Abstract
In selected villages in Saharanpur district of Uttar Pradesh, purdah or ghunghat (veiling) observed by all married women of both the Muslim and non-Muslim communities plays a significant role in restraining and prohibiting their participation in social and economic roles. The tradition is perceived to enhance the status of the women as well as of the family among both communities. While women within the home could be relaxed, they had to observe strict veiling when outdoors. Muslim women wear burqa (usually it is black in colour used to cover from head to toe), while non-Muslim women wear dupatta (usually a 2.5 m long cloth) or end of the sari (usually a 6 m long cloth) to cover the face properly while going outside the home.
Introduction
Purdah or ghunghat cannot be defined simply as a piece of cloth used by a woman to cover her face and body. It is better understood as a social institution, which promotes the seclusion of women through a rigidly structured division of labour. This seclusion of women is mandated by powerful religious norms governing cultural and moral values and rules and regulations on appropriate feminine (Amin, 1997; Asadullah & Wahhaj, 2016; Feldman & McCarthy, 1983; Hossain & Kabir, 2001; Jacobson, 1982; Papanek, 1971, 1973; Roy, 1979; Sultana, Jawan, & Hasim, 2009). The practice also entails the observance of nazar ka purdah ( purdah of the eyes) and awaz ka purdah (the purdah of voice) (Abraham, 2010; Roy, 1979). 1 The concept of family ‘honour’ (izzat) is fundamentally associated with the purdah system. The preservation of the izzat of the family and community means that often women are not allowed to work outside the home or to participate equally in political life. These also limit the potential to claim a right to resources (Abraham, 2010; Asadullah & Wahhaj, 2016; Chowdhry, 1994; Hossain & Kabir, 2001; Gruselle, 2013; Jacobson, 1982; Papanek, 1971, 1973; Sultana et al., 2009).
Methodology
The present study was carried out in the Saharanpur district of Uttar Pradesh where 41.9 per cent population is Muslim (Census of India, 2011). Out of a total 11 blocks in the district, Deoband, Rampur and Nagal were included in the study. Two villages with Muslim populations of more than 70.0 per cent from each block were selected for the study. A representative sample of 210 married women of the age group of 15–49 years was taken for the study, out of which 150 women were Muslims and 60 were non-Muslims. The sample was chosen by using the simple random sampling technique. Block-wise representation indicated that there were 50 Muslim women and 20 non-Muslim women from each block. Further, 25 Muslim women and 10 non-Muslims were taken from each village. For the primary data, an interview schedule was prepared and non-participant observation and focus group discussions were adopted as and when required to supplement the data. Pseudonyms have been used when quoting respondents.
Age Group of the Women Respondents
Age Group of Respondents
About one-fourth of the respondents from the Muslim and one-sixth respondents from the non-Muslim community were in the 30–35 years age group. Less than a quarter of Muslims and 26.7 per cent respondents from the non-Muslim community were between 20 and 25 years of age. Within the 35–40 years age group, 16.0 per cent respondents were Muslim, while 8.3 per cent were from the non-Muslim community and there were only around 12.0 per cent Muslim and 20.0 per cent non-Muslim respondents who were 40 years and above. Of the remaining, there were 10.0 per cent respondents from the Muslim and only 1.7 per cent respondents from the non-Muslim community who fell in the category of 15–20 years age group (Table 1).
Women’s Work: Non-remunerative Household Work and Activities That Have Market Value
Research indicated that, due to the purdah system, women were involved in within-the-home activities such as cooking, serving food, washing utensils and clothes, cleaning the home and caring for children (bathing, feeding) and the elderly. Apart from these activities with consumption value, it was observed that women from both communities were also involved in those unpaid activities that have market value such as agricultural as well as animal care work. Some also help to efficiently and effectively run small family business such as the kirana (grocery), vegetable and halwai (sweet) shops; selling eggs; making earthenware pots and filling quilts; and helping to run atta (wheat), rice and mustard seed chakkis (mills) managed from the household.
One respondent, Seema, a non-Muslim, whose husband runs a tea shop in the village said,
You may have seen that we had a tea stall outside our house. My husband makes samosa, gulab jamun, rasgulla, jalebi and other sweets. Although, I help to run the shop, I never peep outside. You can also confirm this from my younger sister-in-law. I boil potatoes, peeled them and also make the paste for samosas and help in making other sweets. But I never sit in the shop; it is the responsibility of my husband. I do not know even how much we earn from the shop. Whenever my husband is contracted to make food and sweets etc. at marriages (shaaya), the shop remains closed.
Sunita, from the same community whose husband works as a vegetable vendor, said,
I along with my children help my husband in his occupation. He took a small piece of agricultural land on lease to grow vegetables. We all go to the field and pluck the lady’s finger, tomato, spinach and help in other activities which are required. But as far as the question of selling the produce in the city as well as in and outside the village is concerned, it is the responsibility of my husband and sons. If anybody from the village comes to my house to buy vegetables, then my daughters or I sell these. At home we have a very small stock of vegetables as these are mainly sent to the city.
Kamlesh from the kumhaar (potter) caste whose husband is involved in a small business of making earthenware pots and selling them locally said,
Along with my husband, I help in all the activities necessary to make the pots—but by remaining within the home. It is mainly the responsibility of my husband to bring the sand to make the pots. If the pots are to be sold within the village, I can go to the houses and sell them. If anybody comes to my house, I can also sell the pots—but outside the village is my husband’s responsibility.
It can be concluded from these statements made by women from both communities that, although they contribute immensely to activities that have market value, due to the practice of purdah, they lack the status of owner or co-owner of the shop or business. Men were not only considered the owners but also had control over the money earned by selling various items.
Involvement of Women from Both Communities in Paid Work
The women from both communities who accepted paid work combined this with household tasks and the other above-mentioned tasks. A majority (76.0%) of Muslim respondents said that they were not involved in paid work while more than half the non-Muslim respondents were (Table 2). The main reason why the percentage of working women was higher among non-Muslims could probably be that most Muslim families owned agricultural land; therefore, their economic status was better as compared to the non-Muslim community. Field observations confirmed that socio-economic status of a family and the work status of the respondents were inversely proportionate. Among both communities, working outside for a wage was considered a mark of low status and only women from poorer households from both communities were in paid work.
Women Respondents as Paid Workers
Type of Paid Work
Data showed that among Muslim women, 58.3 per cent were employed as wage workers in agricultural labour or in cooking mid-day meals in schools, brick-making, work under MNEREGA (Mahatma Gandhi National Rural Employment Guarantee Act) and other such tasks, and 41.7 per cent were self-employed as tailors, embroidery experts, ghee, bitova or dung cake sellers and spinners. Among the non-Muslim community, 81.3 per cent were employed as daily wage workers in agricultural and activities detailed earlier. Only 18.8 per cent were found self-employed in various above-mentioned petty businesses (Table 3).
Type of Work as Paid Workers
A Muslim woman, Sanowar, weaves daris (rough carpets) from old clothes like salwar-suits, chunris (scarves), saris and old woollen clothes for which she charges ₹100 per piece. She also knits woollen garments at the rate of ₹200 per kilogram. Another Muslim, Sitara, along with her daughters also makes special chunris for deities embellished with gota or gold ribbon and golden stars for which she earned 50 paisa for one and ₹5 for a topi (cap).
Kavita, a Hindu, said that
After finishing my household work, I also take piece rate work such as knitting lace, pillow and cushion covers, bed sheets and woollen sweaters. But the money is very little as middle men took all the benefits. They give only ₹1 for knitting a metre of lace and ₹160 for knitting a kilogramme of wool used in sweaters or other woollen garments as instructed by the person in the village who has given the wool). The money received is very little when we compare the time involved in knitting these.
Seema, a Hindu seamstress, complained that customers did not pay readily and ‘I have to send children again and again to their houses. They also do not give money at one time—instead they gave it in instalments’.
Due to the purdah system and restrictions on their mobility, women from both communities could not directly approach either the middle men or customers. Therefore, their contribution to the total family income was merely supplementary and it was not given much importance. It was mainly the male who was the breadwinner of the family.
Observation of Purdah or Ghunghat
The respondents were asked about whether or not they observed the practice of purdah or ghunghat. All women from both communities said that they did so, the Muslim women using the term burqa and purdah while the non-Muslim women referred to veiling as ghunghat or purdah (Table 4). Among the Muslims, the burqa (a long garment that covers the women from head to toe) is an essential part of the Islamic culture (Bhatty, 1976; Brijbhushan, 1980; Hussain, 1998; Menon, 1981; Roy, 1979; Saiyed, 1976). In response to a question on what type of purdah or ghunghat they observed at home, 66.0 per cent of the Muslim and 53.3 per cent of the non-Muslim respondents said that they used the dupatta (long scarf) to cover their breasts and head. Further, 34.0 per cent of the Muslim and 30.0 per cent of the non-Muslim respondents draped the dupatta across their breasts right up to the lips. In addition, there were 10.0 and 6.7 per cent of non-Muslim respondents who used the sari pallu (end piece) to cover the head and face, respectively (Table 5).
Observation of Purdah or Ghunghat
Purdah or Ghunghat Observation at Home
It was observed that, among both communities, a married woman was expected to cover her face before all older male members like sohra or khalu (father-in-law), jeth or bade bhai sahab (older brother-in-law) and the saas or khala (mother-in-law). After some years of marriage, veiling not only before the mother-in-law but before older men too is relaxed. Due to this purdah system, it was observed that, if non-family men, some who may come from outside the village, enter in house, they have to give indication of their presence as well as their purpose.
Rekha a non-Muslim respondent said that
we never stand up before our father-in-law. Whenever he enters the house—making a noise as though he is clearing his throat—we pull our ghungats down, but keep sitting, till the time he leaves, not making any movement.
Through the focus group discussions among both communities, it was clear that women who observed veiling did not come out of the dhaleez (entrance) of the house. This practice also indicated the general prosperity and higher status of the family. As Sultana, a Muslim respondent from the Muslim community, said proudly,
Ever since I came here after marriage, I have never stood at the entrance of the house. Once, my husband made a cemented drain outside our house which touched the house of my brother-in-law ( jeth). My sister-in-law ( jethani) was a short-tempered lady and when everyone was in the fields, she broke the drain, screaming and abusing a lot. Despite all this, I did not come out. All the villagers considered her conduct indecent; about me, they said that I belonged to a good family.
Imrana from the same community lamented that
We never bought any clothes from the hawkers nor do we wear bangles from the manihaar (bangle seller). If we have to buy vegetables from the street vendor, either our children or the father of my children buys them. If there are no vegetables in the home, we will do without them, but will never go outside to buy vegetables. Daily household essentials are brought either by the father of my children or by our children or by elders.
Purdah or Ghunghat Observation in Public
All respondents from both communities emphasised that it is mandatory to cover the face and be escorted by some person from the family (may be the mother-in-law or some male relative) while going out of the village to make any purchases from the city, any other work or to meet relatives. Muslim respondents reported that they wore the burqa when they went outside the village and 83.3 and 16.7 per cent of the non-Muslim women respondents covered their faces with the dupatta and pallu of the sari, respectively (Table 6). The major reason for going outside the home for most non-working respondents was to visit their father’s house.
Purdah or Ghunghat Observation at the Public Sphere
Purdah practice in the village restricts opportunity for women to work outside home for a wage. As Rehana, a Muslim woman, said that she wanted to fill the form for the job of Anganwadi (rural child care centre) worker, but her husband did not allow saying that ‘Only for a meagre sum you will roam the entire village without purdah—and in this type of job you also have to go outside the village also. I will not allow you to fill this form’. Rehana added that the village people did not give much respect to ASHA (community-level health worker) and Anganwadi workers and ‘poor women especially from the non-Muslim community were found doing these type of jobs’.
Purdah or Ghunghat Observation at Work
In all the six villages undertaken for the present study, women who work outside the home for a wage were not considered as a sign of prosperity and higher family status among both communities. Therefore, among both communities, only the poorer family send their women to work outside the home. A majority of these women work in the fields as agricultural labourers, or wage labours in road construction. All such respondents replied that they always covered their heads either with a dupatta or with a sari pallu while at work. The researcher observed that women working in the fields draped the dupatta in such a way that its middle part covered their head and the two ends were placed behind the shoulders. However, when the landlord or some stranger came to the fields, they stretched the dupatta up to the chin. It was found that 14.0 per cent of the Muslim and 35.0 per cent of the non-Muslim women respondents covered their head with the dupatta. However, 8.3 per cent of the non-Muslim women respondents covered their face with the sari (Table 7).
Purdah or Ghunghat Observation at Workplace
Reasons for Observing Purdah or Ghunghat
When asked about the reasons for adopting purdah, more than 40.0 per cent respondents from both communities pointed out that it was an essential ‘part of the village culture and religion’. About one-third of the Muslim respondents and one-fourth of the non-Muslim respondents gave ‘respect for elders’ as a reason. Additionally, about one-fifth from both communities mentioned that ‘protection from ugly eyes’ was the main reason for veiling. A few (3.3% respondents from the Muslim and 10.0% respondents from the non-Muslim community) accepted that they do not have the courage to break this tradition (Table 8).
It was observed by the researcher that, in all the six villages among both communities, daughter-in-law was not expected to sit on the same cot or bed on which her mother-in-law sits. If she has to sit, she will seat herself at a lower level demonstrating her low status in relation to her mother-in-law. The same type of result was also found by some earlier studies conducted by (Feldman & McCarthy, 1983; Sharma, 1978). In all the villages undertaken for the study, female seclusion was considered a symbol of the prosperity, one that enhanced the status of the family. To make this seclusion possible, there was a rigid division of labour between men and women. As mentioned earlier, such restrictions that limit women’s movement outside the home made them dependent on men for obtaining access to goods and services, as well as for financial support. Therefore, the study proved that purdah or ghunghat play a significant role in restraining and prohibiting the participation of women in visible social roles making them socially and politically inactive. These findings corroborate previous studies (Asadullah & Wahhaj, 2016; Feldman & McCarthy, 1983; Gruselle, 2013; Hossain & Kabir, 2001; Papanek, 1971, 1973; Sultana et al., 2009).
Reasons for Purdah or Ghunghat Observation
Thus, the dupatta formed a very essential part of women’s clothing and even at home, all married women from both communities kept their head covered irrespective of their age. It was also observed that among the Muslim community, all unmarried young girls (above 13 years of age) as well as widows also wear the burqa while going out of the house and covered their heads with the dupatta while remaining in the household. Little girls (below 13) wore a scarf while going to the madrasa or school or to other places and, in the house, wore the dupatta. Furthermore, among the non-Muslim community, girls above 13 years of age merely drape a dupatta around their necks and there is no such compulsion for little girls. However, widows needed to continue the same observances as married women. Not only was it considered important to cover the head and face with dupatta or sari for married women of both communities, but the fabric too was not to be so thin so as to show clearly the face of the wearer. Those who wore such clothes were regarded as immodest and vulgar.
Field observations indicated that the kind of burqa worn by Muslim women is also an indicator of their class and caste. Women who belonged to poor families generally wear simple white and sky-blue burqas and those from middle-class and richer families generally wear black ones with elegant embroidery. In-depth interviews of women from both the communities bring out the fact that women who veiled became accustomed to doing all household work in this fashion. Not being exposed to the gaze of or interacting with non-family village men was considered among all to enhance the status of the women as well as of the family. The overall notion of izzat or family pride is linked to the practice of purdah or ghunghat.
Conclusion
Within the household, there was a strict division of labour among men and women. Women were responsible for many kinds of unpaid household work, as well as other agricultural or allied activities, which have market value; thus, they were essential helpers for husbands in productive or paid work. The study found that only 24.0 per cent women from the Muslim and 53.3 per cent from the non-Muslim community were themselves involved in paid work. These women belonged to the poor families among both communities. Clearly, purdah or ghunghat plays a significant role in prohibiting women from working for a wage, leaving them dependent on their husbands or other family members for financial support. It also limits their access to important members of the community such as the headman or pradhan. Therefore, purdah can be regarded as a political device that limits women’s access to power in the community in which they are married (Sharma, 1978). The obligatory nature of veiling successfully makes the married woman socially invisible and politically inactive in her husband’s village (Abraham, 2010; Amin, 1997; Asadullah & Wahhaj, 2016; Hossain & Kabir, 2001).
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.