The Overland Route Between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul During the Ottoman Era: Evidence from Arabic Travelogues

Abstract

Drawing on Arabic travelogues, this study traces the overland routes that were used by travellers between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul during the Ottoman era. The study also identifies the key towns and villages located along these routes and delves into how Arab voyagers documented these towns and villages’ names as close as possible to their original Ottoman names. Moreover, the means of transportation that were used were also identified. The study draws a comprehensive table with the names of the places that the Arab voyagers documented either on their way to Istanbul or on the way back home. By drawing on Arabic travelogues, the study makes a significant contribution to historical geography during the Ottoman Empire.

Introduction

There seems to be a good historical record to trace the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām (the Levant) and Istanbul during the Ottoman era. This record arguably pertains to three key resources. These resources can be outlined as books of way stations (Manāzil) on the pilgrim, registers of Ottoman Sürra and other documents outlining the expenses of the Hajj caravans, and finally Arabic travelogues.

Books of way stations (Manāzil) on the pilgrim are mostly written in Ottoman and are typically intended to guide pilgrims on how to perform the Hajj. They contain detailed information about the way stations that pilgrims would pass through in their voyage from Istanbul (or Edirne) across Bilād Al-S̲hām until they arrive in Mecca and Medina. Some of these books are printed while many others are still unedited manuscripts. In her study, Esra Doğan identified around 30 works¹ while Talal al-Sha’ban relied on four works in his study addressing way stations on the pilgrim.² Registers of Ottoman Sürra and other archival documents of Hajj caravans’ expenses also constitute another key resource for tracing the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul. These are estimated to be around 4,170 registers³ and are argued to be a rich source of information on the overland route⁴ until 1864 when the Ottoman Hajj caravans started to travel by sea to Beirut and from there by land to the Hijaz.⁵ Finally, Arabic travelogues, on which the current study draws, are of substantial importance to track the geographical history of the region during the Ottoman rule. Despite their importance, surprisingly, limited research drawing on Arabic travelogues has been done so far. It is noteworthy, for instance, that a good deal of these travelogues is still unpublished (i.e., archived manuscript).

Books of Manāzil and registers of the Ottoman Sürra are related to the route taken by the Ottoman Hajj caravans. Ottomans were keen to arrange Hajj caravans in all aspects given the religious symbolism of Hajj as well as its political connotation as these caravans were sent by the Ottoman Sultan and were accompanied by a message to the Sharif of Mecca. These caravans used to follow specific a route and had strict security measures as they used to carry the Surre-i Hümâyûn (i.e., bags of money, grains, gifts, and other various needs sent by the Ottoman sultans to Mecca and Medina). The present study, however, examines the overland route used by Arab travellers, who voyaged individually (not as a part of Hajj caravans), and thus had the freedom to choose their routes and change them sometimes according to such factors as weather conditions.

Among the few studies that have partially addressed the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul is the study of Ekram Kamil, published in the Turkish language in 1937.⁶ The study addresses the two travelogues of Al-Ghazzī and Al-Nahrawālī and discusses their description of the road between Damascus and Istanbul as well as their description of the capital, Istanbul during the sixteenth century. Al-Ghazzī travelled to Istanbul in 1529 and wrote a book describing his voyage,⁷ while Al-Nahrawālī travelled about 30 years later, that is, in 1558 but his original Arabic travelogue is still unpublished.⁸ While there exist earlier works⁹ and recent studies¹⁰ addressing travel routes in the Ottoman Empire, there seems to be some bias towards Hajj caravans with very little being devoted to how Arab voyagers described the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul and key how they documented the towns and villages located along these routes. Although Suraiya Faroqhi devoted a chapter in her book discussing the routes of the Hajj caravans, she addressed this topic in general and only from an organizational and administrative perspective, focusing on the Levantine and Egyptian Hajj caravans, with no mention of the route from Istanbul to Damascus.¹¹ Apart from that, the author is not aware of other studies delving into the long overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul as described by Arab voyagers. The present study, therefore, identifies the key towns and villages located along these routes and delves into how Arab voyagers documented these towns and villages’ names as close as possible to their original Ottoman names. Moreover, the study identifies the means of transportation that were used during these voyages.

Travel to Istanbul During the Ottoman Era

Travels between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul were never interrupted throughout Islamic history. Delegations exchanged between the Islamic and Byzantine states used the overland route back and forth to carry messages or conduct agreements and/or peace treatments.¹² During the Ottoman control of Anatolia and the establishment of their state during the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries, the region was visited by two Arab voyagers who appear to have travelled for personal purposes, and both were able to visit Constantinople (Istanbul) while still under the Byzantine rule. The first is the most renewed Arab voyager Muḥammad bin ‘Abd Allāh al-Luwātī known as Ibn Baṭūṭah (d. 1377). Having travelled across Asia Minor in 1333 and documented important testimonies about Turkish provinces, Ibn Baṭūṭah is perhaps the first Arab voyager who provided first-hand information on and observations of the Ottoman Empire while it was in its infancy before it turned into a powerful empire. However, he did not follow a successive itinerary but rather mentioned cities that were far from each other and did not document places systematically.¹³ Ibn Baṭūṭah came to Istanbul from Crimea in 1334 accompanying one of the wives of Sultan Muḥammad Öz Beg Khan, whose name is Bayalun, the daughter of the Byzantine King Andronikos III, whom Ibn Baṭūṭah called as Takfur.¹⁴

Around half a century after Ibn Baṭūṭah’s voyage, an Andalusian traveller called al-Ḥājj ʻAbd Allāh ibn al-Ṣabbāḥ visited parts of Bilād Al-S̲hām, Asia Minor and Istanbul while it was under the Byzantine rule. After performing Hajj after the mid-fourteenth century, he visited Jerusalem and stayed there for four years. He then visited Damascus and from there he travelled to other Ottoman-ruled provinces and eventually stayed in the Ottoman city of Bursa for four years. Ibn al-Ṣabbāḥ’s voyage included a short visit to Constantinople (Istanbul), which was still under the Byzantine rule, and there he stayed for 15 days. While in Istanbul, Ibn al-Ṣabbāḥ reported having entered the Church of Hagia Sophia disguised as a Levantine Assyrian.¹⁵ From his voyage, we understand that he came to the Byzantine Empire through Diyarbakir, and he visited several parts of the region including Mardin and Amida. Ibn al-Ṣabbāḥ’s visit to Istanbul had taken place around 70 years before the city fell under the Ottoman rule in 1453.

After the fall of Istanbul under the Ottoman rule in 1453, and when Arab provinces came under Ottoman domination since 1516, Istanbul became an important destination for voyagers from Arab provinces who visited it for various purposes.¹⁶ Since then, a good deal of travelogues by Arab and Muslim travellers were written providing accurate documentation of the overland routes they used and detailed descriptions of the places they passed through as well as their impressions about these places. al-Maṭāli ʿal-Badrīyah of al-Ghazzī is perhaps the first of these travelogues.

Although travelling by sea was cheaper and less time-consuming compared to the overland routes which would take about a month in the average estimate, travellers appear to have generally preferred to take the overland road. In fact, most travellers to Istanbul took the overland road and it was the typical route of the Ottoman Hajj caravans. Travelling by sea was avoided apparently because of the inherent fear of drowning.¹⁷ Arab travellers used to reach Istanbul either by land or by sea as follows:

Most Arab travellers appear to have preferred travelling to Istanbul by land both in going to and returning from Istanbul. These include Al-Ghazzī in 1529, Sokaiker in 1568, Muḥibb al-Dīn al-Ḥamawī in 1574, al-Muḥibbī in 1642, al-Ṭālawī in 1662, al-Khiyārī in 1669, and al-Kurdi in 1757.

Some travelled by land but returned home by sea through Egypt such as Al-Nahrawālī in 1558 and Al-Bakrī al-Ṣiddīqī in 1735.

Some reached Istanbul by sea but returned home by land such as Kibrīt al-Madanī in 1630, al-Miknāsī in 1786, and az-Zayyānī in 1793 (in his second voyage).

Some travelled by sea on the way to and back from Istanbul such Al-Tamkarouti in 1589, az-Zayyānī in his first voyage in 1786, Al-Ṭanṭawi in 1840, Al-llaḥafi Al-baghdadi in 1879, and al-Sanūsī in 1882. These travelogues are excluded in the present study as they provide no relevant insights into the overland route, the focus of the current study.

A small portion of travellers used mixed means of transportation in their voyages. For instance, Abd al-Qadir al-Makdisi travelled in 1841 from Nablus and reported travelling by sea from Jaffa to Beirut then to Cyprus, and from Cyprus, he reached a harbour (which he does not identify) in present-day southern Turkey. Then he continued his voyage by land until he arrived in Istanbul.

While the number of overland voyages outweighs those undertaken by sea can be indicative of Arab voyagers’ preference of the overland route, some travellers explicitly expressed Thalassophobia. Al-Tamkarouti, for example, described his suffering in his voyage from Tripoli (in present-day Libya) towards Istanbul in winter mid-November 1589.¹⁸ His experience, is however, incomparable to what is reported by Ḥāfiẓ al-Dīn al-Qudsī. The latter boarded a ship from Alexandria towards Istanbul during the winter at the beginning of January 1605 and had a horrible experience that he described the sea as the blue enemy.¹⁹ While the voyage by sea from Alexandria to Istanbul would take, under normal conditions, around 12 days, Ḥāfiẓ al-Dīn al-Qudsī spent 53 days at sea. Kibrīt, who travelled by sea around 25 years after Ḥāfiẓ al-Dīn al-Qudsī (mid-November 1629) has similar experience whereby his voyage took around 66 days, of which he spent 36 days residing on the island of Rhodes.²⁰

Arab Voyagers’ Methods in Documenting Names of Places Along the Overland Route

Arab travellers’ styles in documenting the names and narrating descriptions of the places located along the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul vary. While some provided detailed information others preferred brevity. For instance, al-Khiyārī not only documented the names of the towns, hamlets, and villages he passed through, but he also provided accurate and detailed information about these places. In fact, almost half of his voyage was dedicated to the descriptions of these places. On the opposite, Kibrīt al-Madanī provides brief information on the overland route and dedicates a handful of pages to describe this route and the places he passed through on his way back from Istanbul.

Travelogues of Arab travellers mention a total of 89 places between Bekras-the departing point for voyagers coming from Aleppo or Antakya-and Üsküdar-the last way station before crossing the Bosphorus to Istanbul- (see Table 1). This, however, does not mean that the town, hamlets, and villages along the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul are geographically consecutive (at the same route). In fact, less than half of these are consecutive while the others are located sideways and were generally taken as shortcuts or to avoid clay and mud in wintertime. For instance, al-Khiyārī’s list included 40 places while that of al-Makdisi documented only 10 places.

It is noteworthy, however, that some voyagers ignored mentioning the names of the places they passed through and placed more emphasis on the purposes of their travelogues. This may be regarded as a notable change in the traditions of Arabic travelogues whereby documenting geographical places and providing detailed descriptions about them are at the core of these travelogues. For instance, Muḥibb al-Dīn al-Ḥamawī (d. 1608) mentions only one village called Burhan (probably the present-day village of Aq Burhan) through which he passed after leaving Aleppo.²¹ Although his travelogues did not include a description of the overland route, it contained first-hand information concerning some key events that took place in Istanbul where he lived for one and a half year. These events include the great fire in Istanbul on the 5 August 1574, the death of Shuyūkh al-Islām Ebussuud Efendi on the 22 August 1574, the death of Sultan Selim II on the 12 December 1574, and subsequently the Sultan Murad III’s accession to the throne. Another example is the travelogues of Al-Ṭanṭawi who came to Istanbul from Damascus for scholarship and lived there for four years. He too documented the details of his voyage but did not mention the town and villages he passed through on the way to Istanbul.²²

The travelogues of al-Miknāsī and Az-Zayyānī authored in later eighteenth century are problematic in that they share a similarity in their description of the overland route which leaves little doubt to assume that one of them quoted the other. al-Miknāsī was sent to Istanbul on a diplomatic mission in 1785. He delivered a letter from the sultan of Morocco Muḥammad ben ʿAbdallāh to the Ottoman Sultan Abdul Ḥamid I, informing that the Turkish envoy Ismail Efendi was persona non grata. al-Miknāsī stayed in Istanbul for around 10 months and left it in May 1787 with the Hajj caravan. He documented the towns, hamlets, and villages along the route in the distances among these in hours. Around one month after al-Miknāsī’s departure to Istanbul, the sultan of Morocco decided to send the Ottoman envoy back to Istanbul and entrusted this mission to the historian Az-Zayyānī who, after accomplishing his mission and staying around three months in Istanbul, went back home. Eight years later, specifically in 1793, Az-Zayyānī visited Istanbul to accompany the Hajj caravans heading to Hijaz through Bilād Al-S̲hām.

Despite the hostility that they bear for each other and to which Az-Zayyānī alludes in his travelogues, some of al-Miknāsī and Az-Zayyānī’s discerptions of the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul are almost identical. It seems, however, that Az-Zayyānī quoted al-Miknāsī and did the same mistakes al-Miknāsī did. Yet, as shown in Table 1, he overlooked mentioning four places.

Some travellers, who travelled by land and returned home by land too, were keen to describe only the route of their travel to Istanbul but not the route of their return. For instance, al-Muḥibbī only mentions having left Istanbul to Aleppo and provides no further details about the overland route.²³ Likewise, Sokaiker’s only available travelogue manuscript does not contain details about the route he used on his way back home. Some travellers (e.g., such as Ṭaha al-Kurdi) used poetry to document the names of towns, hamlets, and villages located in the overland route. This method, however, is problematic since it restricts authors from providing detailed descriptions of the overland route, geographical places, and the hardships encountered.

In addition to the available Arabic travelogues on which the current study draws, there seem to be some other travelogues that were either lost or still undiscovered/inaccessible manuscripts. Among those who travelled to Istanbul, but their travelogues are still unknown are the following:

Darwīsh Muḥammad bin Aḥmad al-Ṭālawī: He visited Istanbul along with the Ḳāḍī ’l-ḳuḍāt (chief judge) of Damascus in 1516 where he engaged in teaching for a while.²⁴ Al-Muḥibbī reports a poem describing Istanbul written by al-Ṭālawī.²⁵ Except for this poem, his travelogue, if ever exists, is still unknown.

al-Ḥasan bin Muḥammad al-Wazzan, known as Leo Africanus (d. 1549) and the author of Descrittione dell’Africa.²⁶ He travelled to Istanbul in order to see it and document his impressions about it. Krachkovsky claims that al-Wazzan’s voyage was for political purposes during the expansion of ties between Morocco and the Ottoman Empire.²⁷ Al-Wazzan also states in three places in his Descrittione dell’Africa that he travelled to Constantinople (Istanbul),²⁸ and promises to narrate his observations about it in a book that he devoted to his travels in Asia.²⁹ However, this work, if ever existed, has not been found.

Aḥmad bin Muḥammad al-Ḥasakfi, known as Ibn al-Mulla (d. 1595), a historian from Damascus who travelled to Istanbul in 1551. His travelogue entitled ‘Alrawda Alwardiya fi alrihla Rūmīyya’ is among the missing Arabic travelogues.

Shams al-Dīn Muḥammad bin Muḥammad bin Yusuf bin Aḥmad al-Ḥamawī al-Dimashqi al-Midani al-Shafi’i (d. 1624) is argued to have authored a travelogue entitled ‘Al’aqd almanzom fi rihlat al-rum’.³⁰

Shihab al-Dīn Aḥmad bin Muḥammad bin Omar al-Khafaji al-Masri (d. 1658) seem to have visited Istanbul and authored a travelogue since he is quoted by al-Muḥibbī³¹ and al-Khiyārī.³²

Najm al-Dīn Muḥammad bin Muḥammad bin Muḥammad Al-Ghazzī (d. 1651), the son of Bader al-Dīn al-Ghazzī. Al-Muḥibbī claims the Al-Ghazzī the son, like his father, travelled to Istanbul and described the overland route. He also quotes him in his book.³³

The Overland Route Between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul During the Ottoman Era

Arab voyagers travelling from Bilād Al-S̲hām to Istanbul using the overland route either headed from Damascus to Aleppo and from there towards Bakras below the Belen Pass, or headed directly to Antakya and from there to Bakras and Belen Pass, which is regarded as the crossroad and the meeting point for travellers coming from Aleppo, Antakya and other cities of Bilād Al-S̲hām.³⁴ The former was chosen by Al-Ghazzī, al-Nahrawālī, and Sokaiker³⁵ while the latter was preferred by al-Muḥibbī, al-Khiyārī, al-Bakrī al-Ṣiddīqī, and al-Kurdi.³⁶ The latter route also appears to be the one used by the Ottoman Hajj caravans.

After crossing Bakras fortress and passing through Belen Pass, travellers from Bilād Al-S̲hām would pass through the following places in sequent order: Payas→ Kurtkulağı→ Misis→ Adana→ Çakıt→ Gülek Fortress→ Çiftehan→ Ulukışla→ Ereğli→ Karapınar→ İsmil or Koci→ Konya→ Ladik→ Ilgın→ Akşehir→ Sakla→ Bolvadin→ Bayat→ Hüsrevpaşa→ Seyitgazi→ Eskişehir→ Söğüt→ Vezirhanı→ Yenişehir→ Lefke→ İznik→ Kafir köy→ Hersek→ Dil→ Gebze→ Kartal→ Üsküdar→ Istanbul (see Figure 1). Al-Khiyārī estimated that Ulukışla was the middle of the road between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul,³⁷ while Kibrīt considered Konya to be the midway.³⁸

Figure 1.

Source: The author.

While the majority of travellers passed through the aforementioned way stations, some appear to have avoided some way stations for different reasons such as weather conditions. This explains why some way stations are mentioned by one single traveller. Sokaiker, for instance, was the only to mention a place he calls ‘araq ‘uwh (perhaps the present-day neighbourhood of Körkuyu in Adana) after leaving Kurtkulağı and he identifies its location as being near to Yılankale.³⁹

After passing Adana, travellers used to choose one of two routes towards Gülek fortress; these are Incirli route and kusunlu route; both named after the villages they pass through. The former was preferred in summertime whereas the latter, a mountainous terrain, was preferred in wintertime despite being longer in distance.⁴⁰ Between Karapınar and Konya, travellers would pass by a town called İsmil. However, in wintertime when it was difficult to cross this road because of the floods accumulating in İsmil Pass (İsmil Geçidi),⁴¹ travellers were forced to choose another route which was around 3 hours longer and rugged passing through the villages of Koci and Kuli until they reached Konya. For instance, al-Khiyārī passed through İsmil in his voyage while on his way back he reported high levels of water in İsmil to the point that neither walkers nor animals could pass through, thus he passed the villages of Koci and Kuli.⁴² al-Nahrawālī also did not take the direct route to Istanbul but preferred to pass through a village in the vicinity of Kütahya called Karaüyük where prince Bayezid was at the time.⁴³

As can be noted in Table 1, there seems to be some change in the route used by Arab travellers. Until the middle of the sixteenth century, travellers appear to have passed through a place called Kirān Ḳāpī between Piyas and al-Misis. This place is mentioned only by Al-Ghazzī and Al-Nahrawālī, while all other voyagers after them appear to have passed through Kurtkulağı. Likewise, until the sixteenth century, the road after leaving the village of Çay would proceed to the west towards the town of Karahisar, however, this route seems to have changed after the establishment of Han of Hüsrev Pasha, also known as Yeni Han (i.e., New Han), by the Grand Vizier Hüsrev Pasha (d. 1632) in 1630. Since then, travellers started to pass through this place instead of Karahisar. For instance, Kibrīt passed through this place in the same year when the Han was established, that is, in 1630 and so did others in the following years.⁴⁴ Thus, Karahisar lost its status as a keyway station and travellers started to head northwest towards İznik passing through Bayat, Hüsrev Pasha Hanı, Eskişehir, Söğüt, Vezirhanı. As a result of this change, Kütahya, which was a keyway station used by travellers of the sixteenth century including Al-Nahrawālī and Al-Ghazzī,⁴⁵ was no longer chosen by travellers. Thus, it is clear that the establishment of the caravanserais (Hans) which cater to travellers’ needs of food and safety especially during wintertime has contributed to the modification of some of the paths of the route.⁴⁶ This explains why some places that were not mentioned in the sixteenth century’s travelogues started to be frequently mentioned in the following centuries.

Table 1.

The Way Stations Mentioned in Arabic Travelogues⁴⁷.

al-Maqdisi	az-Zayyani	Al-mknasi	al-Kurdi	Al-Bakrī al-Ṣiddīqī	al-Khiyārī	al-Muḥibbī	Kibrīt	Sokaiker	alNahrawālī	Al-Ghazzī	In modern Turkish	name
	W.COبيلان	W.COبيلان	W.Gبيلان	W.Gبيلان	W.G +W.COبيلان	W.Gبيلان، بقراص	W.COبيلان	W.Gبغراص	W.Gبغراس	W.G +W.COبغراص	Belen (Bakras)	(بيلان (عقبة بغراس Aqabat Baghrās /Baylān
	W.CO الأسكندرية	W.CO سكندرونة			W.G سكندرونه		W.COإسكندرونة	W.Gإسكندرونة			Iskenderun	إسْكَندَرونة ‘Iskandarūnah
								W.Gقلعة المركز	W.Gقلعة مركز	W.G +W.COعقبة المركز	Merkez Ḳalʿesi	عقبة (قلعة) المرآزAqabat al markiz
	W.CO بياض	W.COبياض	W.Gياباس	W.Gباياس	W.G +W.COباياس	W.Gباياس	W.CO ياباس	W.Gباياس		W.COقلعة باياس	Payas	باياس
								W.G				خان التِّيْنَات
									W.G قِرَان قاپي	W.G قراقابي	Ḳirān Ḳāpī	قران قابي
	W.CO قرطغراو	W.CO قرطقراط	W.G قرنقلاق	W.G قرط قلاق	W.G +W.COقرط قلاق	W.Gقوردقلاق	W.CO قرط آلال	W.Gقرط قلاغي			Kurtkulağı	قرط قلاغي/ قوردقلاق
								W.G				آرق أُوا
								W.Gيلان قلعي/ قلعة الحيات	W.Gقلعة الثعابين		Yilan Ḳalʿesi	قَلْعَة الثَّعابينQalʿat al-Thaʿābīn
										W.G		أستك
	W.CO مصيص	W.CO مصيص	W.G مصيص	W.G مسيس	W.G +W.COمصيص	W.Gجسر المصيصة		W.Gمصيصة	W.Gحصن مصيصا	W.G +W.COالمصيصة	Misîs	المَصِّيْصَةMiṣṣīṣah
	W.COآذنة	W.COأدنة	W.Gأدنة	W.Gأدنة	W.G +W.COأدنة	W.Gأدنة	W.COأدنة	W.Gأدنة	W.Gأدنة	W.G +W.COأدنة	Adana	أدنة
	W.CO الشاقط	W.CO الشاقط	W.G شاقظ	W.G الشاقط	W.G +W.COشاقظ/ جافت		W.CO شاقط				Çakit	شاقظ/ جافت
					W.Gخان الشاويش		W.CO جاووش خان				Çavuş hani	خان الشاويش
			W.G إيلة		W.G +W.COأيلة ابن رمضان						Ramazan Oglu Yaylasi	أيلة ابن رمضان (قرب أذنة)
									W.Gقوسونلو/ قوصونلى		Ḳūsūnlū	قوسونلو
										W.G		جبال الوَرْسَخ
								W.G				صارو شيخ
						W.G					BayramPaşa Hani	خان بيرام باشا
								W.Gالكولك قلعة	W.Gعقبة الكولك	W.G +W.COعقبة الكولك	Gülek KalesiGūlek Boġazi	عقبة الكولكʿAqabat al-Kūlak
									W.G		Ḳizil Işiḳ	قِزِل إشق
									W.G		Ṣārū Işiḳ	صارو إشِق
						W.Gخان بيريباشا	W.COخان بيري باشا	W.Gعمارة بيري باشا	W.Gخان بيري باشا	W.Gبير باشا خان	Pĭrĭ Paşa hani	خان بيري باشا
								W.Gآبري آق		W.G +W.COآق كبري		آق كبرى
				W.Gالمخاضاتالأربعون	W.Gأربعون مخاضة			W.Gالمخاضات الأربعون				المخاضات الأربعون
								W.G			kadinhani	قاضن خاني
	W.CO شفر خان	W.COشفت خان	W.Gجفته خان	W.G⁴⁸	W.G +W.COشفه خان	W.Gجفت خان	W.COجفته خان	W.Gﭼـفته خان			Çifte Ḫan	ﭼـفته خان
W.Gالسندقلي	W.CO الصندقلي	W.CO الصندقلي						W.G كاور صندوغي	W.G كاور صندوغي كُوي		Kāvur Ṣindūġī	كاور صندوغي
	W.COوادي قشلة (الر قشلة)	W.CO وادي قشلة (الر قشلة)	W.G أولي قشلة	W.Gأولي قشلة	W.G +W.COأولي قشله (خان محمد باشا)	W.Gخان محمد باشا	W.CO خان محمد باشا		W.Gأولو قشلاق	W.COشجاع الدين	Ulukuşla: Khan Mohammed Paşa	أولي قشلة (خان محمد باشا)Ole Kishla
	W.CO أركلة	W.CO أركلة		W.G أركلة	W.G +W.CO أرقلة	W.Gإركلي	W.CO أركلى	W.Gأركلي	W.Gأركلي	W.G +W.COأركلي	Ereğli	أرْكلي Ereklī
								W.G				جسر الحَيَّات (أو: جِسْر العَلَق)
	W.CO قربناز	W.CO قربنار	W.G قره بنر	W.G قره بنار	W.G +W.CO قره بنار	W.G قره بيكار	W.CO قرابيار	W.G قرا بغار	W.G قارة بوكار، قره بوكار		Karapınar	قرة بنار Ḳāra Būnār
					W.CO						Kuli Köy	كولي
	W.CO اسمل	W.CO إسمل	W.G اسمل	W.G أصمل	W.G اسميل		W.CO أسمل				Ismil	اسميل
					W.CO آوسه جي	W.G الكوجي					Koci	الكوجي
	W.CO ننية	W.CO “قنية”	W.Gقونية	W.Gقونية	W.G +W.COقونيا	W.Gقونية	W.COقونية			W.G +W.COقونية	Konya	قونية
	W.CO اللاذن (؟)	W.CO اللاذق	W.G لادق	W.G اللادق	W.G +W.CO لادك	W.G لادق	W.CO لادك				Ladik	لادق
								W.G			kadin	قاضن
									W.G		Kilye	كلية (قرية)
									W.G		Saruḫān	سرخان Sarkhan
					W.G							ضيعة النصارى
									W.G		Miskir	مسكير Miskir
									W.G		Būzuk	بُوزُق (ضيعة) Būzuq
	W.CO القين	W.CO إلغين	W.G الفن	W.G الغن	W.G +W.CO إلغين	W.G إيلغن	W.CO ايلغين	W.Gإيلغن	W.Gإيلغين		Īlġīn	إيلغين Īlghin
										W.CO		قرية صلاح الدين
	W.CO	W.COأخ شهير	W.G	W.G	W.G +W.CO	W.G	W.CO	W.G	W.G	W.G +W.CO	Aḳ Şehir	آق شَهْر= المدينة البيضاء
						W.G					Ishakli	إسحاقلي
	W.CO سقلي	W.CO سقلي	W.G ثقله		W.G +W.COصقله			W.Gصقله		W.CO نسق لي	Sakla	صقله
								W.G				قِزِل كنيسة
	W.CO بولدم	W.CO بلودم	W.G بلاوضون	W.G بلاوضون	W.G +W.CO بلاودون	W.G بولوداين	W.CO بلاوضون				Bolavadin	بولوادين
		W.CO تاي							W.Gچاي	W.CO الشاي	Çay	چاي
	W.CO بياض كولي	W.CO بياض كوي	W.G بياض	W.G بياض	W.G +W.CO بياضة	W.Gبيات، بياض	W.CO بياض				Bayat	بيات/ بياض
								W.Gقرا حصار	W.G	W.G +W.CO	Ḳara Ḥiṣār	قرّة حصار
								W.G أوغران		W.CO آق وران	Akoren	أوغران
								W.G				پندقوق
								W.G				المغربولي
									W.G		Döǧer	دُوْكَر
								W.Gالأينوي		W.Gابن أوكي	In–Euni (Inonü)	محلة ابن أوكي/ الأينوي
										W.CO		القالاي (أو: الكامالي)
	W.CO خصوم باشي	W.CO خصرم باشا	W.Gخسرف باشا	W.G خان الوزير	W.G +W.COخان خصرف باشا	W.Gخان خسرو باشا	W.COينكي خان(خسرو باشا)				Hüsrevpaşahani(Yenihan)	خان خسرو باشا
									W.G سقا	W.CO السقا	Saḳā	سَقَا
	W.CO سيدي الغازي	W.CO سيدي الغازي	W.Gالسيد غازي	W.Gالسيد غازي	W.G(السيد غازي)W.CO(بطال غازي)	W.Gالسيد غازي	W.CO السلطان السيد غازي				Seyyidgazi	السيد غازي
		W.CO إسك شاهر	W.Gأسكي شهر	W.Gأسكي شهر	W.G +W.COأسكي شهر	W.Gأسكي شهر	W.COأسكي شهر				Eskişehir	أسكي شهر
W.G									W.G		Kūtāhiyah	كُوْتاهية
	W.CO السكوت	W.CO السكوت	W.G سكت		W.G +W.CO السكت		W.CO سقوت				Söğüt	السكت
									W.G		Kalburcu	غربَلْجي
						W.G بوز أويوك			W.G بوز أيوك	W.CO بوزيك	Bozüyük	بوز أُيُوك
W.Gالبازارجك						W.G بازارجك		W.Gبازار ﭼـوق			Pazarcik	بازار ﭼـوق/ بازار جك
	W.CO خان الوزير سنان	W.COخان الوزير سنان	W.Gخان الوزير		W.G +W.COخان الوزير محمد						Vezirhani	خان الوزير (محمد باشا أو سنان باشا)
									W.G		Kucuk Pazar	كوجك بازار
									W.G		Akoyük	آق أُيُوك
										W.G +W.CO		أرمني بازار
								W.G		W.CO	Ak biyik	آق بيق
W.G يني شاهر						W.Gينكي شهر		W.Gينكي شهر		W.G +W.COينكي شهر	Yenişehir	ينكي شَهْر
		W.CO لفك	W.Gلفكه		W.G +W.CO لِفْكَة		W.CO لفقة				Lefke	لِفْكَة
W.G أزنيك		W.CO جنزنك	W.G شزنيك		W.G +W.CO ازنيك	W.G آزنيق	W.COأزنيق	W.Gإزنيك	W.Gإزنيق	W.G +W.COأزنيق	Iznik	أزْنِيْق/ أزنيك
								W.G				أربعون مخاضة
										W.G		اغش تنكز = بحر الشجر
	W.CO قاور كوي	W.CO كاور كو			W.Gضيعة النصارى	W.G كاوركولي	W.CO جاور كوي				Kafir köy	كاوركوي
W.G												قزدرو
										W.Gأزنكميد (أزنكمود)Iznikmid, znikmod	İzmit	إزميد
			W.Gدروند							W.COالدروند	Derbend	الدروند
	W.CO جارسك كولي	W.COخارسك كوي			W.G +W.CO ضيعة الهرسك				W.Gعمارة هِرْسِك زادهʿImāret Hersekzadah		Hersek	هِرْسِك زادهHersekzadah
W.G	W.COسقالة الديل	W.CO سقالة الديل			W.G +W.CO	W.G	W.CO			W.CO	Dil	الديل al -Dīl
W.G كيبزهKîbzah	W.CO قبرهGabrah	W.CO كبزةKibzah			W.G +W.CO قيبزةGabizah	W.G كليويزهKalūbzah	W.CO قبيزةGabizah		W.G كيوبزهKayūbzah	W.Gكثكثيبزه kathkathebzahW.CO كيكثبزه kekathebzah	Gekbūze,Gebze	گبزةGabzah
					W.G بنديك	W.Gالبندك					Pendik	بندك
W.G قرطل	W.CO قرطل	W.CO قرطل	W.G قرضلي		W.G +W.COقرطلي					W.CO القرطل	Kartal	قرطل
					W.G⁴⁹							جاور كوي
W.G	W.COالأسكدار	W.COأسكدار	W.G أسكي دارنا	W.Gأسكدار	W.G +W.COأسكدار	W.Gأسكدار	W.CO		W.Gأسكودر	W.G +W.COأسكودار	Üskūdar	أُسْكُدَار
10	30	34	28	22	40	31	29	36	34	35	89	المجمــــوع

1 W.G = The way going.

W. CO = In the way coming.

2 He mentioned the two hans but did not call them as Çiftehan.

3 Al-Khiyārī mentions it after Kartal; he might have either mistaken or it was another village with the same name.

The Names of the Ottoman Places as Reported by Arab Voyagers

The Arab travellers who used the overland route during the Ottoman era documented the names of the places as they heard them from their companions, especially those who have knowledge of the road such as guides and those responsible for renting animals (known as al-Mukareen) and escorting convoys (known as Katirjiya = Turkish Katırcılar). Therefore, their documentation of some names differed according to the pronunciation they heard. To illustrate, the town Karapınar located between Ereğli and Konya was documented in various forms including Ḳara Būkār (قره بوكار),⁵⁰ Kara Bughar (قرا بغار),⁵¹ Kara Byar (قرابيار),⁵² Kara Bekar (قره بيكار),⁵³ and Kara Binar (قره بنار).⁵⁴ al-Miknāsī attempts to explain the meaning of the name and mistakenly attributes it to the wool socks for which Karapınar was famous.⁵⁵ While the right meaning of Karapınar is, as reported by Kibrīt and Al-Bakrī al-Ṣiddīqī, the black spring (Kara = black) (Pınar = spring).⁵⁶ Gebze was also documented in various forms including Kayūbzeh (كيوبزة),⁵⁷ Gibzah (قيبزة),⁵⁸ and Kibzah (كبزة).⁵⁹

Some travellers have also pointed out to the old names for some places as mentioned in the Arab resources. For instance, when talking about Ereğli, Al-Ghazzī mentions that the town is known as Hirakla (هرَقْلَة),⁶⁰ a name that is frequently mentioned in early Arab historical and geographic resources.⁶¹ Al-Ghazzī also calls Ulukışla the village of Shujāʿ al-Dīn (قرية شجاع الدين).⁶² This is perhaps the old name of this town before a large Han resembling a Kışla (military barrack) was established. The new name appears to have become common since then, for instance, 30 years after Al-Ghazzī’s voyage, Al-Nahrawālī passed by the town in 1558 and mentioned its new name as Ulukışla.⁶³

Some Arab voyagers during the Ottoman era paid attention to the names of the places they passed through by explaining their meanings. The followings are some of these places:

Yenişehir: New town.⁶⁴

Akşehir: White town.⁶⁵

Yeni Han: The new Han.⁶⁶

Akbıyık: White moustache.⁶⁷

Kafir köy: The village of Christians⁶⁸ or the village of infidels.⁶⁹

Eskişehir: The old city.⁷⁰

Karapınar: Black spring.⁷¹

Kafir dağı: Infidels’ mountain.⁷²

Kara kapı: Black door.⁷³

Akköprü: White bridge.⁷⁴

Kurtkulağı: Wolf’s ear.⁷⁵

Yılankale: Snake castle.⁷⁶

Küçük Şam: Little Damascus, a name used to refer to Ereğli.⁷⁷

Ulukışla: Erroneously interpreted by al-Khiyārī as the great winter.⁷⁸ The correct meaning is, however, the great [military] barrack.⁷⁹

Among all Arab voyagers, it appears that al-Miknāsī paid special attention to the documentation of the Turkish names as accurately as possible. For instance, when mentioning Küçük Şam (كتك شام), he notes that the letter T (ت) is pronounced somehow as Sh (ش).⁸⁰ al-Miknāsī also pays attention to the origins of some places’ names such as Seyitgazi.⁸¹

Means of Transportation Used by Arab Voyagers

According to Arab voyagers, the key mean of travel between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul was by horses that were saddled to be comfortable during travel.⁸² Mules were also used as they were suitable for riding and carrying luggage, tents, water and food.⁸³ The horses and mules may either be the property of the travellers,⁸⁴ or rented from Bilād Al-S̲hām; especially, travellers coming from Hijaz used to reach Bilād Al-S̲hām on camels, from there used to rent horses and mules for the rest of their travels.⁸⁵ Those in charge of the mules and animals were their owners who make their living from renting them and accompanying travellers and were known as Mukareen or Katirjiya (from the Turkish Katırcılar).⁸⁶ While Arab voyagers travelling to Istanbul used horses and mules, some noted that Turks had no camels and mules and that they had only horses and workhorses (Baratheen = none-Arabian horses).⁸⁷ Camels in particular were not used as means of transpiration in the Anatolian provinces perhaps due to the rugged nature of roads in that terrains. For instance, after his arrival in Aleppo on the way back from Istanbul, al-Ghazzī sold some of his horses and mules to get camels.⁸⁸

It also seems that travellers’ choice of which animals to ride was based on the nature of the road. For instance, horses were preferred when travellers passed through rugged roads since passing these roads on camels was viewed as risky.⁸⁹

When encountered rivers and lakes, travellers used to cross these through the bridges that were built on them, or by passing through the water if it was shallow either walking or riding on their animals. Sometimes they avoided these places when crossing the water was not possible.⁹⁰ Arab voyagers also point out to the bridges that were constructed over rivers, lakes, and low terrains where floods could accumulate in wintertime such as the bridge over Ceyhan River which was constructed in 1662.⁹¹

When travellers approached Istanbul, they were intercepted by the marine headland branching from the Sea of Marmara, known as the Dil. Therefore, travellers were forced to cross the Dil from Hersek to Gebze using small boats that were dedicated for this purpose.⁹² Interestingly, Arab voyagers were reluctant to cross the sea for fear of drowning. For instance, in his away to Istanbul, Al-Ghazzī avoided the Dil fearing the sea and chose the much longer overland route through İzmit.⁹³ Sokaiker also expressed his fear of crossing the sea for such a short distance mentioning to have prayed to God and read parts of the Holy Quran.⁹⁴ The fear of the sea seems to have forced travellers to choose the overland route which took three days, while the distance took one hour by sea.⁹⁵ While travellers who were reluctant to cross the sea between Hersek and Gebze could reach out using the overland road, when approaching Istanbul, however, there was no alternative but to cross the Bosphorus from Üsküdar by boats. Al-Khiyārī who had to cross the Bosphorus several times expressed fear from the sea. He also expressed relief when he crossed the Dil for the last time heading towards Bilād Al-S̲hām.⁹⁶

Conclusion

The Arabic travelogues appear to be a truly rich source of geographical and historical information about the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul. Despite the emergence of new way stations due to weather conditions or the establishment of Hans (or caravansaries), this route seems to have remained unchanged during the Ottoman era. The study also identified the key towns and villages located along the overland route and shows who Arab voyagers documented these towns and villages’ names as close as possible to their original Ottoman names. The study also shows that while Arab travellers preferred camels, horses and mules were generally used, perhaps because riding camels was seen as risky in some rugged parts of the Anatolian provinces.

The study shows that places located on the overland route developed and prospered as a result of the travels between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul and the inherently associated commercial activities (e.g., selling goods to travellers and providing various services such as accommodation). These places transformed from small villages to towns and cities and travellers were viewed as an economic opportunity for locals. In addition, unlike Arabic travelogues in Hijaz and other Arab provinces, the sourcing for water was not mentioned as a problem for Arab voyagers travelling Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul. Interestingly, however, Arab travellers were unfamiliar with the sea and crossing water sides as frequently associated with fear of drowning.

Overall, the present study draws on Arabic travelogues to capture a portrait of the overland route between Bilād Al-S̲hām and Istanbul during the Ottoman era. The study also identifies the towns, hamlets, and villages that were located along the route and delves into how Arab voyagers documented these places as accurately as possible. The study also sheds light on the means of transportation that were used in these travels. By drawing on Arabic travelogues, the study makes a significant contribution to historical geography during the Ottoman Empire.

Footnotes

Acknowledgements

The author would love to thank Dr Hussein Ali (Ağrı İbrahim Çeçen University) and Dr Esra Doğan (Eskişehir Osmangazi University) for their valuable help in reaching out to some of the manuscripts cited in this article.

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Notes

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