Abstract
This study seeks to examine the living conditions, working conditions, and health seeking behaviour for malaria among Kondho community after one is infected with malaria. The residential surroundings of those diagnosed with malaria positive cases were extremely conducive for mosquito breeding. For instance, the majority of households threw garbage near their house, went for open defecation, the cowshed was beside their houses, and above all the houses were mostly situated in the jungle or near thick forest. Sub-centre followed by the community health centres was the first point of contact in most cases but medical care was sought only after routine life was affected. While malaria treatment plans are changing towards administering more powerful drugs as a result of chloroquine resistance but not as much has been done in the ground to prevent malaria at the first place. Therefore, together with continuing curative care for malaria—more emphasis is needed on its prevention. Community, civil society and the government need to work in tandem to improve the living and working conditions of backward communities particularly those living in malaria endemic zone so as to be able to take effective preventive measures for malaria.
Introduction
Malaria is one of the foremost public health problems in India. It is an age-old vector-borne disease with considerable risk to mortality and adverse economic implications to the household and the nation as a whole (Dhingra et al., 2010; Kumar et al., 2007). According to the recent world malaria report, India accounts for about 70 per cent of total malaria cases in the South-East Asia region (WHO, 2015). Malaria is popularly called as a local and focal disease mostly clustered in low- and middle-income settings. Almost all the developed countries have successfully eradicated malaria indicating it to be the disease of the poor population. Malaria is an indication of a poor socio-economic and environmental condition highly prevalent among backward communities such as among the aboriginal population (Sharma et al., 2006, 2015; Yadav et al., 2007).
The vast majority of the North-eastern states, Eastern and Central Indian states, particularly the tribal dominant regions are considered as high malaria transmission zones (Narain, 2008). A whopping 80 per cent of malaria cases and deaths are reported from these states, of which Odisha is infamous for the major share of malaria cases and fatality (Patil & Kumar, 2011). The state of Odisha is aggrieved by a very high incidence of malaria, predominantly among the tribal populations for the last several decades. As per the National Vector Borne Disease Control Programme (NVBDCP) data, Odisha contributed 36 per cent of total malaria cases, 47 per cent of falciparum cases and 16 per cent of death due to malaria recorded in the country in 2014. A total of nearly 4 lakhs malaria cases were recorded in Odisha alone in the same period. Therefore, it is ironic to note that Odisha with a population share of 4 per cent of the country is laden with a massive 36 per cent of malaria burden reflecting the state of public health conditions in the state.
The epidemiological outcome of malaria varies in different ecotypes (Kar et al., 2014). Therefore, the situation of malaria is rather complex due to varied socio-economic and environmental conditions India is endowed with. Favourable environment and climatic factors poses a serious threat for malaria elimination challenges despite modest gains in the recent times. Though Malaria has been associated with environmental conditions, rarely has it been understood about the linkages of social determinants of health with malaria causation from a public health point of view. Further, not much has been explored to understand the social determinants of those cases clinically confirmed from hospital-based records as a follow-up study. Therefore, it is useful to understand the social determinants particularly the living and the working conditions of the tribal populations who are highly exposed to the risk of malaria for an evidence driven public health intervention strategy. This study was undertaken to understand whether the living conditions such as the environment and household surroundings and the working conditions of the indigenous person who is infected with malaria possibly contribute to malaria transmission in a malaria endemic zone. Further, we explored the health seeking behaviour of those clinically tested malaria positive cases and the response of the health services system.
Materials and Methods
The study used multi-stage sampling method to select the primary sampling units. At the first stage, one block was randomly selected out of 12 blocks in the district of Kandhamal, Odisha. The selected block was then divided into five different clusters based on geographic proximity of the Gram Panchayats (GPs). Each of the cluster comprised of 4–5 GPs. Further, the central cluster was randomly selected from among five clusters. Two GPs from central cluster were purposively selected based on access to pakka road in the GP, literacy rate and percentage share of total tribal populations. Four hamlets each were randomly selected from a total of 10 and 11 hamlets respectively from the better of GP and not so better of GP based on the aforementioned categories. Kandhamal lies in high altitude zone with inter-spreading inaccessible terrain of hill and likewise, the condition of not so better off GP selected in the study was not connected by a pakka road and there was limited means of communication.
After the selection of the hamlets, all the health facilities providing fever related treatment such as Community Health Centre, Sub-Centre, Multipurpose Worker, Anganwai Centre, private diagnostic centres and quacks were identified. The majority of the populations sought treatment for fever case in these facilities. The identification of the facilities was based on informal discussions with the village gatekeepers. Malaria positive cases were identified based on blood sample examination from the medical records of the selected facilities. Malaria positive cases reported two months preceding the study, that is, from 1 February to 31 March 2009 from the selected hamlets were screened. Two months’ reference period was taken in order to understand the most recent cases as well as to minimise recall bias of the respondent. A total of 53 malaria positive cases were identified from the selected 8 hamlets. Data collection was carried out from 10 April 2009 to 15 May 2009. Fourty two cases out of 53 were interviewed. Of the 11 cases not interviewed, four households were locked, four households reported more than one case of malaria and in three households only minor individuals (aged less than 18) were present at the time of interview owing to a response rate of 79 per cent. The study respondents comprised of persons diagnosed with malaria aged 18 or above but in case of a minor patient, an elderly member who often took care of the patient during the time of illness was interviewed.
The tools used for data collection was pretested in the nearby GP. The tools used in the study included: interview schedule administered to the patients (N = 42) including a few open-ended questions in it, semi-structured interviews with the health providers including the doctors, ANM (Auxiliary Nurse Midwifery), MPW (Multipurpose Health Worker), private practitioners and the quacks (N = 9) and five case studies of the households (one from a diseased household, two case studies of households with multiple cases of malaria and two case studies of other households). The interview schedule was translated into local language, that is, Odiya. The findings presented in this study are mainly drawn from the interviews conducted with the patients diagnosed with malaria, health care providers and from the general observations while interacting with the village gatekeepers. Data were processed and analysed using SPSS 13. Frequency distributions of the key variables are presented and a synthesis of observations and interactions with the village gatekeepers, health care providers as well as patients are used to explain the context.
Results
Profile of the Patient and Their Family
Living Conditions
Living Conditions and Working Conditions
Working Conditions
None of the household head had a fulltime employment or an employment in any organised sector. The majority of the household head did shifting cultivation, which meant they kept changing their farming land every two or three years. Often the land they plough are not in their name in the official records yet they have a clear-cut demarcation of ownership of land based on who occupied it first. Turmeric, ginger, red gram, mustard, maze, paddy, etc., are some of the main cultivations in the study area. Most of the households depend on gathering food from the forest. Some of the commercial produce collected from the forest include honey, bamboo, reed, frankincense locally called as jhuna, wood, sal leaf, gooseberry, etc., which is sold in the weekly market often for a very lower value than the actual market value. All the adult male population from the household would leave early in the morning for work and the adult female population would go after they have cooked and fed the young children. The females would carry food for the male members and return back with them in the evening. In the meantime, the children would take out cattle for grazing and the older children would take care of the younger ones. Those who go for a wage work are often paid in kind. The prevalent system is that if one works in the paddy field they would get paddy as their wage. However, cash is paid if one works in the field for a produce that has a market value and is sold in the market. For example, paddy is often cultivated for the purpose of consumption and turmeric is cultivated for commercial purpose. Therefore, when one works in the paddy field, he or she is given paddy as wage while cash in case of working in the turmeric field. Hunting is part of the culture of Kandho tribes but in the study area it was not looked at as a primary livelihood option. Adult men go to the jungle during the night for hunting animal. Of all these occupations, farming was the dominant occupation and often it is difficult to say what is the primary occupation of the Kandho tribes because majority of them are involved in agricultural work, food gathering, daily wage and hunting. However, the majority of the respondents identified themselves as cultivators (Table 2).
Health Seeking Behaviour
Nearly three-fourths (71%) of the respondents reported having sought first line of treatment for fever from the sub-health centre, either from the ANM or the MPW (Table 3). It was found that the majority of the serious fever cases received treatment in the nearby CHC. However, CHC seemed the last resort after all other facilities including the quacks were tried out. There was a common understanding among the tribal populations that injection was more effective than the tablets. In particular, the quacks were responsible for imparting these understandings because they were able to demand more money for an injection than tablets. Sadly, the tribal populations tended to believe that more cost meant better treatment and hence they were willing to pay for injection as compared to the medicine. Further, the respondents perceived freely distributed medicine provided by the ANM or MPW as less effective. Of the 42 malaria positive patients, 30 of them reported that their fever lasted for more than 5 days. It indicates that the tribal populations either do not take fever seriously or delay seeking treatment as a result fever lasts longer. One of the respondents narrated her experience:
“I got fever in the morning but it did not seem serious, so I went to work in the field. After I came back from the work, although I did not feel well, it was too late to go for getting medicine from the ANM centre. The next day, I did not go to work but my husband went to work. I thought I would go and take medicine but I was too weak to be able to manage alone. After my husband came, it was again very late to go and get medicine. However, my husband went to get medicine from the ANM. After he got the medicine I took it and thought I would get well, therefore, I sent my husband to work the following day. To my fate, the fever did not reduce and I started vomiting and had a very severe headache. As usual my husband came back home after his day’s work was over. Upon his arrival he went to the nearby village, where there was a petty grocery shop that used to sell medicine. The shop was closed but my husband requested the shop keeper to give him medicine for fever as I was very serious. He brought two different medicines and I took them. However, my fever did not reduce at all. By then, my husband decided to take me to a doctor at the CHC. My husband and two other cousins of my husband carried me in the morning to the nearby bus stop which is around 7–8 kilometres from here. Somehow, they managed to put me in the bus that was too crowded. The doctor told me that I would have got brain malaria (it refers to malaria pf case) and gave injection to me. He also took blood sample for testing. After taking the second injection, I was feeling better. The doctor also wrote a few tablets to buy from the chemist, which my husband did. I was very weak for a long period of time. It took me almost a month to come back to my previous state of health”.—Excerpt from a case study.
Health Seeking Behaviour
There is a general practice in the locality to go and ask for medicine for fever or any other health concerns in the ANM centre without taking the patient along. The locality is generally inaccessible and often the health centres are situated far away. Hence, it is inconvenient for the patient to walk a long distance when there are no other means of communication. At times there were evidences that the village shop keepers sold medicine. A person with illness would go to the shop keeper and ask medicine for the illness he or she is suffering from, for example, if the patient asks medicine for fever then the shop keeper would sell chloroquine, paracetamol, etc. Those who perceive fever to be serious go to the community health centre to consult a doctor. The majority of the respondents did not have correct knowledge about the mode of malaria transmission. Some of them thought that by drinking water from the spring one can get malaria. Further, less than half of the households did not use mosquito net. In fact, at a few instances, there was only one mosquito net at home and hence some slept under it and some did not. Dichlorodiphenyltrichloroethane (DDT) was generally sprayed at a regular interval but only a quarter of the houses reported spraying of DDT since last six months preceding the survey. Apart from the positive case for which information was gathered, more than 50 per cent of the respondent reported that at least one other member in the household had fever during three months preceding the survey.
Response of Health Services Systems
Malaria control programme was one of the most desirable and timely interventions soon after the independence of India by the government of India. National Malaria Control Programme (NMCP) witnessed periodic changes in strategies under different nomenclature, such as National Malaria Eradication Programme (NMEP), National Anti-Malaria Programme (NAMP) and at present, the NVBDCP. Enhanced malaria control project (EMCP) and intensified malaria control programme (IMCP) were two significant projects greatly influenced strategies in the malaria control programme. These projects were supported by the external funders such as the World Bank and global fund to fight AIDS, TB and malaria (GFATM). Although some progress has been recorded in parts of Odisha, yet malaria continues to pose serious challenges. In several ways, treatment of malaria cases reduced case fatality but the incidence of malaria in Odisha particularly among the tribal populations has not changed much. In spite of the state of Odisha contributing to the maximum number of malaria cases as well as death on account of malaria, the state has made very little progress to control malaria. Malaria, the disease of the poor is proved by the fact that Odisha is the second poorest state in India with nearly 40 per cent of the population belonging to tribal and dalit communities.
It was interesting to observe that the MPW is popularly known as the malaria worker in the villages. He, being a male member was more acceptable in the communities because he could manage to commute with a bicycle or motorcycle in the hilly region where there are no adequate roads. On the other hand, it is considered unusual for a female member to ride a cycle or motor cycle in the area, particularly among the married women. Therefore, female frontline community health workers such as the ANM are not better positioned to reach out especially in the hilly region. Moreover, one of the ANMs raised her concern that almost all of her days in the week are earmarked for one or the other health programme. Amidst packed schedule she has to make home visits and therefore it gets very difficult. Similarly, ANMs with newborn baby find it very difficult to make home visits particularly in the hilly region.
Discussion
We investigated the living conditions and the working conditions of a primitive tribal populations who were clinically tested malaria positive. Additionally, health seeking behaviour of those infected with malaria was explored. The vast majority of the tribal populations who were tested malaria positive lived in an environment close to forest which is conducive for excessive mosquito breeding. Almost all the households lacked basic amenities including appropriate road connectivity, electricity supply, safe drinking water, sanitation facilities, a pakka house, etc. Their living conditions in these kinds of settings are such that it is ‘natural’ to get exposed to mosquito bites that make them susceptible to malaria. The majority of the populations did not have adequate access to health care services. Although many relied on primary level health care, delay in seeking healthcare is a grave concern was the norm at most of the instances. All the fever cases were treated with radical treatment in spite of the lack of evidence to prove the presence of malaria parasite among the patients. It was observed that the health workers at the sub-centre although took blood sample to investigate malaria parasite, it took at least two weeks to know the result of the blood examination. Therefore, blood examination hardly provided any benefits for treating fever case. The introduction of rapid diagnostic kit (RDK) made it possible to know about the presence of malaria parasite instantly but often the health workers at the primary level did not have enough supply of it or used it only for the socio-economically well-off population. On the other hand, there are evidences of chloroquine resistance. As a result, treatment plans have been changed recently to act against malaria parasite. The majority of the malaria positive cases were observed among the young populations, suggesting the young populations to be at higher risk of malaria compared to others (Sharma et al., 2004, 2006).
The first point of contact for treatment was mostly with the primary level health worker, often the MPW. Although a few of the respondents reported that they did not trust the community health worker such as the ANM or the MPW, however, they were hardly left with any option as a result community-level health workers were the first point of contact in the majority of the cases. Studies in the past reveal that often the patients did not trust the community-level health workers and hence sought treatment from quacks or traditional healers and those who had access went in the private hospitals (Das & Ravindran, 2010; Vijayakumar et al., 2009). In a setting such as the current study area, where roads and communication are paralysed, frontline health workers’ role is key. Moreover, male health workers, that is, MPW have been identified as the ones mostly contacted for fever cases.
Although this study sheds insights into understanding how the lack of basic public health provisioning is characterised by the inability to improve malaria conditions in an endemic zone, yet the findings of the study need to be taken in light of a few limitations. The primary aim of the study was not to generalise the findings of the study but to understand and depict the deplorable public health scenario available to the Kondho communities living in the hilly region, devoid of basic mode of communication and the surroundings conducive to malaria. The study considered only those fever cases who availed services from any of the existing health facilities. A household-based survey would have provided a comparative picture to understand the social determinants of those who reported malaria positive cases and those who did not. Nevertheless, hospital-based survey information is not only a rich source of information but also is supported by clinically diagnosed case rather than self-reported morbidity. Although the study is supported by information collected through case studies and in-depth interviews with the health care providers, the study heavily relies on the information gathered from the 42 respondents, that is, rather a small sample size.
Conclusion
Case fatality due to malaria is declining but not the incidence. Due to resistance of chloroquine, more radical drugs are currently prescribed. The policy and programme need to focus on malaria control with a vision for basic public health provisioning of prevention and promotion of health rather than excessive emphasis on treatment. Investment on malaria prevention is subsumed by malaria treatment. Basic public health provisioning of sanitation and hygiene including housing is grossly neglected. The results of the study indicated that the environment in which the tribal populations live are prone to mosquito breeding. Most of the inhabitants live in a house built in mud and beside a cowshed. Together with continuing curative care for malaria—more emphasis is needed on prevention of malaria due to the susceptible surroundings in which the community live. Community, civil society and the government need to work in tandem to improve the living and working conditions of these primitive communities. Community-based model for malaria prevention may be worked out with participation from the population. Measures such as cleaning of the household surroundings, distancing cowshed from the house and other mosquito breeding places needs to be encouraged together with a better healthy habit message. Every individual must be promoted and educated to use insecticide bed net. The study observed that often the tribal populations sought treatment from the health sub-centres. Therefore, it is essential to strengthen primary health care delivery with appropriate diagnostic and treatment facility at the sub-centre level. There is also a greater need to invest on the alternative systems of medicine for malaria treatment.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
Funding
The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
