reason, according to Williams, is the ‘humane, ethical, and parental feeling of the plain man [that] leads him to wish to extend the protection of the criminal law not only to the newly born child but to the viable child before birth’. 53 However, this appeal to the feeling of the ‘plain man’ is a weak argument. Furthermore it is disingenuous for Williams to appeal to cultural abhorrence of infanticide when he himself attributes this attitude among modern secular people to the ‘legacy of their religious heritage’. 54 In contrast, Williams regards infanticide, in the case of ‘a viable monster or an idiot child’, 55 as entirely justifiable.
While Glanville Williams was not clear or consistent in his use of DAAA, his argument was taken up by others, most notably Eugene Quay and Cyril Means, 56 who construed the quickening distinction as defining a ‘common law liberty’ to abortion prior to that point. Such is the value of precedent within a legal context that jurists who wished to liberalise the abortion law openly appealed to this distinction despite its acknowledged religious provenance.
The most politically significant effect of this form of DAAA was in helping to shape the United States Supreme Court judgement Roe v. Wade (1973) which declared unconstitutional all existing statutes restricting first- and second-trimester abortion. Justice Blackmun in his opinion cited Williams, Quay and Means, and was unafraid to venture into theology, stating for example, that ‘The theological debate was reflected in the writings of St. Augustine, who made a distinction between embryo inanimatus, not yet endowed with a soul, and embryo animatus. He may have drawn upon Exodus 21:22.’ 57
The form of DAAA developed by Glanville Williams and cited with approval in Roe v. Wade is effectively an attempt to appeal to the authority of the delayed-animation tradition as precedent, through its impact on the English common law. However there is a fundamental flaw in this form of the argument: If ‘the importance attached to quickening rests on what now appears to be a rather obvious superstition’, 58 then it cannot reasonably function as a moral or legal precedent. 59
The form of DAAA developed by Glanville Williams and other jurists was essentially opportunistic. It was an appeal to a tradition the basis of which they did not share. It is no doubt for this reason that legal forms of DAAA are marked by poor historical 60 and theological scholarship. 61 A credible form of DAAA requires proponents who have sufficient intellectual sympathy with the Christian tradition. 62 This is not generally true of secular expressions of the argument but it is true in two other contexts: among Anglican scholars; and among Roman Catholics.
Anglican Expressions of the Argument
Appeal to the Christian Tradition
DAAA typically takes the form of appeal to Christian tradition. It is for this reason that it has not generally been prominent among most of the Churches of the Reformation, which from their foundation have been critical of appeal to tradition as a basis for Christian doctrine, and have preferred to base doctrine directly on Scripture. Liberal Protestantism has added an emphasis on contemporary experience and on biblical criticism, but has remained critical of tradition as a source of Christian authority. 63 In contrast, the Church of England and the Churches that comprise the Anglican Communion are more open to arguments from tradition, though of course this is more so in some strands of Anglicanism than others. 64
As a secular legal form of DAAA played a role in the key United States Supreme Court decision on abortion, so an Anglican form played a role in the legalisation of abortion in the United Kingdom. The Abortion Act 1967 was preceded by an influential report of the Church of England Board of Social Responsibility in 1965, Abortion: An Ethical Discussion. This report concluded that ‘in certain circumstances abortion can be justified’. 65 This conclusion was reached by reflection on the current social situation ‘in the light of traditional discussions’. 66 The report rejected the idea that ‘“the soul enters the body” at some point in time’ 67 but argued that the moral status of the embryo increased gradually pari passu with biological development. This gradualist principle was then read back into the traditional distinctions: ‘In the old tradition the principle was recognised, as has been seen, in the distinction between an animate and an inanimate foetus, and between pregnancy before and after quickening.’ 68
The secretary to that committee was Gordon Dunstan, a prominent Anglican moral theologian, who would invoke a similar form of DAAA twenty years late in a related moral and political controversy. In 1984, he submitted a paper to the Warnock Committee, a version of which was subsequently published in the Journal of Medical Ethics. 69 There he argued that ‘the claim to absolute protection for the human embryo “from the beginning” is a novelty in the Western, Christian and specifically Roman Catholic moral traditions’. 70 He appealed to various examples of graded status but centrally to the concept of delayed animation. Dunstan’s argument was influential in the debate leading up to the passing of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990 which permitted experimentation on human embryos. The same argument was reiterated ten years later by Archbishop Peter Carnley, Primate of the Anglican Church of Australia, 71 and by Bishop Richard Harries, Bishop of Oxford, 72 in the context of a new debate over whether to permit the cloning of human embryos for research. In 2001, Bishop Harries was appointed chair of the House of Lords Select Committee on Stem Cell Research, which devoted an appendix of its report to a statement of Dunstan’s argument: ‘the fact that the Christian tradition, for so much of its history, made a distinction between the moral status of the unformed and the formed embryo, and thought of the human person in the full sense coming only with a delayed ensoulment, remains significant: it reflects a valid moral distinction’. 73
The structure of Dunstan’s version of DAAA was similar to that of Glanville Williams but it was the work of independent scholarship 74 and included a few characteristically Anglican touches, for example in mentioning Anglo-Saxon penitentials as well as the English common law tradition, and in paying more attention to Augustine than to Aquinas. Dunstan’s scholarship was far superior to that of Glanville Williams but it is open to some of the same criticisms, not least that it sought to appeal to historical precedent while bypassing the key question of whether the notion of delayed animation was valid in the context of contemporary biology. The moral tradition to which Dunstan appealed was explicitly based on a theological anthropology, itself derived from philosophical reflection on ancient biology. That biology is antiquated, and to attempt an argument from precedent in the absence of a contemporary philosophical anthropology is to build a house on sand. It is an argument without rational foundation. 75
Appeal to Evolutionary Biology
Bishop Ian Ramsey, who chaired the 1965 Board of Social Responsibility committee, was noted both for speaking on ethical and social questions, and for his interest in the relationship between science and religion. This alerts us to another form of DAAA to develop within the Anglican tradition. While Dunstan’s argument gained significant attention during the debates over embryo experimentation, arguably the most prominent Anglican voice in support of such experimentation was that of Archbishop John Habgood. His academic background was not in ecclesiastical history or moral theology but in biology. As noted above, one of the factors that promoted support for delayed animation (or analogous concepts) among theologians was reflection on the theory of evolution. This was certainly true of Habgood whom Mary Warnock described as a ‘Darwinian gradualist’: ‘“Christianity”, he said, “no more requires us to believe that human life begins at a certain moment than it requires belief in the Garden of Eden.”’ 76
Habgood’s version of DAAA in favour of experimentation on human embryos is representative of many Anglicans who have written on the relationship of science and religion. A similar view is taken by John Polkinghorne, 77 Donald Mackay, 78 and several others. 79 A typical move of these thinkers is to view consciousness and other distinctively human functions as emergent properties of complex hierarchical systems. This frame is then applied both to evolution and to embryonic development. In each case life is not regarded as specifically human life until it has reached a certain level of biological complexity. From this anthropological claim, the moral conclusion is then drawn that early human embryos can be used for the benefit of fully developed human beings.
This form of DAAA, unlike that of Dunstan, is rooted in anthropology and in a broader understanding of the relationship of science and religion and is thus a much more serious argument. Nevertheless, it relies on a parallel between evolution and developmental biology which is questionable both in relation to biology and in relation to philosophy. Biologically, development is clearly distinct from evolution in that the process is strongly teleological, moving towards a determinate end point. It seems prima facie that to regard the human embryo as though it were morally equivalent to a simple nonhuman organism is a mistake. However, to resolve the issue would require careful philosophical analysis and it is here that many writers on science and religion tend to be weak. Many are ordained scientists who have come directly from natural science to theology without higher studies in philosophy.
The form of DAAA propounded by Habgood and others raises important questions of how to relate theological anthropology to modern biology. Nevertheless, without a more robust philosophical analysis of the issues, the argument remains at the level of suggestive parallels rather than of rigorous demonstration. This gap could perhaps be bridged through a greater engagement with Catholics writing on science and religion, in particular those in the Thomist tradition, which draws heavily both on theological and on philosophical modes of thought. 80 However, before examining Catholic forms of DAAA it is important to acknowledge the diversity of theological views within the Anglican tradition.
Diversity within the Anglican Tradition
The arguments put forward by figures such as Ramsey, Habgood, Dunstan, Polkinghorne and Harries proved influential in part because they were useful to a succession of governments who wished to have ecclesial endorsement of ethically contentious policy proposals. However, it should not be thought that this approach represents the only, or the official, or even the predominant Anglican understanding of the human embryo. When the Abortion Act 1967 finally came to a vote in the House of Lords, Bishop Ian Ramsey, who had been the chair of the Board of Social Responsibility committee, was the only Anglican bishop to vote in favour of the social clause. Similarly, in February 1985, the General Synod rejected the gradualist position set out by the Board in its response to the Warnock Committee. 81
Subsequent to this vote, the Board published a more balanced report Personal Origins (1985), which sets out two views, one which ‘takes its point of reference in the continuity of the individual subject’ 82 and the other which ‘argues that there are attributes which must be possessed by a developing embryo before it can be called a person’. 83 The committee came to recognise ‘in both these approaches the possibility of a scientifically judicious and theologically responsible set of convictions’. 84 Only in the context of endorsing this report did the Synod accept the value of the Warnock Report recommendation for a regulatory body to ‘continue the debate on the moral aspects of technologies concerned with human embryology and fertilisation’. 85
The 1985 Report Personal Origins represents a significant achievement in recognising two strands of theology within the Anglican tradition. 86 More frequently the Board of Social Responsibility (and its successor department) has reflected only the gradualist view and has failed to acknowledge the seriousness of other views present in Personal Origins and in votes of the Synod. For example, in 2007 the Mission and Public Affairs Council wrote that ‘we do not regard the pre-implantation embryo as yet having the same status of a person made in the image of God’. 87 This may be contrasted with the resolution of the General Synod of 1983 (reiterated in 1988) ‘that all human life, including life developing in the womb, is created by God in his own image and is therefore to be nurtured, supported and protected’. 88 It should also be noted that in 2001 Archbishop Rowan Williams was among a number of Anglican theologians to sign an ecumenical statement declaring that ‘Though penalties have varied, the Christian tradition has always extended the principle of the sacredness of human life to the very beginning of each human being, and never allowed the deliberate destruction of the fruit of conception.’ 89
Catholic Expressions of the Argument
Appeal to Catholic Tradition
It was in the 1960s that some Catholic scholars began to suggest that delayed animation might render abortion or embryo destruction morally acceptable, given sufficiently grave circumstances. 90 By the end of that decade there were, for the first time, clear examples of DAAA within the Catholic tradition. One of the leading proponents was the Jesuit Joseph Donceel in a series of articles, the most significant appearing in Theological Studies in 1970 under the title, ‘Immediate Animation and Delayed Hominization’. 91 The Catholic moral theologian Lisa Sowle Cahill refers to this as ‘one of the first proposed revivals of delayed hominisation’. 92 Much of Donceel’s article is devoted to an account of the Catholic tradition aiming to show that it provides strong precedent for belief in delayed animation. 93 The article then concludes with a quotation from Abortion: An Ethical Discussion, invoking ecumenical considerations as a way to introduce the moral claim that delayed animation supports a more permissive attitude to abortion: ‘Might it not be terminated occasionally for very grave reasons, the reasons which other Christian churches consider sufficient?’ 94
Donceel’s articulation of a Catholic form of DAAA was followed by a number of other scholars including Charles Curran, 95 Carol Tauer, 96 Daniel Maguire 97 and Daniel Dombrowski. 98 Though there are differences in approach and style between these authors (Curran, for example, being more restrained in his conclusions, Maguire more overtly polemical) they have in common a form of DAAA that is an appeal to the Roman Catholic tradition by writers who situate themselves within that tradition. These authors also have in common the use of the conceptual framework of probabilism. This was the doctrine that it was lawful for a Catholic to follow a ‘probable’ opinion (that is, one based on the reasonable arguments of trustworthy authorities) even if the opposite view appears to be equally probable. Curran, Tauer and others argued that, using this approach, the fact that many reputable theologians (such as Augustine and Thomas Aquinas and, more recently, Karl Rahner and Bernard Häring) had supported delayed animation made this opinion ‘probable’. This would permit Catholics in good conscience to act on the view that early abortion was not homicide.
This Catholic form of DAAA has been very successful in making the transition from scholarly to popular contexts. This has been facilitated by abortion advocacy organisations such as Catholics for a Free Choice. Among their most popular publications is a short booklet by Jane Hurst entitled The History of Abortion in the Catholic Church: The Untold Story. 99 This has gone through several reprints and is frequently quoted. The same theme has also been picked up by writers who are alienated from the Church on a broader range of issues, of whom Uta Ranke-Heinemann 100 and Peter de Rosa 101 are good examples. Quotations and paraphrases of such authors and of academic activists such as Daniel Maguire and Daniel Dombrowski have subsequently been disseminated by magazine articles, pamphlets and, by that most viral of media, the internet.
Of all forms of DAAA by appeal to precedent, this form is the most sophisticated, far more so than that of Williams or even that of Dunstan. The historical scholarship especially of Charles Curran is careful and detailed and he has clear intellectual sympathy with the tradition to which he appeals, especially in relation to seventeenth-century probabilists. Nevertheless, while the Catholic tradition provides a precedent for believing in delayed animation, it provides very little precedent for permitting abortion prior to the purported moment of animation. Modern advocates of DAAA appeal to Augustine and Thomas Aquinas, but neither Augustine nor Thomas Aquinas advocated tolerance of abortion. If precedent is to be found for DAAA, this cannot be found in the tradition in general. At most it could be argued there is some precedent for DAAA among some ‘laxist’ Catholic moral theologians in the seventeenth century. However, those opinions which overtly advocated abortion prior to animation were highly controversial at the time, and the clearest examples of early-modern DAAAs were condemned by the Holy Office in 1679. 102
The condemnation of laxism points to another problem with the appeal to probabilism, in that the framework of probabilism, in its original historical context, presupposed acceptance of the authority of Rome to set limits on legitimate opinion. This tradition of thought had never allowed an opinion could count as ‘probable’ if it had been explicitly condemned by Rome. 103 To advocate the permissibility of direct abortion thus requires moving beyond probabilism into what may be called a theology of dissent.
As with the arguments of Williams and Dunstan, Donceel’s DAAA by appeal to precedent suffers more fundamentally from a reliance on earlier thinkers who were reflecting on ancient biology. A credible DAAA has to move beyond mere appeal to precedent and to show that delayed animation, or some analogous idea, is defensible in a contemporary context. Furthermore, given that what is at issue is the deliberate destruction of human embryos, metaphysical and ethical conclusions about the status of the embryo would need to be demonstrated with a high degree of confidence.
Rising to this challenge, a number of contemporary thinkers within the Catholic tradition have propounded anthropological forms of DAAA, primarily invoking the philosophical and moral principles of Thomas Aquinas. Such attempts fall roughly into two categories, those that appeal to brain-related criteria and those that are concerned with individuation. 104
Brain-related Accounts of Animation
Donceel is significant not only for introducing into Catholic discussion a form of DAAA by appeal to precedent, but also for articulating a defense of a form of delayed animation based on Thomist principles. Donceel not only appealed to the tradition, he also argued that delayed animation was implied by Thomistic philosophical principles if these were applied to contemporary biology. He preferred the term ‘delayed hominisation’ to delayed animation, in part because Thomas held that the embryo was animated with a soul (but not a specifically human soul) from conception, in part in deference to Karl Rahner and Teihard de Chardin. 105 The use of the term hominisation also evokes the analogy between embryological development and human evolution. Nevertheless, while Donceel regarded evolution as making delayed hominisation ‘more probable’, 106 this analogy is secondary to his key argument, which is that delayed hominisation is implied by a hylomorphic conception of man.
If form and matter are strictly complementary, as hylomorphism holds, there can be an actual human soul only in a body endowed with the organs required for the spiritual activities of man.
107
Other philosophers who have followed Donceel and who have also appealed explicitly and in detail to Thomas Aquinas are Michael Coughlan, 108 Jean Porter, 109 Dombrowski and Deltete, 110 and Pasnau. 111 For such writers, appeal to Thomas was not merely opportunistic as they showed a genuine interest in the thought of Thomas Aquinas and, in at least some cases, had published serious monographs on other elements of Thomas’s thought. Nevertheless, if the appreciation of Thomas was genuine, these authors also wished to use his thought to promote a more permissive attitude towards practices such as abortion and embryonic stem cell research. In this they were very different from an earlier generation of Thomists (such as Mercier, de Dorlodot, Hering, Reany and Maritain) and indeed from Thomas himself, who defended delayed animation but not DAAA.
Donceel defends the idea that the embryo is not a human person until he or she has the organs necessary for rational functioning, that is, until the development of ‘the brain, and especially the cortex’. 112 Similarly Couglan, Porter, Dombrowski, Deltete and Pasnau focus on the capacity for rational functioning or at least for consciousness. This approach is superficially similar to the distinction between a human being and a ‘person’ made by secular bioethicists such as Fletcher, Tooley, Singer and Harris. However, the secular bioethical school of thought is distinct from Thomism both in its origin and its character. The ‘personhood’ philosophers (if they can be termed such) were influenced by Locke’s definition of a person: ‘most current accounts of the criteria for personhood follow John Locke in identifying self- consciousness coupled with fairly rudimentary intelligence as the most important features’. 113 They assimilated personhood to personality or memory, to a set of attributes of the person. Hence they could regard the human embryo as a biological human being without this implying that the embryo was a person. In contrast, accounts of personhood, of the kind propounded by Aristotle, Boethius or Thomas Aquinas, understood the person as an individual substance, a member of a natural kind. 114 Hence for a Thomist to deny the early embryo was a person he or she must also have to deny that the embryo was a human being, a being who shared a human nature.
Personhood philosophers have also tended to place the emergence of personhood in infancy, several months after the child is born. Donceel and Thomists who followed his line of thought have strongly resisted the claim that hominisation occurs after the child is born: ‘The Church has condemned this position and rightly so.’ 115 Nevertheless, if what was needed was not the immediate capacity for rational acts (a capacity which would not be demonstrable until long after the child was born), but was an active potential of a more radical kind, then this would seem to be present already in the embryo. This point was emphasised by the moral theologian Norman Ford.
One weakness in Donceel’s position is the unjustified demand for the formation of sense organs and of the brain for rational ensoulment once it is admitted there are no actual rational functions performed for two years.
116
Donceel’s account of delayed hominisation overlooks the significance of the embryonic power of development. From a Thomistic perspective, if a being possesses a power to develop a capacity (for example the power to learn how to speak French) this is sufficient to demonstrate what kind of thing it is (a linguistic animal). This is so, even though the capacity may not yet have been developed. Thomas himself was hampered by the mistaken belief that embryonic development was driven and shaped only from outside, by the power of the male parent through the seed as an instrument. However, if, in line with modern biology, one regards development as a power of the embryo, the possession of this power implies the presence in the embryo of a specifically human nature, and hence a human soul. 117 Pasnau recognised this difficulty for delayed animation and maintained that it was the parent’s DNA in the embryo that played the role that Thomas ascribed to the power in the seed. It transformed the embryo until the embryo became a specifically human animal. 118 However, this abstraction of the DNA from the embryo as a whole, and indeed the abstraction of development from all other vital activities of the embryo, is not tenable as a philosophy of biology.
Individuation-Related Accounts of Animation
Norman Ford criticised Donceel for his supposition that an embryo was not human until he or she acquired a functioning brain, a supposition that seemed to imply that a child was not human until it actually exercised the power of reason. Nevertheless, if the embryo is a human being from the moment that it is a living individual with the power to develop, this still leaves the question of when the embryo becomes a living individual. One alleged proof of delayed hominisation referred to in passing by Donceel 119 was the argument that the early embryo was not yet an individual because it was possible within the first two weeks for one embryo to split so as to form identical twins. From this Donceel concluded that the early embryo was not yet an individual and hence could not be a human individual with a rational soul.
Arguments based on the phenomenon of twinning constitute a distinct form of DAAA based not on the need for a brain but on the concept of individuation. This is a very different form of delayed animation position with different implications. Technically it is not a form of DAAA in that it is not relevant to abortion, because animation is placed around the time of implantation and well before a woman would know she was pregnant and might seek abortion. However, individuation-related arguments have been used to advocate experimentation on human embryos and/or forms of birth control that disrupt the implantation of the embryo. The invocation of delayed animation as a justification for the destruction of human embryos is closely analogous to DAAA and for ease of reference will be termed here an individuation-related DAAA.
The Jesuit Richard McCormick employed an individuation-related DAAA to justify his decision, as a member of the Ethics Advisory Board in 1979, to endorse the use of human embryos who were not older than 14 days. 120 McCormick likewise defended the use of the term ‘pre-embryo’ to refer to the first two weeks of human development. 121 This same argument has been used by a number of other Catholic moral theologians and philosophers including Curran, 122 Mahoney 123 and Eberl. 124 These authors accepted embryo experimentation but not the liberalisation of abortion law (or, at least, they did not regard delayed animation as a reason for such liberalisation). 125
Perhaps the most well-known advocate of the individuation-related argument is Norman Ford in his book When Did I Begin? This book was written in 1988 four years after the Warnock report and two years before embryo experimentation was legalised in the UK by the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 1990. Warnock even contributed a foreword to the book. The book has had a significant impact and has helped undermine the case for the protection of the early embryo. 126
The possibility of twinning has thus been presented as being incompatible with the individuality of the embryo. However, from a biological perspective individuality need not imply indivisibility, in the sense of the inability to develop into multiple individuals. Many biological organisms are divisible at different stages of development. The early embryo is, from the first, a whole and it develops as a whole. When the cells divide, the daughter cells have position in relation to the whole and the future differentiation of cells is a function of this position. This is so notwithstanding the fact that if some cells are detached from the whole, the embryo can sometimes reorganise so that no harm is done to its development. The early human embryo is certainly a biological individual.
Divisibility is compatible with being a biological individual but it has been alleged to pose deeper problems in relation to the rational soul which, according to Catholic doctrine, is immortal. 127 However, if God can create and infuse a soul into the embryo at fertilisation then there is no reason to doubt that God could create and infuse further souls according to the multiplication of bodies. Twinning could then be understood as analogous to asexual reproduction in simpler animals, whereby new life is generated by division rather than by union. According to Thomas, a simple animal has ‘one soul in act and many in potency’. 128 Perhaps the same is true of human embryos. This may be unusual and unexpected but both nature and grace include many unusual and unexpected things. What it is not is a contradiction in terms. 129
In response to this and other arguments Norman Ford, the most able and articulate defender of delayed animation by reason of delayed individuation, has subsequently abandoned this position. He has come to accept that the potential for twinning does not entail that the developing embryo is not an individual. Hence in 2007 he joined other Catholic bioethicists in affirming that ‘the human embryo, at every stage of development, is a human being with potential and not just a “potential human being”’. 130 Similarly Jason Eberl, who in 2000 defended an individuation-related form of DAAA 131 by 2007 under the influence of Germain Grisez, 132 Jan Deckers 133 and others changed his view and came to accept animation at fertilisation. 134 The same is true of some proponents of individuation-related DAAA outside the Catholic context, as is evident for example between the first (1996) and second (2005) edition of Gilbert Meilaender’s Bioethics: A Primer for Christians. 135
In summary, the claim that ensoulment occurs with brain development seems arbitrary when it is admitted that there is no immediate capacity to exercise rational functions until well into infancy. Furthermore, if the human embryo possesses the inherent power to develop specific human capacities then it cannot be denied that he or she already shares a human nature. On the other hand, if it is granted that the soul may already be present in the embryo by 14 days after fertilisation, then the arguments against pushing this back to fertilisation no longer seem indefeasible. Thus there are many Thomists who now argue that, ‘applying Aquinas’s metaphysical principles to the embryological facts uncovered since his time leads to the conclusion that the human being is present from fertilization on’. 136
The consideration of anthropological forms of DAAA also has implications for DAAA by appeal to precedent, authority or probabilism. If the opposite opinion—that ensoulment occurs at fertilisation—is acknowledged to be at least probable in the traditional sense (being based on the reasonable arguments of trustworthy authorities) then what is at stake in choosing between these two opinions is not only liberty of conscience but also the danger of killing what may well be an ensouled human being. This was the conclusion reached by Häring in 1963: ‘every mortal attack upon a life which is at least probably an actual human life manifests the spirit and disposition of a murderer’
137
for, as Grisez would later argue, ‘to be willing to kill what for all one knows is a person is to be willing to kill a person’.
138
Interestingly this was the view of Norm Ford, even at the time that he himself held a form of a delayed animation: The Catholic Church has expressly not committed its teaching authority to the view that the zygote is already a person but admits there are reasonable grounds to support a personal presence in the zygote and consequently teaches, rightly in my view, that the human zygote should be morally and legally protected as a person.
139
Conclusions
This essay has explored the emergence of the appeal to ‘delayed animation’ as a reason for Christians to tolerate, or for proportionate reasons to promote, embryo experimentation and early abortion (DAAA). Instances of DAAA have been traced through different contemporary contexts, examining who has cited whom, what forms the argument has taken, and why they have proven popular.
Some forms of DAAA raise important anthropological questions, and it has been argued here that the strongest are based on the application of Thomist principles to contemporary biology. Nevertheless, even the strongest forms do not seem indefeasible and the course of the debate has seen an increasing number of Christian philosophers and theologians arguing that the opposite opinion, animation at fertilisation, is at least equally probable.
As the more popular forms of DAAA are frequently framed as an appeal to historical precedent, it is reasonable to enquire as to the historical precedent of this argument itself. What has emerged from this historical enquiry is that, while there are important distinctions to be drawn between different forms of DAAA in historical context, premises and conclusions, all have emerged very recently, indeed within living memory. This undermines the claim of advocates of abortion or of embryo experimentation that their position represents the longer Christian tradition. There is in fact little precedent for the appeal to ‘delayed animation’ as an argument for abortion prior to 1950. The argument, it transpires, is a novelty in the tradition.
Footnotes
1
Hansard vol. 621 part. 16, col. 35-37 (22 January 2001).
2
3
For example, USCCB News Release, ‘Bishops Respond to House Speaker Pelosi’s Misrepresentation of Church Teaching Against Abortion’; W. E. May, ‘Abortion and Ensoulment: Augustine and Aquinas vs. Pelosi and Biden, Part I’, Culture of Life Foundation Briefs, 16 September 2008; E. C. Brugger, ‘Pelosi on Abortion’, Culture of Life Foundation Briefs, 2 September 2008. To these may be added innumerable more or less well-informed discussions on the topic on various blogs.
4
Interview on Meet the Press, 7 September 2008.
5
S. Byrnes, ‘There is a Debate to be had—a Serious Debate—about Conscience: Sholto Byrnes Talks to Lisa Jardine’, New Statesman, 26 May 2008, pp. 24-27, quote on p. 24.
6
R. R. Ruether endorsement of D. A. Dombrowski and R. Deltete, A Brief Liberal Catholic Defense of Abortion (Urbana, IL: University of Illinois Press, 2000), back cover.
7
8
J. Connery, Abortion: The Development of the Roman Catholic Perspective (Chicago, IL: Loyola University Press, 1977); J. W. Dellapenna, Dispelling the Myths of Abortion History (Durham, NC: Carolina Academic Press, 2006); G. Grisez, Abortion: The Myths, the Realities and the Arguments (New York: Corpus Books, 1970); D. A. Jones, The Soul of the Embryo: An Enquiry into the Status of the Human Embryo in the Christian Tradition (London: Continuum, 2004); J. T. Noonan, ‘An Almost Absolute Value in History’, in J. T. Noonan (ed.), The Morality of Abortion: Legal and Historical Perspectives (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1970).
9
See, for example, Hippocrates, ‘The Seed and the Nature of the Child’, in G. E. R. Lloyd (ed.), Hippocratic Writings, trans. J. Chadwick, W. N. Mann, I. M. Lonie and E. T. Withington (Harmondsworth: Penguin Classics, 1983), pp. 317-46.
10
Aristotle, Generation of Animals 2.3, 736b 2-5, though there are good reasons to think that Aristotle held that the rational soul was present in the embryo in potentia from the conception. See Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 27-30; D. A. Jones, ‘Thomas Aquinas, Augustine and Aristotle on “Delayed Animation”’, The Thomist 76 (2012), pp. 1-36.
11
Aristotle, History of Animals 7.3, 583b 3-5.
12
Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 46-56; D. A. Jones, ‘Exodus 21 and Abortion’, Triple Helix 45 (Summer 2009), pp. 16-18.
13
This is somewhat ironic as Augustine was in fact deeply sceptical both about the origin of the soul and the timing of animation. See Augustine, De anima et eius origine; Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 102-108; Jones, ‘Thomas Aquinas, Augustine and Aristotle’.
14
G. Dunstan (ed.), The Human Embryo: Aristotle and the Arabic and European Traditions (Exeter: University of Exeter Press, 1990).
15
Connery, Abortion, pp. 46-104; Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 57-74.
16
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae I, q. 118, a. 2, ad 2.
17
Connery, Abortion, pp. 105-224; Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 175-93.
18
C. Curran, ‘The Role and Function of the Scriptures in Moral Theology’, reprinted in C. Curran and R. McCormick (eds.), Moral Theology No. 4: The Use of Scripture in Moral Theology (New York: Paulist Press, 1983), p. 180.
19
Dellapenna, Dispelling the Myths; J. Keown, Abortion, Doctors and the Law: Some Aspects of the Legal Regulation of Abortion in England from 1803 to 1982 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988), pp. 3-4, 10-11; J. Keown, ‘Back to the Future of Abortion Law: Roe’s Rejection of America’s History and Traditions’, Issues in Law and Medicine 22.1 (2006), pp. 3-37. It should be noticed, however, that the term ‘quick with child’ could simply mean pregnant with a living child and not all jurists identified this phrase with ‘quickening’ (i.e. the first felt movement of the child), thus the history of the legal use of this concept requires careful examination of how it was applied in actual cases.
20
On the influence of Augustine on the Reformers, particularly in regard to traducianism, see G. H. Williams, ‘Religious Residues and Presuppositions in the American Debate on Abortion’, Theological Studies 31.1 (1970), pp. 10-75.
21
Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 156-74. See also J. Needham, A History of Embryology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1959) which after half a century remains a valuable resource for this topic.
22
World Medical Association Declaration of Geneva (1948); D. A. Jones, ‘The Hippocratic Oath II: Modern Adaptations of the Classical Doctors’ Oath’, Catholic Medical Quarterly 56.1 (2006), pp. 6-16. There is an echo of this declaration in the Second Vatican Council: ‘Therefore from the moment of its conception life must be guarded with the greatest care while abortion and infanticide are unspeakable crimes’ (Gaudium et Spes 51).
23
Leo XIII, On the Restoration of Christian Philosophy (Aeterni Patris), 4 August 1879, paragraph 31.
24
Codex Iuris Canonici (1917), Can. 1366, §2. Note also the irony that the same Code that recommended study of Thomas (a defender of delayed animation) also included an excommunication of abortion without reference to the time of animation. Codex Iuris Canonici (1917), Can. 2350.
25
Thomas Aquinas, Summa Theologiae III, q. 27, a. 2 ad 2; note however that the understanding of the immaculate conception, on which the opinion of Thomas is no longer compatible with Catholic dogma, is not unrelated to the question of the timing of animation; see Summa Theologiae III, q. 27, a. 2, corpus.
26
D. J. Mercier, Psychologie, 11th edn (Paris, 1885).
27
W. Reany, The Creation of the Human Soul (New York: Benziger Brothers, 1932).
28
H. M. Hering, ‘De tempore animationis foetus humani’, Angelicum 28 (1951), pp. 18-29. Not to be confused with Bernard Häring.
29
J. Maritain, Untrammeled Approaches, trans. B. Doering (Notre Dame, IN: University of Notre Dame Press, 1997); on Maritain see J. G. Hanink, ‘Jacques Maritain and the Embryo: A Master’s Muddles’, in J. W. Koterski (ed.), Life and Learning XVIII (Washington, DC: University Faculty for Life, 2008), pp. 249-62.
30
For an excellent historical overview of this topic see S. J. Gould, Ontogeny and Phylogeny (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1977).
31
Especially T. de Chardin, The Phenomenon of Man (New York: Harper, 1959); see also H. de Lubac, Teilhard Explained (New York: Paulist Press, 1968). There is an extensive literature on de Chardin who remains a controversial figure in Catholic theology and something of a lightning-rod for popular science writers, being the subject of ungrounded slurs as to his honesty as a scientist even by so moderate a commentator as Stephen J. Gould; see J. F. Haught, God After Darwin: A Theology of Evolution (Boulder, CO: Westview Press, 1999), pp. 81-88 and p. 199, note 3.
32
K. Rahner, Hominization: The Evolutionary Origin of Man as a Theological Problem, trans. W. T. O’Hara (Freiburg: Herder, 1965), a translation of P. Overhage and K. Rahner, Das problem der hominization, Questiones disputatae 12/13 (Freiberg: Herder, 1961).
33
B. Häring, The Law of Christ, vol. III, trans. E. G. Kaiser (Cork, Ireland: Mercier Press, 1967), p. 206.
34
Häring, Law of Christ, p. 206, translator’s footnote.
35
R. McCormick, ‘A Human Stand on Abortion’, America 112 (1965), pp. 877-81, quote at p. 879.
36
B. Häring, Medical Ethics (Slough: St Paul Publications, 1972), p. 84; note the use of the term hominisation rather than delayed animation.
37
Reany, Creation of the Human Soul, p. 196. For another similar view see R. Berquist, ‘Abortion and the Right to Life Before Personhood’, in S. J. Heaney (ed.), Abortion: A New Generation of Catholic Responses (Braintree, MA: Pope John Centre, 1992).
38
Summa contra Gentiles III, q. 122; see also Commentary on the Sentences IV, d. 31, q. 4.
39
M. K. Derr, R. MacNair and L. Naranjo-Huebl, ProLife Feminism: Yesterday & Today, 2nd edn (Philadelphia, PA: Feminism & Nonviolence Studies Association, 2005). While this is a contested history in relation to its implications in a contemporary context, there is general agreement that eighteenth- and nineteenth-century predecessors of contemporary feminism were opposed to the practice of abortion.
40
A. Farmer, Prophets and Priests: The Hidden Face of the Birth Control Movement (London: Saint Austin Press, 2002).
41
This is not to defend the usefulness labels of ‘liberal’ and ‘conservative’ in relation to social issues, but only to describe a frame within which these issues came to be discussed or understood during and since the 1960s.
42
For examples of the self-description of ‘liberal’ in relation to abortion see, for example, J. Donceel, ‘A Liberal Catholic View’, in R. Hall (ed.), Abortion in a Changing World (New York: Columbia University Press, 1970); Dombrowski and Deltete, A Brief Liberal Catholic Defense of Abortion; W. McLennan, ‘Breath is Life: Defending Abortion from a Liberal Christian Perspective’, UU World (Winter 2009), pp. 33-40.
43
J. Fletcher, Morals and Medicine (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1954).
44
Fletcher, Morals and Medicine, p. xii.
45
Fletcher, Morals and Medicine, p. 90.
46
Fletcher, Morals and Medicine, p. 152.
47
M. Tooley, Abortion and Infanticide (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1983).
48
J. Harris, ‘Book Review: Abortion and Infanticide’, Journal of Medical Ethics 11 (1985), p. 212; J. Harris, ‘Euthanasia and the Value of Life’, in J. Keown (ed.), Euthanasia Examined (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995).
49
P. Singer, Practical Ethics, 2nd edn (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993).
50
P. Singer, Rethinking Life and Death: The Collapse of Our Traditional Values (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), p. 87.
51
Glanville Williams, The Sanctity of Life and the Criminal Law (New York: Alfred A Knopf, 1957).
52
Williams had read Fletcher’s Morals and Medicine and says of it, ‘the Christian humanist approach of this book is at the opposite pole from that of dogmatic and authoritarian religion’. Williams, Sanctity of Life, p. 131.
53
Williams, Sanctity of Life, p. 230.
54
Williams, Sanctity of Life, p. 19.
55
Williams, Sanctity of Life, p. 19. Here again Williams echoes Fletcher who also advocated eugenic euthanasia for ‘monstrosities at birth and mental defectives’. Morals and Medicine, p. 207.
56
E. Quay, ‘Justifiable Abortion—Medical and Legal Foundations’, Georgetown Law Journal 49 (Winter 1960 and Spring 1961), pp. 173-241, 395-443; C. C. Means, ‘The Law of New York Concerning Abortion and the Status of the Fetus, 1664–1968: A Case of Cessation of Constitutionality’, New York Law Forum 14 (1968), pp. 418-28; C. C. Means, ‘The Phoenix of Abortional Freedom: Is a Penumbral or Ninth Amendment Right about to Arise from the Nineteenth-Century Legislative Ashes of a Fourteenth-Century Common-Law Liberty?’, New York Law Forum 17 (1971), pp. 336-62.
57
Roe v. Wade, 410 U.S. 133 (1973) Opinion of Justice Blackmun, note 22.
58
Williams, Sanctity of Life, p. 230.
59
The appeal to the precedent of the common law on abortion has no rational basis unless it can address the underlying question of anthropology. However, at this point it will also have to face the challenge of those who argue that, if contemporary understanding of developmental biology is taken into account, then the common law precedent actually supports, ‘extending legal protection to human life from conception’. M. S. Scott, ‘Quickening in the Common Law: The Legal Precedent Roe Attempted and Failed to Use’, Michigan Law and Policy Review 1 (1996), pp. 199-268.
60
Dellapenna, Dispelling the Myths; Keown, ‘Back to the Future’; J. Keown and D. A. Jones, ‘Surveying the Foundations of Medical Law: A Reassessment of Glanville Williams’s The Sanctity of Life and the Criminal Law’, Medical Law Review 16 (2008), pp. 85-126.
61
C. B. Daly, Morals, Law and Life (Dublin: Clonmore & Reynolds, 1962); Keown and Jones, ‘Surveying the Foundations’. A characteristic example of the weakness of theological scholarship is found in the Roe v. Wade judgement itself. Augustine’s De anima et eius origine 4.4 is doubly miscited. In the first place the name is given as De Origine Animae and in the second place the reference is given as ‘Pub.Law 44.527’. One can only surmise that someone with no knowledge of theology has, without checking the reference, expanded a citation of PL 44.527. This is of course a reference to Patrologia Latina 44.527. It might be added that the distinction ascribed to Augustine by Williams (and repeated by Blackmun and many others) between the embryo inanimatus or the embryo animatus does not occur anywhere in Augustine’s voluminous writings (see Jones, ‘Thomas Aquinas, Augustine and Aristotle’, note 53).
62
In addition to secular and Christian forms of DAAA, there are some examples of DAAA by those of another faith using Christianity as a foil for their own account, for example D. Feldman, Marital Relations, Birth Control and Abortion in Jewish Law (New York: Schocken Books, 1974) who takes his description of the Catholic tradition primarily from Fletcher’s Morals and Medicine. Such accounts have in common with secular forms of DAAA the opportunistic use of an alien tradition, and share the weakness of secular accounts. Most typically, they are exercises in knocking down a straw man.
63
As argued by John Barton, ‘Criticism in biblical scholarship, exactly like Protestantism in religion, might take as its motto St Cyprian’s dictum: “custom without truth is just error in its old age”’. J. Barton, The Old Testament: Canon, Literature and Theology: Collected Essays of John Barton (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2007), p. 163 quoting Cyprian Letter 74 (ad Pompeium) §9.
64
It may be noted that some liberal Protestant Churches, despite a general suspicion of tradition, have developed forms of DAAA similar to those developed in an Anglican context, for example the Presbyterian Church (USA) in its document Covenant and Creation: Theological Reflections on Contraception and Abortion (Louisville, KY: Office of the General Assembly, Presbyterian Church, 1983). In contrast, while the Churches of the East grant a much more significant role to tradition within their theology, DAAAs have not thus far emerged in an Orthodox context. This is in part because delayed animation is less prominent in the Eastern Christian tradition (and was opposed by Gregory of Nyssa, Basil the Great and Maximus the Confessor) and in part because the Churches of the East have not developed modernist schools of theology analogous to liberal Protestantism.
65
Board of Social Responsibility (BSR), Abortion: An Ethical Discussion (London: Church Information Office, 1965), p. 61.
66
BSR, Abortion, p. 61.
67
BSR, Abortion, p. 61.
68
BSR, Abortion, p. 29.
69
G. R. Dunstan, ‘The Moral Status of the Human Embryo: A Tradition Recalled’, Journal of Medical Ethics 1 (1984), pp. 38-44.
70
Dunstan, ‘Moral Status of the Human Embryo’, p. 38.
71
P. Carnley, ‘Such is Life’, The Bulletin, 16 April 2002, pp. 36-38.
72
Hansard vol. 621, no. 16, col. 35-37; see R. Harries, ‘Delivering Public Policy: The Status of the Embryo and Tissue Typing’, Studies in Christian Ethics 18 (2005), pp. 57-74; R. Harries, ‘The Beginning of Life’, Ecclesiastical Law Journal 5 (2000), pp. 396-407.
73
House of Lords, Report from the Select Committee of the House of Lords, Stem Cell Research (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 2002), Appendix 4: The moral status of the early embryo: reading the Christian tradition.
74
Glanville Williams, in addition to Fletcher, Morals and Medicine, took his primary sources from Reany, Creation of the Human Soul and R. J. Huser, The Crime of Abortion in Canon Law, Canon Law Studies 162 (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America, 1942). In contrast Dunstan used as his main secondary sources A. Chollet, ‘Animation’, in A. Vacant and E. Mangenot (eds.), Dictionnaire de theologie Catholique (Paris: Latouzey et Ane, 1903) and J. Delmaille, ‘Avortement’, in R. Naz (ed.), Dictionnaire de droit canonique (Paris: Latouzey et Ane, 1938) in addition to which he also engaged with primary sources that he discovered independently. It should be noted that none of these earlier Catholic writers (Chollet, Delmaille, Reany or Huser) invokes delayed animation as a reason to tolerate abortion.
75
See D. A. Jones, ‘The Human Embryo in the Christian Tradition: A Reconsideration’, Journal of Medical Ethics 31.12 (December 2005), pp. 710-14.
76
M. Warnock, ‘The Bioethics of Reproduction: Have the Problems Changed?’, in S. Sweeny and I. Hodder (eds.), The Body (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2002), p. 44.
77
J. Polkinghorne, ‘The Person, the Soul, and Genetic Engineering’, Journal of Medical Ethics 30 (2004), pp. 593-97.
78
D. Mackay, ‘The Beginnings of Personal Life’, In the Service of Medicine 30.2 (1984), pp. 9-13; D. Mackay, Human Science and Human Dignity (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1979), pp. 64-65 and 98-102.
79
For example, John Bryant; see J. Bryant and J. Searle, Life in Our Hands: A Christian Perspective on Genetics and Cloning (Leicester: InterVarsity Press, 2004).
80
For examples of Thomists engaging seriously with modern biology, though coming to different views, see N. Ford, When Did I Begin? Conception of the Human Individual in History, Philosophy and Science (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); W. Wallace, ‘Aquinas’s Legacy on Individuation, Cogitation and Hominization’, in D. Gallagher (ed.), Thomas Aquinas and his Legacy (Washington, DC: Catholic University of America Press, 1994); and N. Austriaco, ‘Immediate Hominization from the Systems Perspective’, National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly 4.4 (Winter 2004), pp. 719-38. Ford’s views are discussed further below.
81
P. J. O’Mahony, A Question of Life: Its Beginning and Transmission (London: Sheed and Ward, 1990), pp. 115-16. See also T. Banchoff, Embryo Politics: Ethics and Policy in Atlantic Democracies (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2011), p. 40 and for a later Synod debate, p. 143.
82
Board of Social Responsibility, Personal Origins: The Report of a Working Party on Human Fertilisation and Embryology of the Board of Social Responsibility (London: CIO Publishing, 1985), paragraph 87, emphasis in the original.
83
BSR, Personal Origins, paragraph 88.
84
BSR, Personal Origins, paragraph 90.
85
General Synod Resolution of July 1985.
86
The second revised edition was published in 1996 but this kept the recognition of two strands of Anglican theological reflection on the human embryo.
87
Joint Committee on the Human Tissue and Embryos (Draft) Bill—Written Evidence, Memorandum by the Church of England’s Mission and Public Affairs Council (Ev 68), emphasis added.
88
General Synod Resolution of July 1983, emphasis added.
89
D. A. Jones, ‘A Theologians’ Brief on the Place of the Human Embryo within the Christian Tradition and the Theological Principles for Evaluating its Moral Status’, Ethics and Medicine 17.3 (Fall 2001), pp. 143-53, at 151; Banchoff, Embryo Politics, p. 144. For a more thoroughgoing theological critique of the gradualist position from an Anglican perspective see O. O’Donovan, Begotten or Made? (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1984) or M. Banner, ‘Christian Anthropology at the Beginning and End of Life’, in idem, Christian Ethics and Contemporary Moral Problems (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1999).
90
C. Curran, ‘Abortion: Its Legal and Moral Aspects in Catholic Theology’, in idem, New Perspectives in Moral Theology (Notre Dame, IN: Fides, 1974) gives a useful overview of the state of debate at that time. He begins by claiming that ‘Until a few years ago there was no debate within Catholicism on the question of abortion’ (p. 179) and the earliest example he gives of a Catholic theologian seriously questioning the received tradition is J. Donceel, ‘Abortion: Mediate v. Immediate Animation’, Continuum 5 (Spring 1967), pp. 167-71. One year earlier than this Karl Rahner sought to justify ‘experiments with fertilised embryonic material’ due to ‘the uncertain rights of a human being whose very existence is in doubt’. K. Rahner, ‘The Problem of Genetic Manipulation’, in idem, Theological Investigations Vol 9 (London: Darton, Longman and Todd, 1972), p. 236. There may be earlier examples of Catholic DAAAs but the argument does not become prominent in Catholic theology until the end of that decade.
91
J. Donceel, ‘Immediate Animation and Delayed Hominization’, Theological Studies 31.1 (1970), pp. 76-105; see also Donceel, ‘Abortion: Mediate v. Immediate Animation’, and Donceel, ‘A Liberal Catholic View’.
92
L. S. Cahill, ‘The Embryo and the Fetus: New Moral Contexts’, Theological Studies 54 (1993), pp. 124-42, at p. 135.
93
Donceel’s account of the tradition relies heavily on Chollet, ‘Animation’, Hering, ‘De tempore animationis’ and H. de Dorlodot, ‘A Vindication of the Mediate Animation Theory’, in E. C. Messenger (ed.), Theology and Evolution (London: Sands and Co, 1949), none of whom, it should be emphasised, advocated DAAA.
94
Donceel, ‘Immediate Animation’, p. 105, emphasis in the original. It should be noted that Abortion: An Ethical Discussion, which Donceel quotes with approval, considered abortion to be justified not only by a threat to life, nor only by a threat to life or health, but even by a threat to the ‘well-being’ of the woman or of her family. The chair of that committee, Bishop Ian Ramsey, subsequently voted for Abortion Act 1967 which effectively permitted elective abortion in England, Wales and Scotland, as would have been evident in 1970 when Donceel was writing. This is not what is immediately suggested by the phrase ‘very grave reasons’.
95
Curran, ‘Abortion’.
96
C. Tauer, ‘The Tradition of Probabilism and the Moral Status of the Early Embryo’, Theological Studies 45 (1984), pp. 3-33.
97
D. C. Maguire, ‘A Question of Catholic Honesty’, Christian Century, 14-21 September 1983–84, pp. 803-807; D. C. Maguire, Sacred Choices: The Right to Contraception and Abortion in Ten World Religions (Minneapolis, MN: Fortress Press, 2001).
98
Dombrowski and Deltete, A Brief Liberal Catholic Defense of Abortion.
99
J. Hurst, The History of Abortion in the Catholic Church: The Untold Story (Washington, DC: Catholics for a Free Choice, 1989).
100
U. Ranke-Heinemann, Eunuchs for the Kingdom of Heaven: Women, Sexuality and the Catholic Church (New York: Doubleday, 1990).
101
P. de Rosa, Vicars of Christ: The Dark Side of the Papacy (Dublin, Ireland: Poolbeg Press, 1988).
102
Two notable condemned opinions were: that abortion before animation could be justified if a woman’s life was threatened due to scandal; and that uncertainty about the time of ensoulment was such that it might be that no abortion involves homicide. See Decree of the Holy Office, 4 March 1679, nn. 34-35, in H. Denzinger and K. Rahner (eds.), Enchiridion Symbolorum (Freiburg: Herder, 1953), p. 371.
103
Jones, Soul of the Embryo, p. 191; see also M. Johnson, ‘Delayed Hominization: Reflections on Some Recent Catholic Claims for Delayed Hominization’, Theological Studies 56 (1995), pp. 743-63 (p. 744, n. 4); J. J. Farraher, ‘Abortion and Probabilism’, in Heaney, Abortion: A New Generation of Catholic Responses.
104
Curran delineates a further argument among Catholic advocates of abortion, that the moral status of the embryo is not inherent but is conferred by the mother or by community. He cites Bernard Quelquejeu OP, Jacques Pohier OP and Louis Beirnaert SJ as examples (Curran, ‘Abortion’, pp. 180-85). However, this relational approach does not appeal to the tradition of delayed animation and so is not covered in the present essay.
105
J. Mahoney, Bioethics and Belief (London: Sheed & Ward, 1984), pp. 75-77.
106
Donceel, ‘Immediate Animation’, p. 100.
107
Donceel, ‘Immediate Animation’, p. 83.
108
M. J. Coughlan, The Vatican, the Law and the Human Embryo (London: Macmillan, 1990).
109
J. Porter, ‘Individuality, Personal Identity, and the Moral Status of the Preembryo: A Response to Mark Johnson’, Theological Studies 56 (1995), pp. 763-70.
110
Dombrowski and Deltete, A Brief Liberal Catholic Defense of Abortion.
111
Robert Pasnau, Thomas Aquinas on Human Nature (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2001).
112
Donceel, ‘Immediate Animation’, p. 83.
113
Harris, ‘Euthanasia and the Value of Life’, p. 8.
114
G. E. M. Anscombe, Human Life, Action and Ethics: Essays by G.E.M. Anscombe, eds. Luke Gormally and Mary Geach (St. Andrews: St Andrews Studies in Philosophy & Public Affairs Imprint Academic, 2005), p. 268; D. A. Jones, ‘Incapacity and Personhood: Respecting the Non-autonomous Self’, in H. Watt (ed.), Incapacity and Care: Controversies in Healthcare and Research (London: The Linacre Centre, 2009).
115
Donceel, ‘Immediate Animation’, p. 101.
116
Ford, When Did I Begin?, p. 52.
117
Jones, ‘The Human Embryo in the Christian Tradition’, p. 712; J. T. Eberl, ‘Aquinas’s Account of Human Embryogenesis and Recent Interpretations’, Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 30 (2005), pp. 379-94 (386); S. Heaney, ‘Aquinas and the Presence of the Human Rational Soul in the Early Embryo’, The Thomist 56.1 (1992), pp. 19-48 (27-30); J. Haldane and P. Lee, ‘Aquinas on Human Ensoulment, Abortion, and the Value of Life’, Philosophy 78 (2003), pp. 255-78 (270-71).
118
Pasnau, Thomas Aquinas on Human Nature, p. 103; Haldane and Lee, ‘Aquinas on Human Ensoulment’, p. 271.
119
Donceel, ‘Immediate Animation’, p. 99, who takes this argument from P. Schoonenberg, Gods wordende wereld (The Hague: Lannoo, 1962), p. 51.
120
Ethics Advisory Board, Report and Conclusions: HEW Support of Research Involving Human In Vitro Fertilization and Embryo Transfer, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 4 May 1979; Banchoff, Embryo Politics, pp. 35-39.
121
R. McCormick, ‘Who or What is the Pre-Embryo?’, Kennedy Institute of Ethics Journal 1 (1991), pp. 1-15.
122
Curran, ‘Abortion’, p. 188.
123
Mahoney, Bioethics and Belief, p. 67.
124
J. T. Eberl, ‘Aquinas’s Account of Human Embryogenesis and Recent Interpretations’, Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 30 (2005), pp. 379-94; J. T. Eberl, ‘The Beginning of Personhood: A Thomistic Biological Analysis’, Bioethics 14.2 (2000), pp. 134-57. Note that there are also some authors who utilise the argument from individuation to rule out animation at fertilisation, but who in fact favour a brain-related DAAA, for example T. Shannon and A. Wolter, ‘Reflections on the Moral Status of the Pre-embryo’, Theological Studies 51.4 (1990), pp. 603-26; Porter, ‘Individuality, Personal Identity, and the Moral Status’.
125
Curran in 1973 defended a permissive approach to abortion legislation not on the basis of delayed animation (which he did not place late enough in pregnancy to be relevant to abortion) but on the basis of political pluralism. In this he followed R. Drinan, ‘Catholic Moral Teaching and Abortion Laws in America’, Proceedings of the Catholic Theological Society of America, XXIII (1968), pp. 118-30, though he did not go as far as Drinan who had argued that there should be no criminal sanctions for abortion (Curran, ‘Abortion’, p. 170).
126
It should be noted, however, that Ford was not himself in favour of experimentation on embryos. He always argued that even the earliest human embryo deserves ‘absolute respect’. N. Ford, The Prenatal Person (Oxford: Blackwell, 2002), p. 68. In this his attitude was quite unlike that of McCormick who used delayed animation as a reason for defending embryo research. Thus, while Ford defended an individuation-related form of delayed animation, he did not defend individuation-related DAAA, because he did not use it to defend the destructive use of human embryos. Elizabeth Anscombe took a similar stance to Ford; see G. E. M. Anscombe, ‘Were You a Zygote?’, in A. P. Griffiths (ed.), Philosophy and Practice (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1985); G. E. M. Anscombe, ‘The Early Embryo: Theoretical Doubts and Practical Certainties’, in M. Geach and L. Gormally (eds.), Faith in a Hard Ground: Essays on Religion, Philosophy and Ethics (Exeter: Imprint Academic, 2008).
127
For example, Declaration of Lateran V; see Denzinger and Rahner, Enchiridion Symbolorum, p. 272.
128
Thomas Aquinas, Quaestiones Disputatae de Spiritualibus Creaturis, IV ad 19.
129
Haldane and Lee, ‘Aquinas on Human Ensoulment’, p. 273, note 26; Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 224-27; A. Fisher, ‘Individuogenesis and a Recent Book by Fr Norman Ford’, Anthropotes 7.2 (1991), pp. 199-244; K. Flannery, ‘Aristotle and Contemporary Embryology’, The Thomist 67.2 (2003), pp. 249-78; A. Gómez-Lobo, ‘Individuality and Human Beginnings: A Reply to David De Grazia’, Journal of Law, Medicine and Ethics 35.3 (Fall 2007), pp. 457-62.
130
International Association of Catholic Bioethicists (IACB), ‘Statement on Stem Cell Research and Regenerative Medicine’, National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly 8.2 (2008), pp. 322-39, at p. 334.
131
Eberl, ‘The Beginning of Personhood’.
132
G. Grisez, ‘When do People Begin?’, Proceedings of the American Catholic Philosophical Association 63 (1990), pp. 27-47.
133
J. Deckers, ‘Why Eberl is Wrong: Reflections on the Beginning of Personhood’, Bioethics 21.5 (2007), pp. 270-82.
134
J. T. Eberl, ‘A Thomistic Perspective on the Beginning of Personhood: Redux’, Bioethics 21 (2007), pp. 283-89.
135
G. Meilaender, Bioethics: A Primer for Christians (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1996), p. 31; G. Meilaender, Bioethics: A Primer for Christians (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2005), pp. 30-31.
136
Haldane and Lee, ‘Aquinas on Human Ensoulment’, p. 271. Others to defend this conclusion include B. Ashley, ‘A Critique of the Theory of Delayed Hominisation’, in D. G. McCarthy and A. S. Moraczewski (eds.), An Ethical Evaluation of Fetal Experimentation (St Louis, MO: Pope John XXIII Center, 1976); B. Ashley and A. Moraczewski, ‘Cloning, Aquinas, and the Embryonic Person’, National Catholic Bioethics Quarterly 1 (2001), pp. 189-201; Austriaco, ‘Immediate Hominization’; D. Bradley, ‘“To Be or Not to Be?”: Pasnau on Aquinas’s Immortal Human Soul’, The Thomist 68 (2004), pp. 1-39; Deckers, ‘Why Eberl is Wrong’; Eberl, ‘A Thomistic Perspective’; Flannery, ‘Aristotle and Contemporary Embryology’; Fisher, ‘Individuogenesis’; Grisez, ‘When Do People Begin?’; Gómez-Lobo, ‘Individuality and Human Beginnings’; Heaney, ‘Aquinas and the Presence of the Human Rational Soul’; IACB, ‘Statement on Stem Cell Research’; T. Iglesias, ‘What Kind of Being is a Human Embryo?’ in N. Cameron (ed.), Embryos and Ethics (Edinburgh: Rutherford House, 1987); Johnson, ‘Delayed Hominization’; Jones, Soul of the Embryo, pp. 238-40; R. Joyce, ‘Personhood and the Conception Event’, The New Scholasticism 52.1 (1978), pp. 97-109; R. Koch-Hershenov, ‘Totipotency, Twinning, and Ensoulment at Fertilization’, Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 31 (2006), pp. 139-64; W. E. May, ‘The Moral Status of the Embryo’, Linacre Quarterly 59 (1992), pp. 76-83; A. Regan, ‘The Human Conceptus and Personhood’, Studia Moralia 30 (1992), pp. 97-127; J. Siebenthal, ‘L’animation selon Thomas D’Aquin’, in L’Embryon: Un Homme: Acts de Congres de Lausanne 1986 (Lausanne: Société suisse de bioéthique, 1986); A. Suarez, ‘Hydatidiform Moles and Teratomas Confirm the Human Identity of the Pre-implantation Embryo’, Journal of Medicine and Philosophy 15 (1990), pp. 627-35; C. Tollefsen, ‘Embryos, Individuals and Persons’, Journal of Applied Philosophy 18.1 (2001), pp. 65-78; N. Tonti-Filippini, ‘Further Comments on the Beginning of Life’, Linacre Quarterly 59 (1992), pp. 76-81.
137
Häring, Law of Christ, vol. III, p. 206.
138
G. Grisez, The Way of the Lord Jesus. II: Living a Christian Life (Quincy, IL: Franciscan Press, 1993), p. 497; this quotation is used as the title of an article by R. Song, ‘To be Willing to Kill What for All One Knows is a Person is to be Willing to Kill a Person’, in B. Waters and R. Cole-Turner (eds.), God and the Embryo: Religious Voices on Stem Cells and Cloning (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2003), pp. 98-107.
139
N. Ford, ‘A Reply to Michael Coughlan’, Bioethics 3.4 (1989), pp. 342-46, at p. 342. Note that, while the official teaching of the Catholic Church is that the embryo should be treated as a person, the Church has not formally defined that animation certainly occurs at conception. ‘The Magisterium has not expressly committed itself to an affirmation of a philosophical nature, but it constantly reaffirms the moral condemnation of any kind of procured abortion.’ Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith, Donum Vitae 1988:I.1, a stance maintained by John Paul II, Evangelium vitae 1995:60 and the Congregation for the Doctrine of the Faith in Dignitas personae 2008:5.
