The Neglect of Women’s Capacities in Disaster Management Systems in Iran: A Qualitative Study

Abstract

Although both women and men can be vulnerable to the negative consequences of disasters, women are generally looked at as helpless victims. Considering women as a highly vulnerable group can be the result of highlighting the negative effects of disasters on women rather than their coping capacities. To fill this gap, the present study aimed to explore women’s capacity to cope in the recent natural disasters of Iran. This qualitative study was carried out in East Azerbaijan, Bushehr and Mazandaran, stricken by earthquakes and floods in the years 2012 and 2013. A total of 20 affected people and key informants were interviewed using the purposive sampling method. Content analysis using the Graneheim approach was applied for data analysis. Four categories were extracted from the data, namely disaster management skills, handling family, family livelihood and special properties. The destructive effects of disasters on women and girls can be modified by mainstreaming their capacities in the post-disaster phases. The findings suggest that women’s participation in disaster management should be strengthened in line with their socio-cultural and economic contexts. In addition, the instruments, tools and space for farming, ranching, carpet weaving and other indoor economic activities should be provided for both men and women to decrease post-disaster poverty and livelihood challenges.

Keywords

Gender in Iran women’s capacity to cope in disasters Iranian women

Introduction

Different types of disasters have globally increased in intensity and magnitude (International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, 2004). While communities are broadly affected by natural disasters, residents are not equally at risk of death, injuries and destruction (Neumayer & Plumper, 2007). Gender shapes people’s responses to disasters, both directly and indirectly (International Labor Office, 2002). Gender roles and relations influence capacity as well as vulnerability in the face to disasters (Asian Development Bank, 2014; Bari, 1998).

Although both women and men may be equally vulnerable to the negative consequences of disasters, women are generally looked at as being more helpless (Gokhale, 2008). Conversely, to ignore women’s capacities and focus only on men’s abilities can adversely impact women, households and the whole community (Delaney & Shrader, 2000). The media show the images of women as a passive group waiting for rescue and relief by strong men. These pictures reflect the common notions of gender which shape disaster management policy in hazard-prone regions (International Labor Office, 2002). For instance, the analysis of shots taken from women after the Australian tsunami showed that women were absent in 55.5 per cent of all photos. In 35.5 per cent of pictures, rescued women were depicted as the passive victims who could not do anything but cry and ask for help (Childs, 2006).

While gender-specific capacities of women proved to be beneficial for their communities (Asian Development Bank, 2014), the central role of women in disasters is generally neglected (Gokhale, 2008). If women and girls are left out of disaster management efforts or risk reduction measures, the talents, skills and knowledge of 50 per cent of the whole population will be ignored and their needs are unlikely to be met (United Nations Development Plan, 2010).

Like the media and disaster practitioners, gender and disaster literatures have focused on women’s vulnerabilities with data on higher rates of female victims, violence against women and poverty of women after disasters (Doppler, 2009; Eklund & Tellier, 2012; Enarson & Fordham, 2001; Enarson & Meyreles, 2004; Fothergill, 1996; Militzer, 2008). However, a number of studies did mention women’s capacities in disasters including high level of risk awareness, social networking practices, extensive knowledge of their communities, environmental resource management and caring abilities (Becker, 2011; Enarson, 2001; Enarson & Fordham, 2001; Enarson & Meyreles, 2004). That is, women can be important players in risk assessment, early warning and disaster management. Considering women as a highly vulnerable group can be the result of highlighting the negative effects of disasters on women rather than their coping capacities (Childs, 2006). Filling this gap was the main purpose of the present study.

Women’s capacities in the recent natural disasters of Iran were explored in this qualitative study as women’s capabilities in disasters have neither been explored nor reported through published disaster literatures in the context of Iran. Gender and disaster scholars, practitioners and managers can consider the lessons learned from this investigation in their future research and work.

Women’s Status in Iran

Iran is a hazard-prone region in the Middle East, which is frequently destroyed by natural and man-made disasters (Fatemi, 2009). About 99.4 per cent of Iranians follow Islam as their religion. Gender distribution is equal (49.6 per cent of the population are women) (Statistical Centre of Iran, 2013). Iran is a male-dominated country and men have the power of decision-making at family and community levels. Women’s responsibilities are confined to the household and care of children. Marriage in Iran, according to the traditional Islamic vision, involves the subjugation of women to men within the marital relationship. A woman has the right to food, clothing and shelter, but only if she is obedient and surrenders herself to her husband’s decisions (Zolan, 1987). Furthermore, although a woman does not require her husband’s permission to work, he can legally put limitations on the type of work she can do (Moghadam, 2004).

Employment of women outside the home is directly related to the level and type of their educational achievement. According to the 2013 Census, women’s literacy rate was estimated at 82.4 per cent, but only about 18.4 per cent had formal academic education. The literacy rate was 90.8 per cent for men. The literacy rates for rural and urban women were 69.58 and 84.33, respectively, and the gender gap in the literacy rate was higher for rural than for urban women (10.9 per cent against 6.5 per cent) (Statistical Centre of Iran, 2013).

The employment rate for women was 12.4 per cent and 63 per cent for men since 2013. Women’s work participation rate (WPR) in urban regions (36.9 per cent) has been lower than in rural areas (39.7 per cent). In 2013, women’s WPR in agriculture (28.06 per cent) was more than in other economic activities including industry (19.9 per cent). About 73.6 per cent of women worked in the private sector and the remaining 26.4 per cent were employed in the public or governmental sector (Statistical Centre of Iran, 2013).

Women are often forced to accept jobs which are simpler and less remunerative than those of men with the same level of education. Such discrimination often forces employable women to stop working and stay at home. Further, Islamic rules demand that women must wear the hijab and avoid close interaction with men which discourages women from working outside the home. Official mandate requires that women and men should work and study in separate spheres and women can be mobile outside the home only as long as they wear the hijab (Zolan, 1987). But the prevalent Islamic cultural attitude towards women’s work is not always in consonance with the actual socio-economic activities of Iranian women (Iravani & Arvaneh, 2012).

Since 2013, 12 per cent of Iranian households have been headed by women. Of this group, 81.1 per cent are illiterate and 80 per cent have no jobs. About 70 per cent of all female-headed households were below the poverty line in 2014. About 30 per cent of women who are heads of households suffered from various physical disabilities and hence could not work. In total, 46 per cent of female-headed households were supported by humanitarian organisations (Statistical Centre of Iran, 2014).

The Setting

The twin quakes of East Azerbaijan destroyed Haris, Varzaghan and Ahar cities on 11 August 2012. In addition, the Bushehr earthquake destroyed the city of Shombeh on 9 April 2013. In total, these quakes killed more than 330 people and injured about 3,600 citizens. Additionally, more than eight people were killed in the city of Behshahr that was destroyed by floods on 14 October 2012 (Iranian Students’ News Agency, 2012, 2013; Jafari, 2012). The main kinds of post-disaster consequences were reported as health effects (death, injuries and mental disorders), physical infrastructure damage and livelihood challenges. Since these regions were more recently affected by natural disasters, access to women who had suffered recent damage was possible.

Carpet weaving, farming and ranching are the main economic activities of women in all the areas studied. Some evidence showed that women’s participation in economic activities was higher than men’s in these regions. Women’s unemployment rates in the East Azerbaijan, Bushehr and Mazandaran provinces were 18.7 per cent, 11.2 per cent and 55.5 per cent, respectively. Women’ literacy rates were 75.22 per cent, 58.11 per cent and 81.01 per cent in the Bushehr, East Azerbaijan and Mazandaran provinces, respectively. While men were more educated in the regions studied their literacy rates were 87 per cent in East Azerbaijan, 88 per cent in Bushehr and 86 per cent in Mazandaran (Statistical Centre of Iran, 2013).

Men comprised 30 and 28 per cent of all victims in the East Azerbaijan and Bushehr earthquakes, respectively; about 40 per cent of the inhabitants who were killed in the Mazandaran flood were men. Women comprised about 70 per cent of all victims in the disaster-stricken regions. In the aftermath of these disasters, men often suffered from financial problems as well as joblessness (Iranian Students’ News Agency, 2012, 2013; Jafari, 2012).

Sample and Method

The study was carried out through a qualitative approach using content analysis. This approach was chosen because personal experiences and perceptions of the target population were important for achieving the study’s purpose. The other advantage is that new concepts and key research questions can be developed through qualitative research (Elo & Kyngas, 2008).

Unstructured in-depth interviews and field observations were the methods of data collection. A list of households with addresses and contact information were collected for interviews with key informants (KI) and women affected by the disaster. The sample size was determined based on saturation principles, that is, a process by which researchers collect and analyse the data until no new details emerge. Data saturation was reached after 19 interviews but one additional interview was done to make sure that no new finding came to light. A total of 20 participants, 10 affected women as well as 10 KI, were interviewed using the purposive sampling method. Eight women of the sample were from the East Azerbaijan and Bushehr provinces and two were residents of the Mazandaran region (Table 1). The age of survivors was between 20 and 60 years with an educational level ranging from illiteracy to academic education (Table 1).

Table 1.

Participants’ Demographic Profile in Terms of Gender, Age, Education, Habitat and Affected Interviewees

Participants’ Information		n (%)
Gender	Male	30
	Female	70
Age (years)	18–30	10
	31–45	40
	More than 45	50
Education	Illiterate	10
	Primary education	20
	Diploma	20
	Academic education	50
Rural/urban	City	70
	Village	30
Affected interviewees	East Azerbaijan	40
	Bushehr	40
	Mazandaran	20

Source: Field data.

KI with work experience in previous natural disasters were selected from among gender and disaster researchers and specialists in disaster management (two KI), disaster public health (two KI), disaster medicine (two KI), disaster sociology (two KI) and women’s studies (two KI). The general criteria for selection were (a) an inclination to participate in the investigation and (b) at least one experience of a natural disaster.

The interviews were carried out in the homes of the participants and in the offices of the KI. Each interview lasted between 55 and 75 minutes and included questions on the respondents’ experiences in earlier disasters. Probing was done gently to encourage the participants to describe their experiences and feelings in detail. Field notes and audio recordings of interviews were prepared immediately. Data gathering was facilitated by collaboration with health officials working in the health centres of the affected regions.

A language barrier in the damaged regions of East Azerbaijan was experienced during data collection. Two colleagues, who worked in the local health centres, helped the author in the translation of Azeri words into Farsi during interviews. Limited facilities and lack of transportation systems made data collection difficult in the destroyed regions. Furthermore, the local people did not welcome the author for any interview unless she was accompanied by a local colleague/associate. There were also difficulties of coordination with local colleagues in the field.

Content analysis using the Graneheim approach was used for data analysis. Data gathering and data analysis were carried out simultaneously and iteratively. That is, the retrieved information extracted from data analysis became a guide for further data gathering. Based on this approach, an inductive comparison analysis was performed through the following steps: first, transcripts were read several times to obtain the sense of the whole. In the second phase, a single text, which formed the unit of analysis, was elicited from the participant’s experiences. Third, meaningful units were extracted from the text. Finally, the condensed meaningful units were labelled with a code, and different codes were compared according to the differences and similarities and sorted into four categories (described under ‘Results’ section).

Trustworthiness: Data trustworthiness was reached through four strategies of credibility, dependency, confirmability and transferability. Credibility was provided by triangulation strategy (data, and research field triangulation). In addition, member and peer checks were applied for achieving credibility and dependency criteria. Confirmability and transferability of data were achieved by the personal interest taken by the researcher thus providing a comprehensive description of the study’s processes.

Ethical considerations : The ethics committee of the Iran University of Medical Sciences approved this study. According to the written consent form, all participants were informed about confidentiality of the private information given. The author read the written consent form to the illiterate participants. Each participant’s consent was recorded and documented in a separate file. In addition, the choice of leaving the interview session was provided for all participants.

Results

Four categories of findings emerged from the data, namely skills relating to disaster management, handling the family and family livelihood and special properties. The categories are explained below.

Disaster Management Skills

The neglect of women’s participation in different phases of disaster management was a common issue which negatively affected women. Our data showed that men’s skills and capacities were focused upon and men were preferred for handling the affairs of the affected communities. Consequently, even when women had equal qualifications, they were not given equal or any roles in disaster management. Women were pictured, especially by the media as helpless, vulnerable victims. In accordance with the male-dominant structure of disaster management systems in Iran, disaster management activities are seen as ‘manly work’. But for effective disaster management in all phases, the participation of women from different social, ethnic and cultural groups is a key requisite. However, men believed that involving women in disaster management decisions would hinder efforts to meet targets. One male participant stated that ‘If women are responsible for important jobs or work, they cannot carry out the task completely. Women should stay at home and keep house.’

The exclusion of women meant the neglect of women’s needs in the post-disaster phase. The physiological, mental, reproductive health and social needs of women were not met as a result of their absence in disaster management positions. On the basis of participants’ experiences, it was clear that men could not identify the different needs of affected women as much as was necessary. One of the women participants emphasised that

Women have a series of physiological needs, especially during their reproductive years. Men are always disaster managers. It seems that at least one woman must be in charge of disaster management affairs for recognising women’s needs. Men have no experience and cannot understand what women need. This was my real experience …

Assessment of the special needs of women in disasters can lead to fair resource allocation, and preparation of relief packages for women and girls. In the aftermath of disaster, employment was a priority for women, especially for widows. Our data revealed that not only was social support denied to women, but men were given preferential treatment in the matter of employment. Hence, female-headed households and young girls who lost their parents in disasters had serious livelihood difficulties. That is, they increasingly experienced more poverty and misery in the aftermath of disasters. A participant said,

There are only a few employment opportunities for women in the affected regions. There are no equal job opportunities for women. They don’t think that women should have jobs and only mentioned the economic support [available] at the Welfare Organisation and the Imam Khomeini relief foundation.

Ignoring women’s viewpoints and skills in disaster management made some post-disaster plans useless. In some cases, the neglect of women’s roles resulted in wasting different resources allocated to the affected regions. Another participant described her experience as given below:

Women’s involvement means they can help in planning. For instance, they can make key decisions such as where the kitchen or rest room has to be placed in the new constructions. For example, after the Bam quake, some architects built kitchens without doors.

Handling the Family/Household

Women play a central role in handling their family including house- keeping, taking care of children, disabled [family] members and the elderly. Women also raise or take care of orphans who have lost their parents during disasters. For instance, a grandmother who lost her daughter in the flood and looked after her grandchild said:

My grandchild has lived with me since her parents passed away in the flood. I do my best to raise her as I promised my daughter. If I do not do this, others will judge me as a bad grandmother in the future.

Women were considered to be the source of peace, calm and power by family members, especially by men. That is, they made a calm space for their damaged families. In case women died or were injured, there was no one else to replace them to provide emotional care to the other survivors. As one of the women said:

In this culture, women are more responsible for handling family matters, Women feel more responsibility for taking care of the children. Women are the core actors in the family while men are not.

Women were the ones who organised and handled all matters concerning household and family to facilitate the rapid restoration of communities to normal status. A participant said that even before disasters took place women and girls were key income earners. Farming, ranching and carpet weaving were the main livelihood activities carried out by women. Carpet weaving played a major role in women’s lives and after disasters sometimes was the only economic activity for survivors. A girl stated,

We weave carpets and make money. After the quake, we pulled out our carpets and continued weaving. We wove new carpets in this reconstructed house.

A number of women simultaneously worked at two types of livelihood activities. For instance, they did farming (growing tomatoes) and carpet weaving. Managing the economic affairs of the whole family and balancing costs and budgets, were the other key roles of women in pre- and post-disaster phases. This ability could help the damaged households cope with post-disaster livelihood challenges and poverty. The need is great for women continually sought financial resources and economic support in the aftermath of disaster. Women and girls also participated in the reconstruction of their damaged or collapsed houses to save money. A young girl who participated in house reconstruction said:

We did not employ any building workers. My family built their house with their own labour. I myself threw the bricks to construct this building. We had no money to pay workers.

Special Qualities of Women

Women were able to cope better during and after disasters due to their innate qualities. They were more patient and persevering, eager to learn and be trained so that they were better able to bear the negative consequences of disasters in disaster-prone regions. A participant was of the opinion that: ‘Women are more teachable than men. They have insisted on solving their family problems.’ They tolerated the loss of loved ones much better and adjusted to their new status well. Such qualities helped them to maintain better health and well-being after disasters. One of the victims confided:

I should relieve [the pain in] my soul by my own efforts and not think of the quake. Some problems will be solved by other people but some others [problems] remain mine.

Women paid more attention to changes in their environment and new issues. They had considerable local knowledge of their environment which could be applied for recovery from disaster and preventive measures.

Conclusion

This study, probably the first of its kind, indicates that women can survive disasters better and turn into a resilient group in disaster-stricken communities as well as disaster-prone regions which are susceptible to natural disasters. The author has attempted to explore women’s capacities to cope with disasters in some regions of Iran. Women’s disaster management skills grew out of their experience in handling family affairs and contributing to family livelihood.

But the management skills of women have been neglected in post-disaster scenarios. Actually, women are not as helpless as they have been represented by the media, disaster managers and practitioners. A number of researchers have realised that the management skills of women are beneficial for communities hit by natural disasters (Enarson, 2001, 2012; Enarson & Chakrabarti, 2009; Enarson & Morrow, 1998). Women are the key organisers in their families in everyday life, and more so in disastrous situations (Ginige, Amaratunga, & Haigh, 2009). Overlooking the participation of women in disaster management means that half of the entire affected population is ignored. That is, a community puts aside 50 per cent of its human resources, including the contributions that can be made by the thoughts, ideas, knowledge and skills of the female population. Second, the urgent health needs and requirements of women victims of disasters may not be met because men (victims or leaders) are not familiar with the specific needs of women in different stages of their lives whether it is related to ageing, pregnancy, breast feeding and reproductive ailments, etc.

The results of the study showed that Iranian women played an important role in making money and handling family affairs in both pre- and post-disaster phases. Similar findings have been reported by a number of researchers who noted women’s involvement in family enterprises be it farming, gardening or ranching (Aboobacker & Nakray, 2011; Enarson, 2001; Enarson & Chakrabarti, 2009; Gokhale, 2008; Liang, 2012; Militzer, 2008). In our study carpet weaving was the main economic activity of the affected women. In other words, women and girls acted as the key sources of family income in the damaged regions. It seems that disaster managers, scholars and practitioners at local and national levels do not give sufficient credit to women whose managerial skills are valuable and visible in both household and economic activities. Highlighting women’s vulnerabilities can hide their capacities which can be harnessed for better disaster management and helping to achieve community resilience.

The destructive effects of disasters on women and girls can be modified and lessened by mainstreaming their capacities in post-disaster phases. The findings suggest that women’s participation in disaster management should be strengthened in line with their socio-cultural and economic backgrounds. Disaster management officials can benefit from women’s knowledge, skills and capacities in policy-making, planning and resource allocation. In addition, the instruments, tools and space for carpet weaving, farming, ranching and other indoor economic activities should be provided for both men and women to decrease post-disaster poverty and livelihood challenges. Second, the supportive roles of humanitarian organisations (governmental and non-governmental) should be encouraged and highlighted when disastrous events occur. Iran is a male-dominated country but in the future men should accept any economic activity that women can find outside their homes, and men themselves be persuaded to participate and be involved in women-based projects, plans and entrepreneurship programmes after disasters. Further, comprehensive research on a national scale is needed to develop valid and reliable indicators or tools for assessing women’s capacities during both natural as well as man-made disasters.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The author gratefully acknowledges the cooperation of the affected people and health officials, who live in East Azerbaijan, Bushehr and Mazandaran provinces in gathering data.

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