Is Mobile Phone Use Invading Multiple Boundaries? A Study of Rural Illiterate Women in India

Introduction

The adoption of the mobile phone as a medium of communication has reached almost saturation levels in many parts of the world. It has become a part of daily life (Sane & Traore, 2009; Sylvester, 2016). Mobile phones have brought in connectivity to areas and people without landline phones, especially in developing countries (Abraham, 2009; Comfort & Dada, 2009; Sekabira & Qaim, 2017). It can be said that longstanding socio-economic and cultural landscapes of human societies are changing due to the use of mobile phones (Sane & Traore, 2009). People across all age and income groups are using mobile phones (Katz & Aakhus, 2004; Thanh & Jorstad, 2005). Not only age and economic barriers, but the mobile phone has also dented geographical boundaries. If not connected to the outside world in a true sense, people in far-off areas are at least able to speak and reach out to their near and dear ones or seek amenities to improve daily life. The social barrier of gender also seems to have been blurred by the use of the mobile phone (Castells et al., 2007; Rice & Katz, 2003). As in the case of any technology, the mobile phone was first adopted by men; only then its use passed to women.

But the question remains: What is the level of penetration of the mobile phone among women in rural areas where gender and illiteracy are combined, and how and why do they use it? There is a need to study the use of mobile phone in disadvantaged areas and among disadvantaged people as many studies acknowledge that the privileged sections of society have access to new sources of information, placing them in an even more privileged position. Comfort and Dada (2009) note that women in rural areas are at a particular disadvantage as they face twin barriers of location and gender.

With the coming of information and communication technologies (ICTs), came opportunities which can be utilized to reduce differences between people of different classes. As these technologies themselves required a lot of infrastructure, their use too created a divide between the people who could use these technologies and the others who could not. The concept of the digital divide is well-accepted now and efforts are being made to reduce this gap. In fact, the advent of the mobile phone which is less expensive than other technological mediums seems to be filling up the gap to some extent, though mere access to mobile telephony would not bridge the gap (Roux & Dalvit, 2014). A report of the Food and Agriculture Organization on the use of mobile phones by the rural poor uses the term ‘reducing information asymmetry’ to explain the role of the mobile phone in enhancing the flow of information to rural areas (Sylvester, 2016). Roux and Dalvit (2014) observe, ‘Ubiquity, interactivity and increasing affordability of mobile technology does offer a powerful potential tool for economic and social activity and development’ (Roux & Dalvit, 2014, p. 405).

Another parameter which is aiding the digital divide and remains one of the concerns of present study is gender, making it a ‘digital gender divide’. It is a divide which recognizes the gap between the use of digital technologies by men and women. Macueve et al. (2009) observe that users of ICT is usually young males and women remain marginal users. Although the gap between the use of technology by men and women is not surprising or a new one, it needs to be recognized as women can benefit a lot from digital technologies and in turn, can help in the overall development of societies (Antonio & Tuffley, 2014). Macueve et al. (2009) find that women have been able to appropriate mobile phone technology as compared to other ICTs as the mobile phone is available even to those who are not literate or able to afford it. Despite these advantages, Comfort and Dada (2009) and Munyua (2009), after conducting studies in Africa, say that gender disparity can be easily seen in ownership, access and use of mobile phones. In a similar vein, Hassanin writes, ‘Women and men are spatially segregated in ways that reduce women’s access to knowledge and income sources, thereby reinforcing women’s lower status relative to men’s’ (Hassanin, 2009a, p. 77).

Castells (2000) has come out with a new term, ‘Fourth World’, which he says does not only include parts of Africa, rural Asia and Latin America but is a world predominantly populated by women and children who lack access to the new media, namely, the. mobile phone and the Internet. Antonio and Tuffley (2014) point out that the gender digital divide needs more attention in developing countries as compared to developed countries. Balasubramanian et al. (2010) find that even use of educational technology has not been able to break gender barriers. Muller (2009) says that women are least likely to reap the benefits of ICTs in sub-Saharan Africa. Trying to list out reasons for the digital gender divide, Antonio and Tuffley (2014) are of the opinion that less access to education among women remains one of the primary reasons for it. The burden of household and family responsibilities also restrict the use of technology by women (Antonio & Tuffley 2014; Muller, 2009). The studies unanimously conclude that a woman would spend most of her income, if she has any, on household needs of food and clothing rather than on mobile phones, since often women do not see a direct benefit from owning one.

Women and Mobile Phone Use

Use and ownership of a technology are two different aspects and this difference in use and ownership of a mobile phone is also apparent, especially among women. It was found that women are indeed using the mobile phone but often do not own it. Sylvester (2016) in an FAO report mentions the finding that mobile phone ownership amongst women was less likely than men and this is true even after controlling variables like income and education. Mittal (2016) reports that women are accessing mobile phones even if they do not own them.

Women in rural areas are using mobile phones for different purposes and its use is changing with changes in culture and environment. Earlier studies revealed that the mobile phone is used by women for varied purposes ranging from being a safety device to an aid in carrying out business activities. The mobile phone has been found to be very useful to women in starting and enhancing their businesses. GSMA (2013) mention that women have started and successfully run small businesses by coordinating a number of activities on their phones in low- and middle-income countries, such as Bolivia, Egypt, India and Kenya. Sane and Traore (2009) found that a mobile phone is the preferred tool for commercial transactions among women fishmongers and fish processors in Africa as it increases their control over time and space. This is especially important as fish is a highly perishable commodity and the business is susceptible to losses. Mittal (2016) is certain that providing information related to agriculture through mobile phones to women farmers can increase production, which in turn can result in increased profits. Elaborating on it, Mittal further notes that even where women are not directly involved in farming, providing information to them would make them more aware of farming practices and that this would benefit them.

Macueve et al. (2009) quoted a woman in Manhiça in rural Mozambique who said her customers could now contact her easily. Similarly, Meena and Rusimbi (2009) write that Bahati, a women entrepreneur in Tanzania, had just a mobile phone and nimble hands as start-up capital. Comfort and Dada (2009) cited the example of Muslim businesswomen from Nigeria, who although constrained by purdah, did business on the phone rather than face-to-face and without third party involvement. Not only in producing but in marketing goods, the mobile phone is playing an important role. Hassanin (2009b) reports that women in Egypt use the mobile phone to market their products as well. Although it is very difficult to find the combination of technological and artisan skills in the same women. Citing the example of women fishmongers and fish processors, Sane and Traore (2009) say that the mobile phone opens up opportunities of exports beyond the borders of countries. Antonio and Tuffley (2014) note that ICTs can allow women to discover new livelihoods to increase family income. They point out that there is a need to impart skills to women so that they can utilize ICTs for advancement of their business.

As women everywhere are by tradition and culture caregivers and caretakers of the household, they now utilize the mobile phone to help them in these roles. Pitaloka (2018) found that with mobile phones, women in villages in Central Java, Indonesia are acting as co-creators of knowledge in negotiating their lives as diabetics. Interestingly, Messinger et al. (2017) ¹ found that although there is low utilization, there is high acceptability of mobile-health services among low-income women in Bangladesh. Women are also using mobile phones to track their periods before planning a pregnancy in the United States (Fleming et al., 2014). Sekabira and Qaim (2017) conclude that women’s access to mobile phones would not only improve gender equality but also household living standards and nutrition in rural areas through the transmission of information.

A few studies point out that apart from commercial and other benefits by merely connecting to others via the mobile phone, women are to some extent emancipated. Fortunati and Taipale (2012) found that for the majority of women the act of using a mobile phone, even if they do not possess one, is empowering. Tenhunen (2014) finds that the mobile phone is enabling young married girls in rural areas to maintain their kinship ties even after marriage. Foley et al. (2007) say that using the mobile phone even as a leisure activity can give a sense of self-confidence and autonomy to women especially in the public sphere which remains restricted for women because of the male gaze. Ling (2007) notes that women are also using the mobile phone as a safety device. Cumiskey and Brewster (2012) find that the mobile phone becomes a psychological shield of protection in strange and unfamiliar public spaces. It was found that even when a woman is not using a phone, just holding it to her ear makes her feel comfortable and safe in the outside world by appearing to be connected to someone at the other end of the line. Referring to public spaces, Cumiskey and Brewster (2012) also say that mobile phones can generate a sense of self-assurance, comfort and protection though at the same time, they point out that it can also make women too dependent on a mere instrument to feel safe. After studying the role of the mobile phone in fighting gender violence, Tafnout and Timjerdine (2009) aver that with the mobile phone, victims of domestic violence rely on the phone to get help from the extended community including legal centres rather than from family members who most often call for patience rather than render help.

In the case of India, Potnis (2015) points out that it is not likely for ordinary women to own an expensive mobile phone owing to their lack of money as well as decision-making power and even permission to own or keep one, all attributes of their gender role and lowly status in the family. Comparing the use of a mobile phone by men and by women, Sylvester (2016) in an FAO report said that gender is indeed a potent factor in determining who uses a mobile phone. Sylvester elaborates that men use a mobile phone for livelihood reasons while women use it more for organizing their lives and maintaining relationships. Balasubramanian et al. (2010) reason that as a mobile phone works on low-cost technology, it can be easily used in the transition from powerlessness to empowerment among rural women.

Some negative repercussions have also been noted regarding mobile phone use by women. Use of a mobile phone by women sometimes becomes a source of conflict in homes as society is not open to social networking by women outside their family circles (Antonio & Tuffley, 2014). Raising concerns over relationships, Comfort and Dada (2009) and Munyua (2009) also say that mobile phone use is leading to tension among closely bonded people in villages, in homes and community. Barboni et al. (2018) write that women’s phone usage can stir questions about girls’ ‘purity’ prior to marriage; even after marriage, mobile phone use by women might be seen as a source of interference in and distraction from her housework and caregiving function. On the whole, it appears from a review of the literature that although mobile phone use by women has been found to be useful and acceptable in various parts of the world by women themselves, it can at the same time be frowned upon in conservative societies and become a source of conflict in families. Very few investigations into the nature of mobile phone use by women have been conducted in India, especially among illiterate women in rural areas and this study hopes to fill this gap.

Aim and Objectives of the Study

The aim of the study was to explore the issue of mobile phone use by illiterate women in rural areas by asking questions such as: For what purpose is the mobile phone used, how much money is spent on its use, what is the type of connection does the phone provide, what are the features of the mobile phone in use and which are the features most used and whether the internet is accessed. Other than quantifying mobile phone use among women, the study tried to situate the relevance of the mobile phone in the lives of largely illiterate rural women and to collect their views on these matters.

Research Methodology

A village with a very low female literacy rate was selected as ideal for the study. According to India Census 2011, Raike Khurd village had the lowest female literacy rate at 40.35 per cent in the Bathinda division of the Bathinda district (Directorate of Census Operations, Punjab, 2011) in Punjab. The village was located nearly 30 km away from Bathinda city. The population of the village was around 1,200. The literacy rate of the village was 49.17 per cent and the female literacy rate was 40.35 per cent. The majority (65%) of the respondents were from households with a monthly family income of up to ₹10,000. Nearly 15 per cent of the respondents belonged to households having an income above ₹30,000, most of these households had land or its members were in business or held government jobs.

A survey was conducted among a total of 160 illiterate women, who were selected giving representation to different age groups and family income levels. Interviews with at least 10 per cent of the women surveyed were conducted, the participants being willing and interested in the study. A questionnaire, most of which had close-ended questions, was used to conduct the survey, while in interviews, open-ended questions were asked to explore the habits and perceptions of women using mobile phones Various aspects of mobile phone use came to light.

Findings

The mobile phone has become a part of rural women’s lives though they do not always control its use, much less acquire ownership. Only 60 per cent of the women used a phone of their own while the rest shared their phone with others. Here, sharing means that the mobile phone was kept at home so that they could remain in contact with people outside the home (including husband and children). Most women sharing a mobile phone are mainly mothers of small school-going children. Older children often taught their mothers how to dial the requisite numbers. New brides who were generally literate owned and operated phones gifted to them.

The majority (95% of the 85% who used mobile phones) of the women used ordinary phones which do not access the Internet and on which videos cannot run. They did not use new mobile phone handsets but second-hand ones or those discarded and passed on to them by the men of the house. The women do not mind this at all as they are grateful to be given a phone that they can use on their own; the look and make of the phone do not matter to them. The men owned smartphones and women used these only when the men were at home and with their permission. Women’s permitted use of basic and inexpensive models of the mobile phone can be attributed to their low cost; smartphones were denied to them for the reason that household work may be neglected. Most of the women used the phone to receive calls from relatives, they did not necessarily make the calls themselves. As one of them said:

My brother and my other relatives call me. I do not have to call. Sometimes it’s just my sister I have to make a call to. My husband and sons also call me. So I do not really need the money [to buy talktime] to make calls.

The women also enjoyed receiving photos and videos on the phone. One woman in her late 40s said that although they could not attend the engagement ceremony in Chandigarh of her brother-in-law’s son, they saw photos of it and of the new daughter-in-law on the phone. She said, ‘We felt very good, [it was] as if we have attended the function’. They pose for photographs which are clicked by their sons, grandsons and granddaughters. A recently married girl said, ‘My brother gifted me this smartphone on my marriage. Before marriage I was using an ordinary phone [a basic model]’. Another young woman who just had a baby said, ‘My husband often goes out for work, so he has bought me this smartphone so that I can do a video call when he is away. I click photographs of our newly-born son and send him photographs’. Clearly, the primary reason for mobile phone use was to connect with others to maintain contact, particularly with close relatives. For illiterate women, the phone is the main channel of communication with family and friends.

The average cost of a phone (basic model), usually second hand, was around ₹1,500. Only a few women, either recently married or whose children, were married outside the village had handsets costing more than ₹3,000. For instance, one of the women whose son and daughter were married and settled outside the village said, ‘My son has bought me this big phone for attending video calls and watching photographs and videos’. Nearly 95 per cent of the village women spent less than ₹50 in a month on the mobile phone and 85 per cent of the women spent less than an hour on the phone, usually in the afternoon after the housework was done, and before men and children returned home from work and school, respectively. The majority did not use the Internet or listen to music on the phone, features were not available on basic models anyway. Those who used the Internet did so using some applications including WhatsApp and Facebook. Photographs and videos were mainly shared through these applications by either middle-aged women with adult children or, young brides from high-income families. ‘I use Facebook to remain in touch with my brothers and sisters’, informs a young bride while a middle-aged woman said, ‘My sons and daughters send photographs and videos of my grandchildren on WhatsApp’.

The mobile phone has certainly brought a measure of freedom to village women but they do not identify it with freedom per se as they are still very conservative. Girls as well as women, irrespective of age and financial condition of the family, were not found to be totally free to use the mobile phone, let alone think about owning one or feeling entitled to one. As long as girls live at home and remain unmarried, they are not allowed to own or have an individual phone. Even when they start going to college, university or work, very few of them are given a mobile phone. After marriage too, there are restrictions unless the family is affluent. A mobile phone may be gifted by brothers of brides or by husbands who wish to keep in touch, especially if they work in distant places. It was, however, noted that unmarried as well as married women were able to use the mobile phone of the male members of the family.

Elders of the village, including women, did not think that mobile phone use by girls should be freely allowed; they are allowed to use the phone at home but not for interminable conversations. Barboni et al. (2018) also mention that women all over India especially in Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra are encouraged to use a mobile phone only inside their homes ‘to avoid community suspicion’. Elders of the village were of the view that use of a mobile phone by girls outside their homes is not good and that if they did so they earned a bad reputation in the village. Not only the members of the community but also people in general whether in rural or urban areas consider mobile phone use by girls problematic. Vishwanath (2018) notes in her study on rape cases in Uttar Pradesh that policemen or investigating officers too felt that giving mobile phones to girls is the root cause of love affairs and subsequent elopements. Allendorf (2013) also attributes the rise in love marriages to the increase in technological change including use of the mobile phone in Indian villages. Elderly women interviewed thought that unmarried girls should not possess or use mobile phones and that when there is a need to talk, they should do it at home and not in the streets. ‘Our girls do not use phones at all. What is the need, they go directly by bus in a group to college and come back by the same bus, our sons accompany girls from the bus-stand to our homes, so where is the need for a mobile phone?’ asked one of the elderly women of the village. Women of the village do use and own mobile phones but norms for mobile phone use are set by the village community. And whoever goes beyond these norms, is considered a ‘bad’ girl or woman.

Talking about restrictions on mobile phone use by women, a young girl who had just got married in the village said:

We women have to keep in mind the time and place of using the mobile phone. We cannot use it outside homes like men do and even if it is very urgent, we make calls lasting just a few seconds. Rather we carry our mobile phones only when we are going outside the village, inside the village, we don’t carry our phones.

Another respondent shared the following: ‘Not only outside, even inside homes, we have to be careful. We cannot use it [the phone] in front of our elders and husbands, we do not use phone at all after they return from work and especially in the evenings’. However, most women, especially young women, agreed that the mobile phone is useful. Young girls, in fact, said that they should be allowed to use smartphones as they are using these phones for their own good as well as for the welfare of their families. A respondent who attended sewing classes said:

Many young girls are using the mobile phone in useful ways. We see designer suits on the internet and try to make copies for ourselves. Then there are girls who learn how to apply mehndi from the internet. So it [the mobile phone] is a good thing if used in the right way.

Another woman who sewed at home said, ‘Sometimes I copy designs from the internet these are liked by my clients a lot. They are ready to pay more for these designs’. One of the respondents, a widow in her late 50s, was of the opinion that the mobile phone is a good invention.

Many women said that they were using a smartphone in many useful ways. A married woman in her early 30s said:

I normally use a ‘feature phone’ [basic model] which is kept at home for everybody’s use. But when my husband is home, I watch videos of different recipes on the internet with my children and sister-in-law [on his smartphone]. I like getting to know about cooking and I try out some recipes too. Even my mother-in-law liked the dishes I made.

The mobile phone has reached almost every woman in the village. Asked what kind of information they would like to access on the mobile phone, a woman from a farming family said:

I want information related to animal-rearing on the phone as we have buffaloes at home who often become ill. We don’t get to know how to provide relief to them. Most of the households have one or another animal at home, so information related to animals would be helpful for us.

Another woman added, ‘Not only information on animal diseases, I think information regarding the upkeep of animals would help us and perhaps tips too on how to increase the yield of milk’.

The women were also interested in information on education and jobs. ‘Our young girls and boys are studying but they do not get enough information about jobs, if information regarding jobs can be provided, it will help them’. Another woman, mother of two young boys, said,

My husband got a bada (big) phone (smartphone) for my sons on my insistence, as my sons had to go to the city to fill online forms for jobs again and again. Now, they fill forms on the phone but still sometimes find it difficult as there are too many technicalities in filling the same. We will be happy if information on how to fill forms is given on the phone.

Discussion

The present study conducted among illiterate rural women found that the majority were familiar with and used a mobile phone, although they may not necessarily own it. This is a good sign as it seems that the three barriers of gender, place of residence (urban/rural) and illiteracy, which have always hindered development, are blurring to some extent. This widespread accessibility of the mobile phone can be attributed to its affordability and its simple technology requiring only basic skills to operate it. Making and receiving calls was the most used function of the mobile phone among women as it requires minimum skills on the part of the user. Comfort and Dada (2009), corroborating this finding, discovered that women users of the mobile phone in Nigeria hardly used the SMS feature due to low literacy and there was a cultural preference for verbal communication. Here, in the village studied too, especially among middle-aged and elderly illiterate women, the culture of oral communication is prevalent and preferred. The oral dominates the written. But with the increasing level of literacy among the young and the gadget’s affordability, more use is being made of the message sending feature. School and college going girls seem to be learning how to use other features of the mobile phone as well. Continual use of one feature could lead to the use of other features of the phone. Muller (2009) in a study conducted in rural Africa found that women had perforce learnt how to send SMSes as they did not have the money to buy airtime.

Internet availability on the mobile phone calls for both more money and more skills (literacy); hence, it was found that the majority of the women were not using the Internet even when it was available, thus excluding them from the flow of information. As has also been observed by Roux and Dalvit (2014), the high cost of mobile data forces women to restrict their use to making calls and messaging rather than using other social networking applications like WhatsApp or Facebook. Antonio and Tuffley (2014) too observed that women in developing countries across all age groups lag behind men in use of the Internet, one of the reasons for it could also be that the content on new technologies is male-centric, which further demotivates women.

The primary purpose for which women used the mobile phone was to maintain contact with family, both immediate and extended, a finding substantiated in earlier studies. As Macueve et al. (2009) noted, family links and support networks get strengthened regardless of distance with regular mobile phone use by women. In a similar vein, pointing to its lesser cost, Comfort and Dada (2009) concluded that the mobile phone has emerged as a cheaper way of maintaining contacts with distant relatives than travelling to meet them. Comfort and Dada also found in their study set in Nigeria that women use the mobile phone primarily for communication needs but not for information needs. However, most women in the present study were aware that the Internet can be used as an information tool, but were unable to use it owing to the expense and their own limited skills. They were aware that the phone can be used to supply information which could be beneficial to their livelihoods and households which they otherwise might obtain only by overhearing their husbands’ conversations. Mittal (2016) finds that nearly 70 per cent of women farmers studied in India said that agro-advisories on mobile phones have increased their knowledge about farming practices which included modern and best farming practices. Balasubramanian et al. (2010) observe that listening to talks on mobile phones on animal management practices, discussing these talks with other women and recording or sharing their experiences have strengthened the process of the domestication of technology which includes appropriation, objectification, incorporation and conversion of technology. Antonio and Tuffley (2014) remarked that the Internet can reduce physical barriers to education for women particularly with the rise in the massive open online courses.

One of the normative theories of recent origin, democratic-participant theory of media can be applied in the context of mobile phone use by women in rural areas as this is the technological medium which has reached every villager, and every villager can be made part of the development process by not only giving information but involving the villagers in creating programmes of information and their dissemination.

Conclusion and Recommendations

The mobile phone represents a technology which can be harnessed for rural development. This small hand-held device has the potential to be used in the development process as it has reached almost every woman in rural areas. The accessibility of the mobile phone to women, who generally take care of the household and are responsible for the health and education of family members, can be used to further the cause of development.

The mobile phone can be used to fulfil the information needs of women; at present it is being used just for social–integrative needs. To provide the desired information, a community radio service should be started in villages which can be heard on ‘feature-phones’; this service could be started by a nearby college or university. The aim of the radio should be to focus on the specific needs of the villagers. Radio can work on phones even when there is no electricity and broadcasts can be understood even by an illiterate person. Community listening can be promoted to further enhance discussion among listeners.

Various kinds of information can be provided to women to help them run their households efficiently since women who are not agricultural labourers are for the most part confined to their homes. They should also be given information regarding job and business opportunities as many of the girls/women in villages are being educated now. Programmes on education, health and job opportunities should be regularly run on the radio. Experts in these fields should be invited to give talks, and phone-in programmes should be popularized so that villagers can call and ask questions. Programmes on animal-rearing should also be made available as every home in the village keeps at least one animal and women are eager for information on rearing animals, as they are the ones who take care of them. Programmes on how to start and manage small businesses can also help women. For instance, most women in the village knew how to sew, but were not getting an opportunity to earn a decent income from their efforts as most people in the village stitch their own clothes. Women could be helped to get orders for stitching from nearby towns and they could also be given information on markets. Much can be done for them in terms of information on skill training, production and marketing through mobile phones.

Villagers should be involved in making programmes; they should be made an integral part of the Community Radio not only as listeners but also as makers of programmes. This would make the development process a participatory one in a real sense. At the same time, more studies need to be conducted to understand the norms of local societies governing the use of mobile phones by women as these norms might interfere with the developmental role of the mobile phone.