Abstract
This attractive publication presents in condensed form the main results of an interdisciplinary study of the well preserved grave of a Chinese noblewoman dating to the early eighth century. The book under review draws on the detailed research report of about 400 pages: Susanne Greiff, Romina Schiavone, Zhang Jianlin, Hou Gailing and Yang Jungchang (eds), The Tomb of Li Chui: Interdisciplinary Studies into a Tang Period Finds Assemblage [Monographien des Römisch-Germanischen Zentralmuseums Mainz (Romano-Germanic Central Museum Mainz, monograph series)] 117, Mainz, 2014. Both volumes—the book under review and the detailed report—were published a year earlier in German and now in English, making the investigations available to a wider audience. The collection edited by Filip and Hilgner consists of 20 papers that present different aspects of the subject—from discovery and excavation (carried out in 2001) through conservation (completed 2009) and analysis of context and interpretation (finished in 2012).
The grave chamber had collapsed in ancient times, and it is therefore probable that no later grave ‘looting’ or manipulation took place. Nevertheless, several objects and parts of the body were dislocated through water, thus disturbing their original deposition. A relatively short inscription, written in colour on a ceramic tablet, facilitates the identification of the buried person, Li Chui. She was born in 711 and died in 736, and belonged to a high-ranking family (the first Tang emperor Gaozu was among her ancestors four generations before). Li Chui was married to an unknown man ‘from the north’ and had a child. The epitaph offers little further information, apparently following a common scheme. To present Li Chui’s life as a ‘dramatic–romantic love story’ seems to be an inappropriate interpretation by the authors.
Li Chui was buried in a cemetery just east of the city walls of Chang’an (today’s Xi’an) during the heyday of the Tang dynasty, whose capital was located there. The city had about a million inhabitants and covered an area of more than 80 km². The graves of its emperors were located many kilometres north of the city and the river Wei He; they (none opened archaeologically so far) were surrounded by graves of high-ranking officials. The famous Terracotta army made a thousand years earlier and belonging to the grave of Emperor Qin Shi Huangdi († 210 BC) are to be found in the same area.
In archaeological terms, six ‘ranks’—that correspond to size—can be identified among the graves, the length of which ranges from 10 metres to 100 metres. The equipment of the grave monument and the grave goods vary accordingly. The graves possess an inclining corridor and a chamber, as in the case of Li Chui, whose grave belonged to the fifth ‘rank’. Often couples were buried together, and in most cases, the wife was buried in the same grave as her husband. But Li Chui had her own grave, perhaps a temporary one. Apparently, the Tang period burials had two main aims: the representation of social prestige through the graves and an expression of piety for the deceased person.
The book under review presents the grave goods of Li Chui according to the material they were made of. Viewed in a functional perspective, the grave furnishings can be ordered as follows:
Most of the precious objects comprise items of dress and jewellery—several jade objects in the hands, at the belt and around the skull; pins, gold foils with cloisonné and floral decorations belonging to the hairdos (an ‘extravagant, high-rising coiffure’—the ‘Phoenix crown’) and a skirt embroidered with pearls, objects suspended from the belt of jade and gold, in addition to several small items. Apparently no textiles have been documented which limits the accuracy of any reconstruction. Three precious mirrors should be mentioned too.
Vessels represent the second main category of grave objects—several bowls, some plates and other vessels were made of silver (three) and others of copper alloy (nine), whose functions remain unclear; ceramic vessels are rare, but perhaps two vases were used as refuge for the Buddhist soul; some lacquer boxes used as containers for certain requisites earn specific attention.
About 37 figurines were found in the grave—ten human figurines and many more of domestic animals (six pigs, seven rams, a cow, a horse, four dogs, eight hens and cocks), all made simply out of ceramic material, representing the ‘everyday life’ of the deceased wife. About 50 bronze coins were found in small packages, about which no further information is supplied. Chin straps interestingly observed in China as well as in Geometric Greece since the eighth century BC tied the lower jaw to the skull.
Li Chui’s grave and the findings recorded in the publication under review are relevant not only for archaeological research into early Chinese history but can also trigger a comparison with European examples. In general, graves and their furnishing apparently reflect social circumstances, but they are not ‘mirrors of life’. In fact, they are what remains of cultural practices during burial. There are few, if at all any, traces of religious beliefs in graves—though religion probably played a central role during the performance of burial rites and ceremonies. The common assumption that grave furnishings represent a thought for the afterlife is apparently misleading in several cultural contexts. The mourning relatives arranged the grave according to their profane ideas and those of their social environment.
According to written sources of Tang period China, prestigious objects suspended from the belt were a marker of rank among both women and men. In early medieval Europe, suspended objects are associated with women’s dress only, while men possessed belts in different form and quality. Similar to Europe during antiquity, laws against grave luxury were issued in China during the eighth and ninth centuries. The grave furnishings show that these attempts did not succeed either in China or in the Mediterranean. Relatives of the deceased were more interested in demonstrating their social position within their respective societies. ‘Grave looting’ or more neutral grave re-opening were widespread in both regions during the periods in question; this indicates probably more than criminal intention, rather a cultural practice related to the social memory of ancestors. In view of its comparative perspective, ‘world archaeology’ can contribute to a better understanding of similarities and differences of cultural behaviour in time and space. The above publication contributes to placing the discussion in such a framework.