Abstract
My research interests take strong cues from much theorizing performed within the social movement theoretical community. Building on framing insights pioneered by David Snow and Robert Benford, I focus on how much narrative fidelity a political activist’s speech has to culturally exalted primary source text(s); this is what I have termed foundational documents. I am proposing a foundational document theoretical model that interacts with novel concepts emerging among critical discourse analysts, and with insights produced within social movement studies under the cultural paradigm. This framework is intended to uncover resonating ideational elements within foundational texts. These are the crucial elements social movement entrepreneurs utilize in order to create culturally potent frame presentations.
Keywords
Introduction
Foundational texts are those documents that provide an ideologically comprehensive worldview for their admirers. For the American civil rights movement, these texts were the Bible and the US Constitution, for the feminist movement perhaps Our Bodies Our Selves (1973) and The Feminine Mystique (1963), for the early ecology movement Silent Spring (1965), for Scientology Dianetics (1982), and for China’s Cultural Revolution Quotations from Chairman Mao Tsetung colloquially and universally known as the ‘Little Red Book’ (hereafter the LRB).
In order to explore the importance of these foundational texts for social movement organizing, I am proposing a foundational document model (FDM). The FDM intentionally takes a more inclusive, eclectic and syncretic approach by incorporating various theoretical traditions in order to uncover the major ideological elements in foundational texts, and then to use that ideological matrix (uncovered in the primary text) to analyse subsequent social movement organizations’ (SMO) framing efforts. In order to examine ideological elements within texts effectively, I have pieced together six sociologically oriented categories for analysing both text and discourse, stemming mainly from the cultural paradigm in social movement theory. My intention is to explore the intricacies of these categories further in order to gain a thorough understanding of their implications for movement mobilization and sustainability. The categories are as follows:
Role attribution is a category that looks specifically at socio-psychological concerns (mainly that of personal and collective identity formation).
Folklore narrative will be examined with an emphasis on how movements create a comprehensive, mythical worldview that is able to integrate a specific storied meaning of an SMO with an already embedded cultural metanarrative. Attention will be paid to both potential SMO members and those already existing members that have taken on the meanings espoused by the narrative.
Ethical norms is a category that analyses the social construction of moral vision, boundary maintenance and emotional resonance.
Utopian schemes (the teleological element of folklore) within the text are extracted and isolated in order to study the potential impact that projections of a ‘good society’ have on the movement faithful.
Strategic planning will be analysed at the point where ideological concepts and practical action meet as a form of praxis, which, as social movement scholars point out, is continuously affecting the structure of the organization, the identity of the participants and the potential for future projects.
Motivational appeals must be considered in order to understand how movement leaders go beyond mere consensus building to inspiring members to mobilize for acts of protest. This last category goes beyond diagnosis and prognosis of a sociopolitical situation to the examination of the specific rhetorical elements that incite agency.
Using this synthesis of sociological, rhetorical and discursive theoretical tools, my main intention is to pinpoint those ideological elements within a text that heighten a frame presentation’s potency. An in-depth understanding of the particular ideological elements that lend potency to frames (whether political, religious or issue-oriented) will build on previous conceptual work within framing studies. The FDM brings further legitimacy to the framing concept of narrative fidelity because the model is able to demonstrate how narratively faithful an SMO’s frame is to its primary source text(s).
The cultural paradigm within the current social movement theory research programme is determinedly socio-psychological, as it is mainly concerned with describing various framing processes to better understand collective mobilization efforts. The critical discourse analysis (CDA) paradigm has not specifically focused its efforts on social movement organization strategy, but is similarly concerned with the social (re)production of groups (e.g. identity, social history, organizational structure). I contend that by combining cognitive tools developed by social movement theorists, and discursive methodologies practised by CDA analysts, a theoretical alliance can be forged with the intention of producing fruitful transdisciplinary results.
Social movement theory, and particularly its subfield, frame theory, must advance our knowledge of how ideological thoughts come to fill the rhetoric of potent collective action frames. Until consistent thematic categories are established, pinpointing the ideological elements that make up potent collective action frames will continue to prove an elusive task.
This article considers the relevance of the LRB to a Red Guard Movement leader’s framing effort at the inception of the Chinese Cultural Revolution. Utilizing a bundle of theoretical traditions, I intend to push past conceptual limitations in social movement theory, build on work already under way in CDA and present a novel methodology useful for the ideological critique of social movement mobilization framing efforts.
The moving methodological pieces of the model at this point are a historical background analysis giving context to the study and allowing for a comparative approach with later studies, a content analysis of the primary text(s) by utilizing six categories intending to pinpoint ideological elements, and a frame analysis of an SMO’s political discourse utilizing both the main six ideological categories as well as subcategories that inductively emerge from the primary text as a result of the content analysis. This allows for a categorical comparison between the foundational text and the subsequent framing efforts.
Questions under consideration
How narratively faithful is a movement activist’s framing effort to a foundational text?
How can individual ideological elements within frames be extracted, isolated and analysed for contribution to overall frame potency?
How do theoretical concepts within critical discourse analysis and social movement theory interrelate?
How does theoretical integration of these fields contribute to an understanding of social movement mobilization and stabilization efforts?
How can scholars move forward in frame analysis to extract the more cultural and nuanced meanings resonating within the frame presentation (especially in regards to morality, emotion work, mythical impact and inner motivation)?
I argue that these foundational-textual elements serve as an ideological outline for framing efforts, and enable core groups of social movement entrepreneurs to produce highly successful frame presentations. I infer that the potency of a frame presentation is heavily dependent upon the frame having stable and coherent ideological elements. A potent frame must provide a convincing ideological matrix strong enough to bring an outside observer into a new world of ideas. This novel ideological world comes with a new social hierarchy, new ethical expectations, new everyday strategies for relating to others, a new view of the ‘good society’ and new motivations for using one’s agency.
Foundational documents
I define foundational documents as those texts that provide a culturally pervasive metanarrative able to create, sustain, motivate and evaluate social movements. Foundational documents are essential in defining larger religious, political and social agendas. They are also a necessary component in the master frames that make up the everyday reality of the individual involved in a social movement (Snow and Benford, 1992). I contend that these master frames are more fully revealed by isolating ideological elements within the foundational text. Once the text’s ideological content is systematically uncovered, one can use that content to examine the ideational structure of subsequent social movement frame presentations.
The FDM is intended to be a continuation of ideology studies with specific application for the framing tradition within social movement theory. Exposing the ideological elements within a foundational document, and using those elements to analyse mobilizing frame presentations, starts to answer the elusive question: How can one link the ideas within frame presentations to larger ideological structures? I propose that only when the ideological elements of the exalted text are thematically and systematically revealed can a clear connection be made between massive ideological structures and the frame construction process.
Narrative fidelity
Benford and Snow (2000) have produced a number of fruit-bearing conceptual tools for getting a behind-the-scenes look at the frame creation process. For a frame to resonate with a potential movement activist, the message must contain a substantial amount of narrative fidelity (Hunt et al., 1994). Narrative fidelity increases as the frame draws on traditional folklore narratives, ingrained role definitions, ethical mandates, collective value judgements and commonly accepted norms.
As social movement entrepreneurs present novel frames for public consumption, the frame resonates within the potential movement activist according to how culturally sensitive the frame content provider was in crafting the message. The frame presenter must consider culturally embedded norms, values and beliefs. The more loyalty the frame has to familiar narratives, the more likely it is that the potential movement activist will undergo a conversion experience. Full acceptance of the frame presentation will cause the new convert to desire a strong connection with the group’s collective identity and inclusion in the group’s strategic actions (Hornsey, 2008).
Narrative fidelity is a major factor in understanding the cultural resonance contained in social movement frames (speeches, protests, leaflets) and is a way of getting at the storied faithfulness of a speech (written or spoken) to a foundational text. I systematize narrative fidelity through the use of six deductive categories. As I categorize words, clauses and sentences into these six broad categories, the text itself is consulted to provide inductive subcategories so that the material is divided by major discourse function and its specific manifestation in the overall narrative (e.g. Major Category: ethical norms, Sub Category: economic values).
The model consists of using a content-thematic approach to reveal the ideology-laden nature of foundational texts. Once the content analysis is complete, the analyst can then use those results to determine the narrative fidelity of a social movement entrepreneur’s collective action framing effort to a foundational text. In this way, frame theory (within social movement studies) is pushed forward by the operationalization of one of its more abstract conceptions, and CDA benefits from a method that can pinpoint micro-ideological constructions within discursive practices.
Fairclough (1992), a founding father of CDA, develops a notion of intertextuality that is closely related to the concept of narrative fidelity. Yet I prefer to use the term narrative fidelity within my project because I mean to emphasize the storied bonds between a foundational text and a social movement organizer’s framing construction effort. While Fairclough has elevated intertextuality as a valid concern for analysts seeking to unravel various ideational traditions within a single text, the FDM actually proposes a replicable methodology for locating, systematizing and dissecting these integrated textual strands.
It is in the spirit of uncovering the analytical benefits of intertextuality that this study considers how the Red Guard Movement made use of their charismatic leader’s most popular document in order to provide a significant measure of cultural resonance to their own frame presentations. With the LRB’s ideological elements filling the content of their frames, Red Guard activists were able to channel Chairman Mao’s resonating authority into their own mobilization efforts.
Critical discourse analysis
The last few sections explained the influence of frame theory on the FDM; now let’s talk about CDA. This ‘critical’ form of discourse analysis emerged in the late 1980s in European discourse studies and has become one of the most influential branches of discourse analysis (Blommaert and Bulcaen, 2000). Current CDA scholars see this analytic method as a convergence of various theories concerned with language research.
This emphasis on language use is crucial to the FDM because verbal persuasion is a rhetorical tool intended to secure a measure of dominance, power and social control. CDA is sociologically compelling in that it is concerned with ‘instances of social interaction, which take partially linguistic form’ (Blommaert and Bulcaen, 2000: 448).
Fairclough (1992) outlines a three-tiered framework for categorizing and analysing discourse: (1) discourse as text; (2) discourse as discursive practice; and (3) discourse as social practice. Blommaert and Bulcaen (2000) note the paucity of scholarship focusing on discourse as discursive practice, especially in the areas of discourse production and consumption. This point is relevant to framing studies, because it points out the lack of clarity within social movement theory regarding how a social movement entrepreneur produces a compelling discourse for public consumption.
In my view, the frame constructor must get all of his/her ideological ducks in a row beforehand in order to produce a frame potent enough to play out as continuous discursive practice. With ideological elements securely intact, the frame enjoys a measure of stability and coherence. The frame’s potency relies heavily upon narrative fidelity to a foundational text and its ability to sustain a community enamoured with constant, textually inspired discourse (Borg, 2003; Johns, 1997). Perhaps discursive interactions have been neglected in CDA because researchers have been more focused on the text itself than the institutional (or in my case the counter-institutional) source and contextual purpose of the text.
Red Guard Movement beginnings
Before we proceed to a content analysis of the LRB and a frame analysis of a Red Guard political speech, a historical analysis is necessary to place these revolutionary artefacts in context. Understanding the political opportunity process for Chairman Mao and his Red Guard is crucial for grappling with subtle nuance within the text, and for gaining an accurate understanding of the larger structural forces guiding movement discourse.
The Little Red Book campaign
Mao’s rebel regime was able to stave off the Japanese imperialists and Chinese reactionaries in the 1930s and 1940s (Townsend, 1977). This ongoing battle over constructing a national identity gave Mao the experience needed to mobilize masses of Chinese people under a common banner of progressive Marxist ideals. By the mid-1960s, Mao’s political status had been tarnished by the failure of the Great Leap Forward social programmes, which had been his prescriptive programmes to further the nation toward the promised communist utopia.
In order to regain a political foothold, Mao’s two closest confidantes (his wife Jiang Quing and Minister of Defence Lin Piao) worked closely with him to prepare the sociopolitical atmosphere for a renaissance of revolutionary thought (Kau, 1975). Lin oversaw the first edition of LRB published in 1964 (Yan, 2000). The propaganda department of the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) printed the first edition, and within a period of three years distributed over a billion copies (Meisner, 2007). Two years before the official kick-off of the Cultural Revolution, Lin required military personnel to study the LRB devotionally, and later advocated that the general public follow their shining example (Kau, 1975).
As early as 1963, the PLA began intermingling with civilians in order to launch well-orchestrated propaganda campaigns (Karl, 2010). These campaigns exalted soldiers as heroes who exemplified altruistic self-denial and sacrifice. The counter-institutional tone of the mass propaganda campaigns clearly revealed that the PLA was not directly under party control and indeed served the interests of Mao himself. Lin, as the main provocateur of Mao’s personality cult, heavily promoted his political messages and lauded Mao as ‘the political genius of the 20th century’ (Yan, 2000: 200).
Yan (2000: 203) attributes the popularity of Maoist thought during the Cultural Revolution to Lin’s ‘enthusiastic promotion’ of Mao’s writings and to Mao’s ‘skillful adaptation of his ideology to fit the minds of the Chinese people’. Mao’s ideological thought in the LRB is a powerful synthesis of Chinese and Marxist traditions. Knight (2007) posits that Chinese traditional literature provided the emotional appeal of his rhetoric, while Marxist theory provided the pragmatic methodology necessary to bring about an industrial revolution.
The big character poster campaign
Scholars debate the official beginning of the Cultural Revolution. Some hold that it began as early as December 1964 when at a party work conference Liu Shaoqi’s administration of the socialist work movement was criticized. Others maintain that the revolution began as late as April 1966 with an editorial appearing in the Liberation Army Daily entitled ‘Hold High the Great Red Banner of Mao Zedong’s Thinking: Actively Participate in the Great Socialist Cultural Revolution’ (Huang, 1996). Whenever the exact moment of the Revolution’s ‘official’ kick-off, by May of 1966 the first big character poster had appeared at Beijing University. Big character posters served as visual critiques of the Communist establishment, targeting policy, officials and ideology. The posters also served the function of reviving Mao’s revolutionary ideology and challenging the socialist status quo (Andreas, 2007).
Initially, national party leaders dispatched work teams meant to stifle student political activity and redirect it into more favourable institutional channels (Walder, 2009). The framing contest between Mao and his Red Guard versus the party and their work teams was dramatically lopsided from the beginning, as Mao’s personality cult had spread throughout the general populace (Andreas, 2007). This was fully evident in the big character poster campaigns that began appearing sporadically at multiple universities and high schools. The campaigns spurred a radically minded communist youth movement anxious to demonstrate their loyalties to Maoist ideals. They wanted to challenge what they perceived as the diminishing purity of their revolutionary heritage by a petty bourgeoisie element content with perpetuating the socialist status quo. Mao’s personal discontent with his diminished political status, combined with the youthful zeal of a restless student movement, provided a wide opening for new discursive opportunities among the budding intellectuals.
The students’ expressive dissatisfaction through the use of big character posters and Mao’s endorsement of their open critique of the party provided the media sensation needed to catapult the movement onto the national stage (Zhensheng, 2003). Mao’s unique position within the Chinese government afforded him a great measure of institutional authority, and, when combined with his newfound cult figure status, set him up as the premier prophetic mouthpiece in the country. This blend of charismatic and rational authority proved wholly overwhelming to a party still owing its success in large part to the figure that would have them dethroned.
The Red Guard gains legitimacy
The utopian idealism of the youth movement took the country by storm as Mao advocated the overturning of liberal-leaning intellectuals, the ousting of individualist career-minded cadres and the ideological re-education of city dwellers as well as rural inhabitants (Karl, 2010). The Red Guard Student Movement contained the most radical elements of devotion to the LRB, and it is well documented that hermeneutical divisions separated student activists into ideologically warring factions over the correct reading of the LRB (Walder, 2009).
With no clear definition of the cultural situation, differing Red Guard sects held tightly to their own interpretive schemes of the LRB. Yet Meisner (2007: 170) points out: All political factions, whether within the Party or among the more amorphous student movement, marched under Maoist banners, all copiously quoted Mao’s writings and slogans, and all no doubt believed that they were acting in accordance to the chairman’s wishes and instruction.
Methodology
I hypothesize that the main ideological themes in foundational documents are the same themes utilized by social movement entrepreneurs in the creation of collective action frames. To study this hypothesis, I perform a content analysis by coding the major thematic elements of the LRB. After categorizing these ideological themes (role attribution, folklore narrative, ethical norms, utopian schemes, strategic planning, motivational appeals) in the LRB, I then compare them to ideational elements in a Red Guard political speech presented to Chinese Communist Party leaders in the year 1966. Political speeches given during this time are of great interest because they contributed to the rise of the Red Guard Movement that tactically spearheaded the Cultural Revolution (Andreas, 2007; Huang, 1996).
If the main ideological resources of a Red Guard political speech can be shown to draw heavily upon LRB content, then the source of a frame’s ideological underpinnings will become more apparent. To reveal the ideational potency of the Red Guard’s mobilization campaign, one must show to what extent Red Guard frames display narrative fidelity to the foundational text.
I consider reoccurring ideological elements as significant frame content variables and the textual unit of the paragraph as an appropriate unit of analysis in order to capture the rhetorical arrangement of pertinent framing elements. The ability to capture ideological themes in the LRB depends on the researcher recognizing more than simply key words or phrases, but relevant frame-constructing ideational elements that collectively make up a potent ideological-rhetorical framework. I suggest that comparing the ideological themes within the LRB to a Red Guard political speech will improve our understanding of both. My intention here is to uncover those ideational elements that generate the most resonating potency within the frame presentation.
The frame analysis demonstration of the Red Guard political speech (later) should provide the reader with suitable insight into the processes of categorization. But by the frame analysis stage, the subcategories that have inductively emerged from the foundational text are considered solidified (in order to perform a text–frame comparative analysis). The part that is a bit more interpretive happens in the initial foundational text content analysis. The analyst’s most crucial decisions lie in how to divide up the subcategories within the major categories. This depends greatly on the analyst’s ability to pinpoint the major category in a clause or sentence (e.g. Ethical Norms), to perceive the ideological stances taken within the text and then to narrow them down to useful subcategories (e.g. Altruistic Selflessness).
Although I have focused exclusively on the LRB (as the premier foundational text of the Chinese Cultural Revolution), I do concede that other texts, available at that time, could have had a significant influence on the frame constructor. The LRB, being a textual propaganda artefact systematically disseminated to the masses, provided me with a unique opportunity to consider one text as seminal to the revolution. Yet I do foresee that other social movements more obviously use a mixture of various culturally resonate texts to bolster their claims to legitimacy (e.g. the US Civil Rights Movement’s dependence on Biblical Israelite emancipation narratives combined with early American political texts’ claim to ‘self-evident’ equality).
Categories to capture ideological content
Drawing upon literature in social movement theory, critical discourse analysis, social psychology, sociolinguistics and organizational science, I developed six theoretical categories in order to perform an ideological content analysis of the LRB. I intentionally chose a foundational text connected to a recent politically motivated social movement that was highly successful in mobilizing activists through potent frame presentations. I propose that by dissecting foundational documents in the manner spelled out in the following text, the researcher will be able to use these findings to uncover the potent ideological elements within social movement frame presentations.
Role attribution
This first thematic category draws heavily upon personal and collective identity theory which has traditionally enjoyed rich academic inquiry mainly in the areas of biology, psychology and sociology (Hornsey, 2008). In a well-constructed frame, the presenter will emphasize collective identity attributions in order to define the boundaries of what kind of person can (and cannot) conceivably be included in the movement’s cause (Hogg and Terry, 2001). Personal identity attributions must also be present in the frame to highlight specific movement-oriented protagonist and antagonist role identifications. A frame presentation’s potency increases as clear role definitions intensify identity appeal and threat salience (Maney et al., 2009).
Folklore narrative
Narrative is a major concern in current social movement framing studies. Folklore narratives constitute the material that makes up the storied nature of everyday reality. These familiar narratives contain mythic world constructing and regulating potential (Berger and Luckmann, 1966). The purpose of these explanatory stories is to spell out the norms, values and beliefs of both institutional and counter-institutional organizations. Folklore narrative supplies a complex moral matrix with which to judge the merit of movement decisions (Benford and Snow, 2000). These resonating narratives are continually appealed to within a social movement in order to vividly enhance the boundaries of commonly expected group norms. Folklore narrative as a thematic category allows for examination of intertextuality within the LRB and narrative fidelity within Red Guard framing efforts.
Ethical norms
Ethical ideational elements represent deeply held belief systems. This third thematic category coincides with much work currently being published under the heading of ‘emotional labour’ in current social movement research. Movement entrepreneurs are very concerned with appealing to culturally ingrained values within the populace. Social movement theory asserts that the more these values are included within frame presentations, the more resonant the presentations become to potential activists. Reciting a familiar moral code bolsters previous ethical social construction efforts. Challenging the hearer with conclusions as to where these ethical beliefs may potentially lead is a powerful way to link ideological concern and mobilization appeal (Polletta, 2006). Ethical norms are essential to frame presentations because they lend potency to the frame through moral authority, emotional resonance and identity appeal.
Utopian schemes
Utopianism is an element of folklore that focuses specifically on future outcomes of movement success. The emergence of utopian thinking is the natural consequence of a culturally outdated ideology (Goodwin and Taylor, 1982). The utopian scheme is presented as a comprehensive ideological challenger that attempts to capture the collective imagination and drive the current dominant ideology to the outskirts of popular opinion. This ideological challenge is accomplished by painting what is contemporary as hopeless, outdated and incongruent with a progressive social order (Turner, 1994).
I understand the utopian scheme category as a bundle of highly idealistic claims about the future success of a social movement. These claims are often times presented as a new social system that, if implemented, could potentially bring about lasting world peace, unimpeded technological progress, domestic unification of disparate classes and empowerment of the general population to gain more social control. Utopian schemes serve a very important prognostic framing function because projections of a glorious future incite a high level of emotional resonance (Maney et al., 2009).
Strategic planning
This was the only category not suggested by the cultural paradigm in social movement theory, but instead emerged inductively from the LRB itself. Much of the textual material would not fit neatly into the other five categories, and as this material accumulated it became obvious that a category needed to be added which captured the LRB’s invitations to follow practical plans of action. Strategic planning is the most utilitarian of the categories because it capitalizes on a sense of experiential commensurability within the potential social movement activist. While not explicitly ideological, I understand strategy framing as an attempt to give real-life application to ideological principles. In this sense, strategy framing can be considered those ideational elements within the text that bridge the gap between abstract thought and practical action. In other words, the strategic planning category is heavily praxis-oriented.
Motivational appeals
The last thematic category is taken directly from Benford and Snow’s (2000) three core framing elements. Rhetorically hortatory in nature, motivational framing moves potential activists from simple consensus to a point of action on behalf of the group. Motivational portions of the text increase frame potency by appealing to a heightened sense of threat salience and collective identity (Maney et al., 2009).
With the use of these categories, the FDM enables the researcher to isolate and thematically assess the potency of ideological content. This resonating ideological content takes part in persuading the potential social movement activist to take on a new collective identity, adhere to a common folklore narrative, follow a novel set of guiding principles, buy into utopian schemes and rearrange one’s life to accommodate new devotional ways of living.
Ideological content analysis of the Little Red Book
This section of the article is a short demonstration of an FDM content analysis by thematic category. Under the larger headings of the six major categories, subcategories emerge inductively within the foundational text. Within a content analysis of the LRB, each major category could be explored in-depth by subcategory. 1 Constrained by the space limitations of an article, I can only mention one subcategory (socialist theory) from the broader folklore category.
Folklore content: Socialist theory
The LRB’s folklore is a unique blend of ancient Chinese proverbs, nationalistic opposition narratives and Marxist social theory (Womack, 1982). These three ideological strands combine to produce a grand narrative, a modern mythical storyline which includes quasi-scientific certitude, faith in populism as a creative force, injunctions for revolutionary violence, progress through mass struggle, a methodology for dismantling the objections of opposing political ideals, leadership goals and ethical advice for living devotionally. The fact that Mao advocated the rapid deterioration of institutional order and attempted to set up a radically alternative-yet-legitimate social structure highlights the mythical nature of the ideological elements within the collective action frames of the Red Guard (Andreas, 2007).
Before one can adequately interact with the folklore elements in the LRB, one must recognize the myth-generating potency of Marxism. The genius of Marx in blending the communitarian tradition of Western Christianity with the Enlightenment’s insistence on sober scientific inquiry created a kind of scientific socialism which included both a comprehensive political theory and an uncompromising ethical mandate (Berger, 1986). Mao attests to the mythical significance of socialist theory as he praises Marxism’s all-encompassing reach as both an ideological system of belief and a way to restructure the social system. Mao states: ‘Communism is at once a complete system of proletarian ideology and a new social system. It is different from any other ideological and social system, and is the most complete, progressive, revolutionary and rational system in human history’ (Tsetung, 1972: 23).
In Mao’s early military career, his pronouncements about socialist theory ring with a tone of religious ecstasy. He urgently required a convincing utopian worldview in order to combat the impending Japanese military threat, the entrenched feudal landlord class and the aggressive US imperialists (Karl, 2010). Combining his revolutionary zeal with a social programme for a communistic utopia gave Mao the ideational tools he needed to present a convincing case for revolution to the Chinese populace. At this time, the Chinese people were still struggling to emerge from the inhibiting economic relations of feudalism and the strict caste system of Confucian political elitism (Womack, 1982).
Within Mao’s mixture of ideational elements, he presents the Chinese people with a folklore that is already under heavy attack. Part of accepting Mao’s folklore narrative is becoming convinced from the outset that the narrative itself is already engaged in a magnificent ideological battle. In the LRB, this ideological showdown is presented from a macro perspective when Mao gives instructions on verbally criticizing the ideological opposition, stating ‘Mistakes must be criticized and poisonous weeds fought wherever they crop up’ (Tsetung, 1972: 54). He also presents the ideological battle from a micro perspective by repurposing an ancient Chinese wisdom maxim advocating his activists to ‘cure the sickness to save the patient’ (Tsetung, 1972: 127).
Ideological frame analysis of a Red Guard political speech
Now I move from a content analysis of the LRB directly to a frame analysis of a Red Guard political speech. The same ideological categories and subcategories are in play so that consistencies and inconsistencies between the foundational document and the speech can be clearly seen.
Categorizing ideological elements in a political speech
In the following, I demonstrate a frame analysis of a political speech given by Lin Piao in 1966 using the thematic categories under consideration. I present the categorical scheme within the text of the speech so that the reader will better understand how each phrase, sentence and paragraph is related to the ideology found in the LRB. I use abbreviations for both the six major categories and the subcategories taken inductively from the LRB. The major categories will be abbreviated as: role attribution (ROLE), folklore narrative (FLK), ethical norms (ETH), utopian schemes (UTP), strategic planning (STRT) and motivational appeals (MOT). The categories will be presented in the text as major ideological category first, followed directly by subcategory (e.g. FLK theory).
A number of speeches given by Chairman Mao and Lin Piao were seized during raids performed by various factions of the Red Guard on the offices of communist functionaries thought to be taking the ‘capitalist road’ (Ebon, 1970). In 1969, a number of these documents became available outside of China and were translated into English. By February 1970, Washington had released this speech under the title ‘Comrade Lin Piao’s First Speech on Ideological Struggle’. Based on internal evidence, scholars suggest that this frame was presented sometime in 1966 (Ebon, 1970). Due to the constraints of the genre ‘article’, I am only going to show ideological categorization for the first two paragraphs of the speech. However, I will go ahead and provide the categorical totals overall for all six paragraphs afterwards, mainly for those analysts who are motivated to find the full text of this framing effort.
Lin Piao’s collective action frame: Ideological struggle 2
Our Communist Party (ROLE party) has one principle which states that contradiction (FLK contradiction) can only be resolved through struggle (ETH struggle). The philosophy (FLK theory) of our Communist Party (ROLE party) is the dialectic (FLK contradiction); it is the struggle of opposites (ETH struggle; FLK contradiction). When we change something, we have to rely upon struggle (ETH struggle). Our Communist Party (ROLE party) is a proletarian political party (ROLE party). Its vigor, its incorruptibility, and its resistance to decay are all due to the fact that our ideological method (FLK method) is that of struggle (ETH struggle). Our philosophy (FLK theory) emphasizes struggle (ETH struggle). Our philosophy (FLK theory) is the philosophy (FLK theory) that emphasizes struggle (ETH struggle). Chairman Mao (ROLE founding figure) made this judgment in an article. This philosophy of struggle (FLK theory; ETH struggle) is a philosophy (FLK theory) that guarantees that we will continue to advance (UTP progress); it is a philosophy (FLK theory) that guarantees that we will continue to be dynamic (UTP populist energy). Otherwise there will be decay; there will be a lack of energy; there will be opportunism (MOT resistance). The Second International (MOT role model), for instance, did not emphasize struggle (ETH struggle).
The Chinese Communist Party (ROLE party) relies on the fundamental principles of Marxism-Leninism (FLK theory). When we adopt this policy (FLK theory) with respect to things, then that is struggle (ETH struggle); when there are shortcomings (ETH self-criticism), we struggle (ETH struggle) with them. The principle of life (FLK theory) for our party (ROLE party) is that, when there are contradictions (FLK contradiction), they must be struggled (ETH struggle) with; struggle (ETH struggle) is the only way that we will be able to correct anything. This means that we must, one, reduce their scope so they cannot possibly affect other people (STRT outsiders); and two, come to our senses ourselves (STRT education).
Categorical totals by paragraph
ROLE: party (4) founding figure (1) FLK: theory (7) contradiction (3) method (1) ETH: struggle (8) UTP: progress (1) populist energy (1) STRT: MOT: resistance (1) role model (1)
ROLE: party (2) FLK: theory (3) contradiction (1) ETH: struggle (4) self-criticism (1) UTP: STRT: outsiders (1) education (1) MOT:
Categorical totals overall
ROLE: party (14) army (9) founding figure (4) cadres (2) masses (2) revolution (1) FLK: theory (21) counter-folklore (10) contradiction (5) method (4) democracy (2) ideological battle (1) ETH: struggle (21) selflessness (7) self-criticism (5) persuasion/compulsion (5) helpful to masses (1) UTP: progress (1) populist energy (1) unification (1) STRT: education (2) outsiders (1) military (1) raising up cadres (1) MOT: resistance (5) role model (2) tenacity (1)
Now that the ideological elements of the political speech have been identified, each category will be compared to the LRB for ideational consistency. I will proceed by demonstrating findings for only two of the major theoretical categories (ROLE and FLK) with an eye for identifying resonating elements within the framing effort.
Role attribution
ROLE: party
Lin Piao opens his 1966 address to ‘our communist party’. He then links party directly to the dialectic when he states that the party’s ‘one principle’ is the belief that ‘contradiction can only be resolved through struggle’. Lin makes clear from the outset that party identity is revealed and maintained through strict adherence to the Marx--Lenin (M-L) folklore narrative. Within the first three paragraphs, party is directly related to principle multiple times as Lin states that the Communist Party ‘has one principle’ and ‘relies on principle’. M-L folklore is elevated to a living, breathing guide of practical action for the party faithful as the dialectic is represented as the ‘principle of life for the party’.
In the closing of his speech, Lin moves away from the party as directly tied to folklore and turns to appeals of collective identity. Lin praises the military forces for having a ‘party spirit’, and reasons that every person could benefit from understanding what having a ‘party spirit’ means. Having a ‘party spirit’ means that one must make a clear distinction between personal relationships and the party. Lin urges that ‘party matters … cannot be confused with the friendship of private individuals’. Lin also admonishes that when ideological divisions become apparent one must ‘resolutely stand on the side of the party’.
ROLE: founding figure
Lin’s speech employs four references to Chairman Mao. The first two point to Mao as a prolific intellectual who has pondered M-L philosophy and has come to his own unique conclusions. Mao is introduced in the first paragraph as having determined that the main thrust of the party’s philosophy is struggle, as he has ‘made this judgment in an article’. In paragraph four, Lin admonishes, ‘Everyone should look carefully at what Chairman Mao has written on his opposition to liberalism’. In the LRB, Mao is quite clear on both his fondness for sacrificial struggle and his disdain for the infectious dangers of liberalism. In a chapter entitled ‘Correcting Mistaken Ideas’, Mao states ‘Liberalism is extremely harmful in a revolutionary collective’ and that ‘it is an extremely bad tendency’ (Tsetung, 1972: 248).
ROLE: cadres
Lin mentions comrades twice, the first time as an ethical injunction insisting that ‘comrades should not fear struggle’. Continuing his directive to be fearless in the face of struggle, Lin addresses various levels of the military apparatus with the same message. The entire military apparatus serves as a living example of fearlessness for comrades, and he goes on to consider each distinct military grouping from the ‘major military district’ to ‘a battalion’. The LRB speaks frequently about the army serving an exemplary role for the people. In a chapter entitled ‘Communists’, Mao states ‘Communists in the Eighth Route and New Fourth Armies should set an example in fighting bravely, carrying out orders, observing discipline, doing political work and fostering internal unity and solidarity’ (Tsetung, 1972: 274).
Folklore narrative
FLK: theory
Twenty-one references to folklore narrative run throughout Lin’s political speech. Folklore was represented in the speech by the words philosophy, policy, principles of M-L, principle of life, living principle, M-L, an opposite (to liberalism), positive ideas and the old rules. In the first two paragraphs, folklore is invoked to bolster the importance of struggle to the revolution. Early in the first paragraph, Lin explains three times that the party’s ‘philosophy emphasizes struggle’ and by the end of the paragraph he has referred to folklore directly as the ‘philosophy of struggle’.
FOLK: counter
Paragraph four introduces liberalism as an ideological rival that must be dealt with by M-L methodology. Lin warns that party members ‘must not take a liberal attitude’ and must be on guard against ‘various types and kinds of liberalism’. Lin reminds his listeners that even ‘Chairman Mao has written on his opposition to liberalism’. He ends the paragraph belittling liberalism, calling it a ‘philistine concept’.
Continuing his argument against liberalism, in paragraph five Lin moves from a rhetorically defensive stance to a more offensive one. Here, the folklore narrative is presented as those ‘positive ideas’ that must come to be accepted. Lin admonishes the party to discuss ‘positive sides of the issue’ so that these ‘positive ideas can be accepted’. This cognitive transformation must come by adhering to the ‘democratic work style’ or else those they are seeking to convince may ‘never mention positive ideas’. This is a nudge to the party to implement a gentle yet vigorous debate style with the masses in order to win the people over through ideological persuasion.
Lin encourages the party to become active in folklore debates so that ‘negative ideas’ can be publicly refuted and ‘factional viewpoints’ eradicated. M-L methodology is directly related to struggle in that it demands that two groups with opposing ideologies ‘discuss both sides of an issue’. Although debate is allowed and struggle is necessary, the party members are expected to ‘resolutely stand on the side of the party’ when ‘matters of ideological line become divided’.
FLK: contradiction
From the beginning of his speech, Lin ties folklore directly to the idea of contradiction. He asserts that the party’s ‘one principle’ is that ‘contradiction can only be resolved through struggle’ and that the ‘philosophy of the Communist party is the dialectic’. In paragraph two, Lin points out that the future life of the party depends on there being contradictions, and that these contradictions should be struggled with and eventually resolved. Lin reasons that this principled approach will ‘not bring problems’ but will instead ‘resolve problems’. The LRB puts it most succinctly when it states ‘If there were no contradictions in the Party and no ideological struggles to resolve them, the Party’s life would come to an end’ (Tsetung, 1972: 260).
The FDM and future research
The FDM is meant to be used as an analytical tool for mining ideological elements that are buried in a social movement’s primary text, and for the comparison of those elements which reappear in subsequent framing presentations. This model reveals to what extent a mobilizing frame presentation is narratively faithful to a foundational text. The FDM addresses emerging theoretical concerns in the more recent theoretical traditions of social movement theory and CDA.
Innovative framing concepts appearing less than three decades ago have brought the cultural element back into movement studies – an element which had been previously neglected within both resource mobilization and political process approaches (Buechler, 2011). Since then, various collective action frames have been identified, and framing concepts have become successful in defining socio-psychological processes within mobilization campaigns. Despite these great strides in social movement theory, the ideological content within frame presentations has not yet been systematically identified (Malesevic and MacKenzie, 2002).
CDA, as a new direction in socio-linguistic research, emerged alongside frame theory in the mid-1980s with the intention of unravelling those discursive processes that perpetuate group reproduction. CDA has provided many useful concepts such as the discourse community, intertextuality and commentary that bring much needed insights into the various ways text, context and social action converge within social groups. Yet the source and content of much of this ideological discourse remain sorely unexplored.
The FDM contributes to this ongoing cultural emphasis by systematizing the concept of narrative fidelity and pushing frame theory forward in its narrative examination of social movement beginnings. By utilizing the FDM, social theorists can seriously examine ideological content within a social movement’s foundational text. The FDM enables the theorist to get a more complete understanding of the storied nature of social movement discourse and to discover the constitutive ideational elements that create potent frame presentations.
The next step in ideology studies for social movement theory is not a further analysis of macro-institutional design, but micro-level frame packages that take into account such ideological categories as role attribution, folklore narrative, ethical norms, utopian schemes, strategic planning and motivational appeals. Using these same ideological categories on other foundational texts will allow for a fruitful comparative analysis of documents. Patterns of continuity will bring frame theorists new insights into which specific ideological elements bring about the reverberating resonance necessary for the creation of potent collective action frames.
Footnotes
Appendix 1
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial or not-for-profit sectors.