Abstract
India and Myanmar have a long and substantive history of social, cultural, economic and political ties. The relationship has gone from close ties at the time of independence to estrangement after the 1990s. It was in the 1990s that saw a new turn in India–Myanmar relations when new ways were sought to improve their relations. This book has particular significance in order to understand the increasing interdependence between India and Myanmar for various reasons. Rajiv Bhatia’s treatise is an authoritative account that aims to understand the changing dynamics of India–Myanmar relations from the colonial era to the present times.
The author begins by introducing the changes in Myanmar as an important dimension in understanding its foreign relations. It is this advantage that makes India to review its old links and redefine the parameters of its bilateral relationship.
In order to have an accurate reading on India’s policy towards Myanmar, the author analyses an Indian perspective on Myanmar’s society, nation and state. Myanmar society to a large extent reflects sociocultural influences and connections with India’s ancient past. To Bhatia, one of the striking features of this connection is exhibited by the role of religion, that is, the spread of Buddhism in Myanmar, which remains the largest religion and has significant influence in Myanmar’s politics. With a large number of ethnic groups, ethnic politics remains a contentious issue alongside numerous economic problems. This was intensified by the unitary government established by the Tamatdaw in the 1960s. The author contends that, under such conditions, there was little scope for other political forces such as political parties, civil society and media in Myanmar politics. Hence, people’s choice had not been articulated during the military regime. It was only when the military traded its uniform that led to significant transition in Myanmar politics. Slowly and steadily, the reform process began under the leadership of President Thein Sein’s government in 2011. This changing political scenario inside Myanmar brought new dimensions in its external relations. Most importantly, Myanmar accorded a new impetus and interest in its foreign policy, which subsequently brought India closer to Myanmar.
In order to comprehend future directions, the author befittingly highlights the historical connections between India and Myanmar. India’s influence is displayed in the cultural and trade relations. Besides, there are histories of dynastic connections through wars and battles. After three long-drawn out wars, Burma finally fell under the British rule in 1886. India and Burma were connected by a colonial
administration that saw the transfer of many Indians to Burma in order to help their colonial masters. Indians in Burma had a prominent influence in almost all walks of Burmese society. During this time, many Indian nationalist leaders visited Burma and left important imprints in their struggle against British rule. In the meantime, Burmese nationalism began by demonstrating xenophobia against the British and Indians as well. After many years under the British India, Burma was separated in 1937. During these years, the Indians in Burma remained a point of contention that continued after the succeeding years as well.
After independence, the two countries opted for a democratic form of government and began to have close relations, as mutual understanding existed both at the leadership and at the institutional level. Both India and Myanmar were partners in Non-Alignment, anti-imperialism and Asian solidarity. However, the military takeover of Burma in 1962 led the two countries to take divergent paths. Many Indian communities in Burma were hit hard by Ne Win’s nationalist and socialist economic policies. The undemocratic regime, coupled with its policy of isolationism, affected the close relations that India and Burma had enjoyed for many decades. Most importantly, from 1988 till the early 1990s, India–Myanmar relations worsened due to military junta’s illegitimate consolidation of power (1990 election) and human rights violations. However, the author argues that there was a ‘wind of change’ in India–Myanmar relations that led India to follow a pragmatic approach in the 1990s. Since then, new developments have taken place in India–Myanmar relations as testified by the increasing high-level exchange visits between the two leaderships. These visits were of significance for the relationship as major initiatives were taken, resulting in the expansion of the ties in diverse sectors.
Bhatia discusses the strategic importance of Myanmar for India in years to come with much larger goals in mind. He argues that one of the key determinants in India–Myanmar relation is the Northeast factor. Based on this enriching work, it appears that empowering the border region is critical in India–Myanmar relations thereby making them stakeholders in India’s Act East Policy. Based on the author’s analysis, the questions that can be asked is: Is the North-Eastern Region (NER) ready as a springboard for launching India’s Act East Policy? Hence, activating the borderlands becomes a factor in India–Myanmar relations. Additionally, India and Myanmar have been on the same page at bilateral, subregional, regional and multilateral levels. At the bilateral level, their relationship is substantiated by the increasing political, defence, economic, developmental, energy and Human Resource Development cooperation.
In the section on India–Myanmar–China triangle, the author examines the triangular relationship and its significance for India–Myanmar relations. Faced with increasing international isolation and pressure following the suppression of the democratic movement in 1990, the military junta in Yangon moved to establish closer ties with the communist regime in Beijing, which found itself in a similar predicament following the Tiananmen massacre. Since then, there has been close military cooperation and exchanges between Beijing and Yangon. Therefore, an important reason for India engaging Myanmar can be seen against the backdrop of China’s rise and growing Chinese influence in Myanmar. Both India and China
have been witnessing competition in Myanmar since Myanmar’s oil and gas reserves are of critical interest to India and China’s future energy requirements. Thus, it can be said that a resource rich Myanmar occupying an important geostrategic position is important for both India and China. As a result, Myanmar will remain an important factor for both China and India in promoting their own interests.
Despite the existing cooperation between India and Myanmar for several years, much more needs to be carried out to sustain and boost their relationship. India has shown some purposes in thought but failed to materialise due to deficit delivery in implementation of various projects on the ground. Currently, an India–Myanmar relation is increasingly important for dealing the Rohingya issue as it affects the security of the region. Strong partnership on this issue can redefine their relations in the years ahead. One has to wait and watch as to how far the two countries push the Rohingya problem without jeopardising their relationship.
On the whole, the book has brought to light the difficulties in understanding India’s complex relations with Myanmar and vice versa. Out of this fundamental perception lies the hope that drawing lessons from past mistakes, the two countries will strive to strengthen the positive relations built in recent times and transform friendly relations into a more effective and expanding partnership.
Finally, Bhatia’s work more than any other provides a systematic view and discussion on the changing dynamics which is necessary to understand the essentials of India–Myanmar relations. This book is essential to scholars and policymakers in pointing the way towards further research and providing the fundamental basis for more effectively understanding of the momentous changes taking place in India–Myanmar relations.