Rape of the lock: note on nineteenth-century hair fetishists

Abstract

The ostensibly bizarre crime of braid-cutting invited occasional alienist inferences from the late 1850s onwards, until it entered mid-1880s police profiles and forensic-psychiatric taxonomies as a corollary of perversion, specifically sadism and fetishism. Cases were rare, but were reported as late as the mid-1930s and enduringly cited as encompassing a staple variety of fetishism. This note briefly reconstructs entries in German, French and English forensic psychiatry, sexual psychopathology and psychoanalysis.

Keywords

Braid-cutting forensic psychiatry hair fetishism Jack the Clipper perversion sexuality

Among a number of fetishists recognized avant la lettre during the nineteenth century were men arrested for cutting off then-fashionable braids of girls’ or young women’s hair. Cutters were called Zopfabschneider (braid- or pigtail-cutters) in mid-century Germany, and in 1890s Paris, coupeurs de nattes or coupeurs de cheveux flottants (depending on whether they cut off, or seemed to prefer, braids or loose hair, respectively; Garnier, 1890: 380). Some were veritable ‘collectors of locks of women’s hair’ (collectionneurs de mèches de cheveux de femme; Garnier, 1895: 362). They first entered anglophone legal medicine untranslated from the German (Wharton, 1882: 471) and became known as ‘hair despoilers’ 10 years later, in translated work by Krafft-Ebing (1892a: 163–7) and that of its foreign readers, most notably Havelock Ellis. In a translated work by Iwan Bloch (1909: 613, 616) they were called ‘plait-cutters’.

A marginal but recurrent and quasi-folkloric character, the Zopfabschneider may be counted as among the earliest specified and psychiatrically probed cases of ‘sexual perversion’, and indeed informed sexological nosology well into the twentieth century. For instance, Freud (1910: 32) briefly speculated that hair-cutters unwittingly ‘play the part of people who carry out an act of castration on the female genital organ’; he mentions them as late as 1927 (Freud, 1927: 377). The perversion seemingly faded with fashion: ‘Today we no longer find fetishists in the form of pigtail cutters described so often in previous textbooks; women’s short hairstyles have made that happen’ (Lange, 1963: 226). Below I offer a brief reconstruction of the discovery of this historical psychiatric entity, a minor contribution to the history of the originally taxonomically equivalent notions of fetishism and perversion. A fetishistic dimension was vaguely suggested in the late 1880s, avant la lettre, by association with an even earlier putative order of sexual perverts: that of cutters, or stabbers, of unmarried girls (Mädchenschneider or Mädchenstecher in German; piqueurs in French). These latter cases are informative to the early history of sadism, and are briefly discussed as well.

Hair-cutting: entries into nosology

The terms Haarabschneider, Zopfabschneider, Zopfabschneiderei (braid-cutting), Zopfraub (braid theft), Zopf-Räuber (braid thief), Zopfabschneider-Krankheit (braid-cutting disease) and Manie des Zopfabschneidens (braid-cutting mania) appear widely in German newspapers from December 1857 onwards,¹ in reference to recurrent reports of braid-cutting in Augsburg and Munich. Reports scared the population and thus animated popular folklore, even inspiring an illustrated screenplay manuscript (Fränkel, 1858) and an operetta (Genée, 1863). The ensuing Zopfabschneidungs-Epidemie posed perennial questions as to which law applied to the offence (von Egidy, 1858; Weimar, 1942), questions that highlighted the medico-forensic issue of motive. Categorizing the peculiar criminal proved challenging to journalists and jurists: was he a thief, a collectivizing robber or a violator (Attentäter)?

The Munich offender was reported to have been caught, but newspapers signalled the re-emergence of braid-cutting in Nuremberg,² Frankfurt, Kempten, and elsewhere. In Stuttgart in 1862, a treasure chest of ‘a whole dozen’ girl-braids was found, which ‘would solve the mystery of the famed braid cutter’.³ But there were also apparent false reports that were later retracted. In Ansbach, dogs were reportedly shaved clean. In Naumburg, 30 horsetails were missing. In Prague, a woman offender was reported but got away.⁴ The crime was bizarre; it was suggested early on that Munich victims had cut off their own hair ‘as an excuse for arriving late at the factory’.⁵ In particular, a wave of Frankfurt cases were judged to be fabricated. Nine girls aged between 11 and 18, specified by name in newspapers, ultimately confessed that they had cut off their own braids. Eighteen-year-old Karoline Döring was sentenced to seven days’ imprisonment for having started this alleged folie à plusieurs (Loewenstein, 1864). Professionals thus concluded that ‘Many of the cases in question had been fabricated by hysterical women [von überspannten Frauenzimmern fingirt], merely to render themselves interesting’ (Stieber, 1860: 26n.). This would have been a juvenile ‘psychic epidemic’ (Geistesepidemie) or ‘epidemically spreading monomania’ involving ‘self-mutilation’ and ‘a drive to imitate’ (Loewenstein, 1864: 133).

There are alternative explanations. Newspapers later reported women being offered small amounts of money for braids, likely for use in hair pieces or wigs.⁶ Although early journalists saw reasons to rule out the possibility, there may have been a market for braids. In Imst (Austria) in 1858, one man along with two partners in crime was arrested in flagrante, with ‘a whole bag of braids, of all colours and sizes’; he was a ‘peddler who deals in fake jewelry’, suggesting a commercial ploy.⁷ Sources from the early eighteenth century through to the 1860s indeed speak of an export-centred but often shady hair trade in France (commerce des cheveux: des Brûlons, 1723: 745–8), and also in Germany, the Low Countries and Italy. Male ‘cutters [couteurs] buy the hair, almost exclusively that of women, at an average price of 5 francs per kilogram’ (Firmin-Didot Frères, 1868: 353). Blond hair was considered rare, and thus most profitable. Cutters were nicknamed ‘scalp hunters’ (chasseurs de chevelures; Delvau, 1859, 1860: 64–7; they were called chineurs⁸ in Auvergne and margoulins in Brittany;⁹ Parfait, 1866: 1). This ‘bizarre’ trade, reportedly mostly in the summertime, mainly targeted peasant girls. Louvet (1873: 307) mentions that ‘Thieves have been seen in all countries to cut the hair of young girls by force; but apart from the hair supplied by the [regular] couteurs, the product may be considered insignificant’. According to estimates by Parfait (1866), the hair trade was low volume in mid-century Germany, explaining why few German contemporaneous references to urban midwinter braid-cutters (in Augsburg) probed these scenarios. The hair trade’s alleged incidental degeneration into organized theft (‘to knock down in an odious ambush some child with silky curls’) could have been episodic (if rare); alternatively, girls may not have wanted to confess involvement. One elderly woman was arrested for the crime (Anon., 1872b) but, apparently, few others were. The very few cases of hair theft brought before judges probably did not lead to psychiatric examination. One ‘very curious’ and ‘very novel’ case of an erratically tress-cutting London hairdresser suggested his ulterior motive was ‘to use it or sell [tresses of hair] for the manufacture of chignons, &c.’ (Anon., 1872a).¹⁰

Without apparent knowledge of the trade, and deprived of patients (despite arrests), few psychiatrists ventured a probable diagnosis. To contemporaries, such as Wharton, ‘braid-cutters’ recalled piqueurs: rare cases of men stabbing young women in the street, causing a minor urban panic in 1820s Paris (see Fureix, 2013) and also in Germany. Local newspapers¹¹ recalled the famed ‘girl-cutter [or girl-molester] in Augsburg’, Karl Bertle, who stabbed girls with a stiletto in 1819–20 and again in 1832–7 (Demme, 1852: 281–329; Weber, 1841). This insinuated a sexual motive (‘sadism’): Weber (1841) reported that the offender, who was not captured until 1837, admitted to sexual arousal during his wounding of girls. Another case was reported in 1821, in Bozen, Austria (Demme, 1841, 1851: 341–54). The man stabbed girls in the genital area, a crime also adjudged to be due to an ‘unnatural sex drive’ (Hofer, 1841: 326). Arm- and braid-cutting were considered to be cases of both ‘monomania’ and ‘psychic contagion’ (Casper, 1860: 645–6).¹² Braid-cutting was thus considered, if not a hoax, ‘at most, a mania related to that of the well-known arm-cutters [Armschneiders]’ (Anon., 1858: 102). Thus, 1890s medical dictionaries listed Zopfabschneider under piqueur as a ‘related phenomenon’ (Dornblüth, 1894: 103).

Introducing braid-cutting to an American audience over two decades later, Wharton (1882: 430, 472) briefly mentions the phenomenon apropos a critique of the French concept-paradigm of monomania (a critique that had been advanced since Falret, 1854), which he rated ‘at present repudiated’, leading to ‘inexhaustive capriciousness’, even ‘absurdity’, in psychiatric classifications. He writes that:

[braid-cutting] propensities were epidemic, and were declared by the perpetrators to be beyond repression when the fancy came on. It was soon, it is true, found that a little cudgelling caused the ‘propensity’ to subside. It did not subside, however, until it had for a while been enfranchised as a ‘monomania,’ to the great disturbance of public decency and public peace’. (p. 472)

Rosenberger (1896) similarly rejected the notion of moral insanity with reference to both piqueurs and Zopfabschneiders (‘whose mania it is to run after long-haired women and despoil them of their braids’; p. 65).

Entries into sexology

Braid-cutting was thus indirectly linked to sexual arousal, and thus mostly to what later would be called sadism. One notable case in this respect was Anton Tirsch, who, after an attempted rape of a 10-year-old girl in 1839, cut off her braid ‘to make a brush out of it’ (Maschka, 1866: 79). The cutting did not present a forensic puzzle at the time; he was later arrested for ‘obstruction of religious observance’, sexual mutilation, cannibalism and murder. Hans Gross, the ‘founding father’ of criminal profiling, only much later speculated it might present an example of ‘psychopathic superstitious thinking’ (Gross, 1903). Berlin jurist Arthur Nußbaum (1907: 357) questioned the analytic gesture but agreed, with reference to Krafft-Ebing, that braid-cutting was ‘a common expression of perverse sexuality’.

Deprived of the status of monomania in the 1880s, both braid-cutting and girl-stabbing did lend themselves to the earliest casuistic specifications of what in France by this time was popularly and generally called sadisme (‘libertinage’), specifically its dual psychologization in terms of fetishism (fétichisme amoureux; Binet, 1887) in Paris and a narrower diagnostic concept of Sadismus (Krafft-Ebing, 1890a, 1890b) in Austria. In his well-known article, Binet (1887: 146, 154) notably specifies the hair-lover (amant des cheveux) as one of four distinct types of fetishists. He cites work published earlier that year by former Parisian police chief, Macé (1887: 268), who briefly lists hair-cutters (coupeurs de cheveux) among a larger number of destructeurs prowling the Parisian streets and drawing law enforcers’ attention; in a later work, Macé (1889: 177) called them coupeurs de chevelures (hairlock cutters). Among these were pocket-cutters (coupeurs de poches) and dress-cutters (coupeurs de robes), and a still wider variety of apparent fetishists (avant la lettre), including handkerchief lovers/thieves (amoureux du mouchoir) and ‘rubbers’ (frotteurs or frôleurs). Macé’s (1887) notable police typology insinuated sexual aberrance and was evidently read by psychiatrists; the book was favourably cited at a meeting of the Society of Legal Medicine of France in May 1887 (when frotteurs entered psychiatric parlance), and interested Binet as well as other Society members. Two hair-cutter cases were discussed at meetings in 1890; the first (‘Alfred-Hippolyte P[elletier]’) was mentioned at the Society’s meeting on 13 January by Parisian alienist and prison psychiatrist Auguste Motet (see Voisin, Socquet and Motet, 1890a, 1890b). Pelletier was placed under the supervision of two other Society members, Paul Garnier and Valentin Magnan, from December 1889 to February 1890. Another offender (‘Eugène’) was described at the Society’s meeting on 12 May meeting, first by Magnan (1890a: 469–71; 1890b: 326–328) and later that year by Garnier (1890: 381–2; an extensive report is also found in Berbez, 1890).

The first offender, Pelletier, was released from prison on 25 February on Magnan’s recommendation, while the second, Eugène, was arrested within weeks, on 13 or 14 March. Pelletier was an impoverished 40-year-old, who claimed, ‘with indubitable sincerity’, to have cut off a girl’s braid in ‘a moment of bewilderment [to satisfy] an unhappy passion that I cannot control’, a fetish for women’s hair that would have allegedly started three years earlier. He had collected 65 braids for masturbatory use. He also hoarded bits of ribbon, old newspapers and miscellaneous scrap, and suffered compulsions. The patient, in sum, represented ‘one of the most complete types of what was formerly known as instinctive monomania, of that state that more in-depth studies now allow linking to hereditary madness’ (Voisin et al., 1890a: 340). Eugène was a 25-year-old ‘moron, depressed, and not very intelligent’ who collected locks of girls’ hair in folded paper bags, and whose ‘desire for hair [l’envie des cheveux]’ had existed at least since the age of 17, when he had already been arrested (Garnier, 1890: 381–2).

In the French sources cited above, there is no mention of the 1850s/1860s German term Zopfabschneider and no mention of the domestic hair trade. German and French terms were connected and synonymized only in subsequent work by Krafft-Ebing. In 1886, he briefly – and only in general terms – referred to ‘types of injury to female persons (such as the cutting of braids [Zopfabschneiden], spraying with sulphuric acid, ink, etc.)’ as possibly ‘rooted in the satisfaction of a perverse sexual instinct’ (Krafft-Ebing, 1886: 46). This conjecture appears to have been the first allusion to a possible sexual motive. Four years later, Krafft-Ebing (1890a: 61–2; 1890b: 31–2) includes Motet’s case description published that year under his new nosological heading of Sadismus. Following Albert Moll, Krafft-Ebing (1892b: 166–9) soon reconsidered it as suggestive of hair fetishism in early 1891, eventually coining the term Zopffetischismus (braid fetishism). Evidence remained flimsy: Krafft-Ebing reported only one additional such case, which featured no hair-cutting, and repeatedly warned that hair-cutting might entail simple theft for profit (pp. 166 n. 1, 401). Expressing its taxonomical ambiguity, Garnier (1900) used the term sadi-fétishisme (‘sadistic fetishism’), which he borrowed from Emmanuel Régis, who coined it a year earlier to cover the phenomenon (Régis, 1899: 411).

Krafft-Ebing (1892b: 169) also reported that ‘In November 1890, according to US newspaper reports, whole cities in the United States were troubled by such a pigtail cutter’. He was reported to have been active in various large cities between late 1890 and 1892 (notably Detroit), and had been nicknamed ‘Jack the Hair Cutter’ and ‘Jack the Clipper’ – after Jack the Ripper, who was active in London in 1888, mostly with prostitute victims, and already by then associated with sexual perversion, albeit vaguely (Anon., 1888; Kiernan, 1888).¹³ But while Motet’s case of ‘the sexual perversion of hair-cutting’ in Paris found its way into abstracts in various US journals at this time (many of these hailing from cities where similar cases were reported, incidentally¹⁴), only one editor added, in a footnote, that Motet’s case study ‘contains a suggestion’ in the Detroit cases (Gatchell, 1891). These cases did not immediately lead to arrests or further medical speculation, and they were forgotten more quickly than in Europe. The editor of one American periodical, covering the story of an apparent contemporaneous hair-cutting hoax in Germany, confirmed that ‘pretty much the same happened in Detroit about three years ago’ (Anon., 1894).¹⁵ A mid-1890s American forensic expert refers strictly to Paris in discussing the existence of those who ‘surreptitiously clip off the hair of young girls in the streets’ and only vaguely suggests that ‘This form of imperative concept [i.e., obsessive compulsion] is likely to go with sexual perversion’ (Hamilton, 1894: 84). A forensic psychiatry textbook later reported that an offender was ‘finally caught’, but offers few details:

He claims to be unable to tell why he steals the hair, and there is nothing to indicate that he sold the braids. In January, 1898, another miscreant of this class tore a braid from the scalp of a young girl in Chicago. A sexual perversion, such as is connected with the stealing of women’s shoes, is doubtless at the root of the impulse. (Clevenger, 1898: 854)¹⁶

Perhaps this miscreant was J.W. Jorgenson, captured on 15 February 1899, who claimed to have been ‘the original Jack the Clipper’.¹⁷ He ‘confessed that he had cut the hair from the heads of 300 girls and women’ and that ‘his strange mania took hold of him years ago, after an illness of several months’ (Anon., 1899).

Many European sexologists considered Motet’s medical report, and Krafft-Ebing’s reading of it, paradigmatic, despite cases remaining very rare. Moll (1891: 129–31) already considered Motet’s case an example of body part fetishism (Körpertheil-Fetischismus), in agreement with Binet; he briefly alludes to one other case, but again no mention of cutting (p. 131). Moll notably acted as a forensic examiner in a subsequent, mid-1890s case of braid-cutting. The culprit was a 15-year-old boy who confessed to pleasant feelings associated with the hair; Moll (1898: 708 n. 1, 774–6) could not establish a clear sexual dimension in this juvenile offender. Other accounts of hair fetishism remained anecdotal. Féré (1899: 146) had in his charge:

an individual who had a considerable number of packets of ‘little hair’ which he had cut from the pubis or armpits of girls he had pursued for no other purpose. The prolonged contemplation of these ‘little hairs’ brought complete satisfaction.

Also, Laurent (1891: 164) knew:

a young man of superior instruction and education, who has the habit of cutting a lock of hair to all those who give him or sell him their favours, if only for one night or for one hour. As he has travelled all over Europe, and everywhere he has loved, he has thus collected a considerable number of locks [mèches] of all shades. He carefully labelled and tied them with silk favours. He claims that it is enough for him to touch or sniff one of these locks brunette or blonde, red or chestnut, to immediately evoke the image of the one to which it belonged, to remember the special perfume that she spread and the sensations she gave him.

A well-publicized bona fide case was that of the 23-year-old Berlin student ‘Robert St.’, or ‘Robert A.’, who was examined by both Arthur Leppmann (1906) and, after he reoffended, Buchholz (1908).¹⁸ At his psychiatric examination, characteristic forensic elements in sex offenders were identified: congenital taint (childhood nervousness, ‘precocious’ onanism) and tainted family history (moodiness in his mother, cognitively impaired sister), physical stigmata of degeneration (unequal ears, etc.), early fascination with a fetish (‘subconscious stirrings’ from age eight) and an exclusive masturbatory focus on the fetish in an otherwise sexually inexperienced young man. The ultimate question was a perennial forensic one: the difference between a clearly aberrant sexual urge (Drang) and a compulsion (Zwang) to satisfy that urge: only the latter would imply diminished responsibility (under Paragraph 51 of the German penal code). Agreeing with Leppmann’s opinion on the first offence, Buchholz’s (1908) impression was that the perversion was only one expression (Teilerscheinung) of a profoundly pathological personality and that, at the time of the crimes, nervous and psychotic elements had been present. Accordingly, the student was acquitted twice.

Recalling the 1890s in Paris, Bloch (1907: 675) adds that there might have been a ‘suggestive influence’ as, soon after, another arrest presented another cutter (‘Alfred L.’) who, similarly, ‘already when a schoolboy . . . had been affected with this morbid impulse’. Interestingly, he had both cut and bought plaits, and was found to be in possession of 17 of them.¹⁹ However, cases after this seem to have been very rare, despite claims to the contrary.²⁰ One mid-1920s American author characterized the crime as ‘increasing’ and to evidence ‘a mild or sublimated form of sadism’ (Goodwin, 1923: 127), but offers no evidence. East (1936) rates the crime as ‘common’, and briefly discussed one new case of ‘a glass blower, aged 30 . . . seen to go up to a little girl in the street and cut off some of her hair [having been] arrested with the scissors in his hand and the hair in his pocket. At his address were found five hair-plaits of different colours, loose hair’ (p. 345). But we learn little beyond assurance that ‘The fetichism [sic] was traced back to its origin’, and that this set him apart from another hair-cutter found to sell plaits for profit.

Other brief case studies are found in Petersen (1922; recounted in Stekel, 1923: 398–9) and Kahn (1927: 18), again both involving 30-year-old men. The former exemplifies the topic’s progressive absorption into the psychoanalytic imaginary. Following Freud (1910), psychoanalysts including Stekel mined extant case studies (Motet via Krafft-Ebing, Leppmann, and eventually Petersen) to speculate about possible psychodynamic, or symbolic, elements. Here the braid emerges, increasingly clearly, as a ‘phallic symbol’: the father is ‘castrated’ through the mother’s (or any female) body (Stekel, 1923: 407; cf. Kielholz, 1920: 308; also Andresen, 1980). Hárnik (1928) devoted a short article to this interpretation, drawing a parallel with defloration. Similarly, according to Wittels (1924: 146):

Plait-cutters would seem to be persons whose impulse to mutilate has been transferred from the lower part of the body to the upper. I had a patient who was continually threatening to cut a tonsure in his elder brother’s hair when the latter was asleep. This obviously signified the intention to turn his brother into a monk, or, if you like to phrase it thus, to castrate his brother.

A late allusion to the castration theme is offered by Rappaport (1970: 620, 625) suggesting to a patient who dreamt of hair loss that he might have ‘the unconscious impulse to be a braid-cutter’, an impulse which he might be projecting. (The patient would not accept this.)

Conclusion

Unlike ‘frotteurism’ and ‘voyeurism’, braid-cutting was too sporadic and ambiguous a crime to have entered Anglophone psychiatric, and more specifically ‘paraphilia’, classifications after World War II. The crime reccurred across an extended historical span, however, during which it appealed to a number of consecutive paradigms for aetiological and nosological approaches to crime and sexual deviance. Cutters invited diagnoses of monomania (social panic in victims; ‘instinctive monomania’ in putative offenders) until the ‘specification of the perverted’ in France in the 1880s and in Germany in the 1890s (Foucault, 1976: 143). Cited texts also exemplify reliance on concepts of copy-cat criminality and gendered allusions to fabrication. Many early victim cases may have been casualties of the ever-shady hair trade. Police typologies (Macé in Paris) and forensic-psychiatric nosology (Krafft-Ebing in Graz) suggested a possible sexual motive independently, and at roughly the same time (1886–7). This anticipated the appropriation of the anthropological term fetishism for psychological purposes (Binet’s fétichisme dans l’amour), and eventually psychiatric purposes (Krafft-Ebing’s Fetischismus eroticus). Very few cases, arguably only three (Motet, Garnier/Berbez and Leppmann/Buchholz), were ultimately examined in detail, spanning barely two decades (1890–1908); however, cases were still being reported in the mid-1930s (East). Authors found themselves suspended between, or indeed in-between (Garnier), the new diagnostic slots of sadism and fetishism. Some cases suggested arousal from cutting, others from the bounty; multiple cases suggested elements of compulsion and hoarding. Increasingly symbolic approaches followed in contexts of early twentieth-century forensic profiling (Gross) and psychodynamic theorizing (Freud, Stekel).

Footnotes

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Notes

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