Framing Disability in the Indian News Media: A Political Economy Analysis of Representation

Disability Representation and Media

Globally, there is a long tradition of looking at disability representation in media, with film and literature being primary loci of study, and news and other mass media receiving relatively less attention. Much of the work done so far has been on Western media, with few published reports from the developing world. The literature on disability representation suggests that stories in newspapers (Keller, Hallahan, McShane, Crowley, & Blandford, 1990; Wehbi, 2012), on television (Campbell & Hoem, 2001; Cumberland & Negrine, 1992; Haller, 2006), and in feature-length films (Norden, 1994) significantly impact public attitudes toward individuals with disabilities.

Media constructions have the potential to influence/shape the perceptions and thereby the attitudes of the audiences towards disability (Haller, 1999; Hunt, 1966; Morris, 2001 ; Shakespeare, 1999). Media representations of disability are important in (at least) two ways: First, in terms of shaping ideas about and attitudes toward people with disabilities, and second, creating/establishing a sense of participation of people with disabilities in the larger social space.

Paul Longmore’s views on the self-definition process of representation are worth recalling: ‘Both activists and theorists consider media coverage and language used by journalists to represent disability issues to be central to this self-definition process (Longmore, 2003)’. This is important at two levels, that is, media coverage and language, both of which are instrumental in presenting an image of disability to the able-bodied and are equally imperative to creating a self -image for persons with disabilities.

Previous work has noted the predominance of such conceptions as prejudiced depiction of disability (Morris, 1991), objectified characterisation, crude and one-dimensional and simplistic in disability representation (Shakespeare, 1994, 1999) while also pointing to the presence of ableist language (Haller, 2010; Linton, 1998) and describing disability representation as mascotsation (Davis, 2013).

Jenny Morris (1991) contends that cultural depictions of disability in media are more often than not about the sentiments of able-bodied individuals and their responses to disability, rather than disability itself.

Morris’ conclusions echo Laura Mulvey’s (1975) concept of the ‘male gaze’, suggesting that disability representation in media similarly occurs via the gaze of non-disabled or able-bodied people. This prejudice inevitably structures the news articles they produce (Shakespeare, 1994). Drawing upon this theoretical premise, this study focuses on the process and dynamics that underpin disability representation in Indian news media, which, like elsewhere in the world, is dominated by able-bodied people (Haller, 2000; Thomas & Smith, 2009).

Shakespeare (1999) points out in his seminal article about the representation of disability that the phenomenon ‘…makes the most important thing’ in film. He further states:

The use of disability as character trait, plot device, or as atmosphere is a lazy short-cut. These representations are not accurate or fair reflections of the actual experience of disabled people. Such stereotypes reinforce negative attitudes towards disabled people, and ignorance about the nature of disability. (p. 168)

According to Shakespeare, disability representations can also be a ‘vehicle’ for media to emphasize the importance of broader social fears or needs, such as the effects of industrialization, the expression of evil or the potential healing power of charity (Shakespeare, 1994). He summarizes that ‘above all, the dominant images [of disabled people] are crude, one-dimensional and simplistic’ (Shakespeare, 1999).

Corner notes that in electronic media, particularly television, representations appear to resemble reality more closely than in any other and audiences, in fact, consume images that stand in place of real things and people (1999).

Fiske (1991) on the other hand, sees ideology as central to encoding reality. In other words, media products are ideologically constructed and presented to the audience as fact, or reality. In this process of ideology turning into reality, the media functions as a mere transmitting tool that disguises the ‘truth’. Thus ideology is implicit in the process of media production as well as its consumption.

Grossberg, Wartella and Whitney (1998) also noted that representation is linked to the concept of ideology, which means that every society ensures the maintenance of its continued existence, its institutions and structures of power, by getting people to accept a particular way of thinking and seeing the world that renders the existing organization of social relations natural and inevitable. To this extent, representation is nothing but defining reality in a certain way, as it is about social power, in the sense that the narratives from the media offer the most probable configurations of meaning produced by powerful ideological institutions. Therefore, they are also sites of social struggle (Grossberg et al., 1998).

Several media scholars have argued that media representations are selective, that is, journalists generally use just a small amount of information from their large collection of data so that what emerges in the media narrative is a very small slice of a larger reality (McQueen, 1998). Representations are mediated—where audiences have a prior awareness of genres and contents, for example, fiction programs and comedy shows (Dyer, 1986), certain readings are forced or pre-ordained. The Western media studies literature abounds with examples that persuasively argue both these points (Cumberland & Negrine, 1992; Goggin & Newell, 2000; Haller, 1999; Keller et al., 1990; Wehbi, 2012). Our literature search revealed no systematic studies of disability representation in Indian news media.

Given media’s pervasiveness in our lives, it is logical to assume that our sense of the world is shaped over time by the stories and images the media bring to us (Gerbner & Gross, 1976). This would include our understanding of specific groups and the attributes assigned to them which are continually reinforced by the news and entertainment media. Much of this work has been around stereotypes of women (Mulvey, 1975) and minorities (Said, 1985) and how media representations work to maintain the status quo for these groups (Dyer, 1988; Hall, 1997).

The present study is informed by the social model of disability, which establishes a conceptual framework for reading disability as a social outcome and pattern of social repression. It emphasizes analysis of the elements that exacerbate the difficulties and affect the capacities of individuals with physical disability as participants in civic and social life. Modes of representation both structure and mediate ideas and possibilities related to disability and those who are identified as persons with disability.

Given media’s enormous presence in India, the level of awareness, commitment and sense of responsibility towards disability issues that media organizations have merits exploration. Both academia and civil society organizations working on disability issues in are yet to strongly critique media’s role in conveying many myths and misconceptions about disability. As Haller noted, [North American] newspaper narratives have a history of ignoring, devaluing or misrepresenting disability issues (Haller, 2010). This might be true of disability representation in the Indian media also. By and large, it may be assumed that media organizations across the world share the propensity for ableist narratives (Davis, 1997), and thus serve to present PWDs as people with little worth (Phillips, 1990).

Economism

Disability is seen as a form of poverty, thus generating an attitude of pity or sympathy directed at the state of impairment. Social construction of disability limits its exploration and explanation as an economic category. Articles under this theme discussed disabled people as an economic category. Disability as an economic category is associated with benefit, welfare, financial aid, grants, budget allocations, salaries (demand for a raise) and other public or private spending on disability.

Several stories discuss what society and the state ‘owe’ this section of citizens in terms of financial benefits and rights. The fact that these benefits, normally due to all those in need, are often denied, becomes the focus of such stories, as is seen in the following extracts:

He (Head of Vikalangula Hakkula Porata Samithi) said he would continue his struggle till the state Government provides 7% reservations for the PWDs in law-making houses and till their pension is increased to ₹1500 per month. (Eenadu, 2012, September 10)

Chief Minister announced that a decision on increase in the pensions for the differently abled would be taken before March next year. Also being mulled over was the proposal to announce pensions for those with less than 40 per cent disability, who have been disqualified from the pension scheme recently by way of special camps. (The Hindu, 2012, December 4)

These stories present the disability groups as a dependent category, one that requires support from the state. In these stories, the media speaks on behalf of the PWDs, supporting their stand with personal narratives and examples. The reporters pose questions and identify gaps in an unsympathetic and difficult system. However, there seems to be an inherent contradiction in the media’s views and coverage; on the one hand, PWDs are presented as a ‘dependent’ group requiring the state’s support while on the other, they are seen as a potential workforce that can be used by the market. The latter category is relatively less common in the Telugu press.

Disability is also presented as an economic category in stories that relate to political agendas or to special schemes and plans targeting this group.

Such announcements appear to promote/support the cause of disability and their economic empowerment. They explain how state welfare schemes could engage PWDs in economically productive activity. Specific mention about the subsidy/support underscores the importance of economic and financial support in the lives of the disabled people. This kind of coverage also points to the state’s efforts to bring the disabled people into the mainstream.

Some of the stories under this theme seek to argue that the government is equally if not more responsible for meeting its obligations to PWDs as it is to all citizen groups. News articles headlined Vikalangula Padonnatiki no (No promotion for disabled) (Eenadu, 2012, 24 January, p. 11) and Vikalanga Udyogulaku padonnatuleppudo? (When are the promotions for the disabled employees?) (Eenadu, 2012c, March 9, p. 5) are examples of this category. These examples reiterate that while PWDs are fit for employment, they are not treated on par with their abled bodied counterparts.

Articles that question the lack of ‘promotions’, or support demands for ‘promotion’ for PWD employees or appeal for the fulfilment of ‘disability quota’ in the Government departments are presented as discrimination in employment (Eenadu, 2012, January 24, p. 11). While disability is a criterion for recruitment into Government services, the same disability becomes a ‘hurdle’ when it comes to promotions (Eenadu, 2012, March 6, p. 3). The rhetoric in these news reports seems to suggest a rights-based view on disabilities, but this fails to evolve into a full blown discourse.

The following extract points to the serious consequences on the lives of PWDs if economic supports is withdrawn by the state.

It is through such articles that media present a position on disability issues and construct social perspectives on disability in relation to systemic oppression (this is elaborated in a subsequent section of this article). While the story relates to an individual case, the implications are for the disability sector as a whole. The second extract suggests that the economic cycle of the PWD is inextricably linked with the life cycle. In Marx’s view, all human relations are connected to economic relations, and social acceptance is also linked to economics (Marx, 1859/2010; Marx, 1887/2010). Such coverage points to how the state exercises a major influence on the everyday economic and social life of the PWDs, having the potential to be both enabling and limiting.

Persistence of the Medical Model

News articles falling under this theme relate to news about scientific and medical developments that could impact PWDs. These stories were not about ‘health’ but reportage specific to disability.

News articles grouped under this category suggest that the PWDs are medical subjects that could be ‘treated’ (Eenadu, 2012b, March 9, p. 14.), that it is a condition that is often induced and therefor can be ‘cured’ (The Hindu, 2012, March 6, p. 6.), ‘corrected’ (Eenadu, 2012, December 23, p. 6. 2012, August 29, p. 3.), ‘rehabilitated’ (The Hindu, 2012, January 3, p. 2.) and ‘reconstructed’ (Eenadu, 2012, December 18, p. 3.). These stories reinforce the idea that disability is a medical category by emphasizing its ‘cure’ via the new medical inventions (fixes) and technological innovations which in the long run would turn the PWDs into a productive community.

Though Health/medical related news stories carry explicit messages, they also implicitly serve vested interests. News details about new products or assistive technologies work to create a demand for these products. At an initial stage, preliminary developments of technology are presented to capture the attention of PWD consumers. In most cases, insufficient detail is provided, thus acting as a ‘teaser’ to stoke the interests of the potential market.

Though these stories may be said to be based on news values, they end up playing the role of business advertisements. These products have ‘life changing’, ‘empowering’, ‘enabling’ characteristics, and promise a bright future for their users. These stories also suggest that with technological advances and medical innovations, a PWD’s life is technologically determined. Additionally, these stories seem to offer a way out of the social exclusion and stigma associated with disability. For instance:

Scientists have taken up research to avoid blindness in old age. They have revealed that they invented a substance that could prevent Macular Degeneration in the elderly… those who are victims of this condition lose their eyesight. (Eenadu, 2012, April 10, p. 14.)

Such news items present scientific developments as life givers rather than need fulfillers in the case of disability. Medical inventions are presented in the news story as if they are instrumental in expanding the life chances and choices of the PWDs to lead a life with social acceptance.

Cognitive disabilities get little or no prominence in the newspapers. Only one story related to this form of disability was found in this sample, and this too presented it as a burden to society and to the individuals in particular (Eenadu, 2012, August 2, p. 5). This is a news article on new findings from medical research presented in the form of an alert to the audience. It discusses the problems arising out of mental illness and as if to underline the seriousness of the issue, the text is presented against a black background.

These examples serve to illustrate the continued prevalence of the medical model of disability in the news media—a view that has in recent times been strongly objected to by disability rights advocates and rehabilitation professionals. This model tends to characterize disability as an individual problem and ignores the presence of disabling social and systemic barriers. It is within such an understanding of disability that medical interventions would maximize the utility value of the disabled (patient).

Statism and Anti-statism

This theme emerged from news stories on disability primarily sourced from the Government and focusing on issues related to PWDs’ ‘empowerment’, or ‘employment opportunities’, mostly in relation to the implementation of the statutory 3 per cent reservation of jobs in the Government sector for the PWDs. These stories included announcements about government ‘incentives’, ‘scholarships’, ‘policies’ for PWDs and analyses of their impact on the lives of PWDs. These articles also allowed us to understand the role of citizens and civil society organizations in advocating PWD rights and building pressure on the state through the media.

Stories in this category by and large simply reported the decisions or actions of the state and avoided a promotional or advocacy tone. News articles studied under this theme were drawn from Government sources and presented the PWD as a dependent category requiring the state’s help.

These news reports reveal two aspects of the issue. One, the very idea that the State should be a benefactor to the PWDs, who then become a receiving community; and two, the Government’s lethargic attitude and inattentiveness in allocating the funds for the PWDs. This results in their potential remaining unused/unrecognised.

A few news items reflected the social commitment of the media towards PWD issues. For instance, they are conscientious about focusing on disability issues on specially marked days, for instance the following extract published on World Human Rights Day.

This presentation highlights not only the need to uphold the human rights for the PWDs but also points the reader’s attention to the anti-state voice which is surfacing in the form of the disability movement.

These kinds of stories point to the ‘legitimized discrimination’ effected through the practices of state and its apparatuses such as public banks. One might argue based on such reportage that the PWDs are forced [by the state] to remain a dependent category. Although the State makes a public commitment to the development of PWDs and appears proactive in its pronouncements, its own rules limit its actions. The media coverage serves to point out these contradictions and gaps between what the state says and what it does.

PWDs resistance was given a greater importance in the media coverage when the state action serves to fix them as a dependent category: for example, ‘An amendment to the Right to Education Bill 2010 to provide education at the door steps of the disabled people‘ (Eenadu, 2012, May 9, p. 5).

Interestingly, the above brief and purely descriptive piece in Eenadu contrasted with a much longer feature in The Hindu that criticized this move by the State: ‘A recent amendment to the Right to Education Act legitimising home-schooling may lead to children with disabilities being “pushed out” of the system’ (The Hindu, 2012, August 19, p. 12).

These stories suggest that while the purpose of the State’s move was seemingly positive, its consequence was to intensify the isolation and marginalization of the PWDs.

Disability-specific news reports from India that have international importance were given greater importance and priority—for instance, an article that outlined the key issues to be raised by India in the move for a resolution at WHO meeting to be held at Geneva (The Hindu, 2012, January 20, p. 5). Such stories advocate for disability rights while also trying to underscore the Government’s commitment to international allies with a similar stand on these issues. However, there are no details on how the Government has actually implemented any policies related to disability rights. Along with the state and its attempts to make the country’s interests visible at the international venues, the country’s newspapers display their [lack of] commitment to these ‘progressive’ issues.

There is a tendency on the part of news media to present issues as resolved; for instance, when the state makes a tentative move in the form of a promise, the attendant media report would present it as a fait accompli. The headline, ‘Panel to look into differently-abled air passengers’ problems’ (The Hindu, 2012, March 23, p. 8) makes it seem as though the problems of PWD air passengers have been resolved with the creation of the panel. This headline was presented in bold letters on the top of the page but the article made it clear that the panel was yet to be constituted and did not even have a time frame for its establishment. The story appeared to be an attempt to appease the anger of PWD air passengers who faced problems. In this way newspapers save the state from the wrath of the group facing discrimination. However, the report of the actual incident that led to the constitution of this panel was just a short piece of less than 100 words positioned along with the local classifieds (The Hindu, 2012, February 20, p. 9). But the consequence (constitution of the panel) was highlighted with a bold headline. It was only after disability rights organizations and individual advocates intervened with press statements that the newspapers stepped up their coverage of the issue.

In terms of representing the issues of people with disabilities in news, the papers tend to focus on ‘exemptions’, ‘concessions’ or ‘reservations’. Giving concessions and exemptions was a dominant frame used in the news stories that fall under this theme.

Stories on demands for the implementation of reservations, providing exemptions and getting concessions underscores the legal relevance of these matters. In disability studies, constitutionality is necessarily associated with the rights model of disability. Though the news contexts in the extract given below is region specific, it has been placed in the national news section, indicating that disability rights have national significance. The media, on its part, aims to highlight the State Government’s failure in fulfilling the constitutional rights of the PWDs.

When it comes to the demands by civil society organization for increased financial support for people with disability, the news construction served to present it as one of seeking the state’s mercy (using words such as ‘request’ or ‘appeal’ as opposed to ‘demand’) rather than demanding it as a right.

This example emphasizes that economics could be a tool for both empowerment and mainstreaming of PWDs. Both these objectives are part of the move to ensure that PWDs register themselves as members of the labour force in the existing capitalist society for their ensured survival.

These news articles are directly related to economic matters but their implied objectives are disability welfare/empowerment. More importantly, such provisions are either granted by laws of land or guaranteed by the constitution of the country. But the way they are presented in the newspapers is to establish the will and authority of the Government as the main ‘benefactor’ in issues related to PWDs rather than as an enabler from a rights perspective. In general, these articles did not mention specific sources of information, presenting the government as a faceless, all-powerful entity.

Political Economy and Disability Representation

In this article, we have analyzed the various narrative strategies that journalists employ in order to construct disability and related issues. The analysis yielded four themes which permeate disability coverage, and serve to represent ideas of disability and persons with disability, thus producing certain specific ways of seeing and understanding these issues. News construction includes ways and means of representing disability news using various news framing devices. Analysis of a sample of 205 news articles from two Indian newspapers published in a calendar year (2012) led to the emergence of an overarching thematic framework—Political Economy ³ (PE, hereafter) of disability representation in the media.

For early economic thinkers like Adam Smith, political economy consisted in asking theoretical and empirical questions to organize economic life and balance markets against state intervention and these ideas were inextricably bound up with questions about the constitution of the ‘good society’ (Wasko, Murdock, & Sousa, 2011). This implies that Smith saw PE as raising questions that could lead to a healthy balance between both market and Government. Karl Marx, on the other hand, sees political economy as an ethical concern, ‘….but argued forcefully that it could only be pursued by abolishing capitalism. Other socialists opted for a more gradualist approach in which the negative impacts of capitalist dynamics would be disciplined by strong public regulation and countered by substantial investment in public services’ (Wasko, et al., 2011). In simple terms, capitalism essentially is understood as a study of the production of commodities; labour is utilized to produce commodities that feed and fuel market demand. PE also focuses on the relations of labour and processes of production with law, social formations and Government.

Marxian political economy focuses on the labour theory of value that sees labour as the genuine source of value. Commodities are the result of expended human labour that consists of both use and exchange values. Function value relates to the usefulness of a commodity in the phase of fulfilling the need and gratification of the consumers. Commodities also possess an exchange-value, the comparative value of a commodity in relation to other commodities. Karl Marx himself noted that all human relations are economic relations. This suggests that economy is linked to every human activity whether it is cultural, social or political. Marxian analysis implies that ability to take part in the social production is a fundamental criterion to get into social relations in the world. Such relationships in totality constitute the structure of society. According to Marx, the superstructure which corresponds or generates legal and political consciousness is decisive in the entirety of productive relationships (Marx, 1859/2010).

For Charlton (1998), in conditions of disability it is easy to build a political economic system. In a general and practical sense, persons with disabilities are powerless and poor. Moreover, their condition is not helped by the very minimal support that is received in the form of legal entitlements or welfare measures from the State. PE is both generally and centrally concerned with class. That the immense majority of people with disabilities are living in poverty (Ambati, 2009), without many of the basic necessities live a full and independent life, is mainly a function of class. PWDs who have sufficient fiscal resources have no problem in securing the most modern wheelchairs and prosthetics; rehabilitation and psychiatric services; and personal assistants, drivers, and readers. This is, more or less, the case throughout the world. However, Charlton (1998) noted that the definition of the political economy of disability needed to be revised and more inputs were required to concretize the aspect.

Media as an institution and a product is inherently political. In case of disability representation, media tend to project disability in relation to conflict or complex events or as an issue within a larger social conflict, and occasionally takes a position that negotiates for and on behalf PWDs. Media’s disability activism would shape up the decisions bearing upon the production, consumption, and transfer of (scarce) resources, irrespective of whether the natural processes are formal or informal, public or private, or a compounding of both. Precisely, political economy in this study is understood as the way media coverage creates a market vis-à-vis opportunities for the abilities of the PWDs and getting the capitalist needs fulfilled through what Marx calls, the reserve army of labor (Marx, 1887/2010). Disability representation through news articles pitches for the need of social acceptance of PWDs by highlighting their abilities/skills or use values and at the same time speaks to the industry requirement for people with acquired skills through different framing techniques. In a fashion, by creating space for the disability issues, media are bringing together both the abilities of the PWDs to the notice of the industry and the needs of the industry to the notice of skilled people (labour) with disabilities.

As far as the goodwill building theme is concerned there were different types of editorial formats within which news related to disability seemed to generate a positive sense about the PWDs among the audience. Through the use of specific language, aimed at generating an inclusive and positive impression, the media aimed to indicate their support to PWDs and also draw in the support of the audience. Language was strategically used as the dominant tool of media presentation in all the stories grouped under this label and the study aimed to shed light on this aspect as well as situate it theoretically in the literature and understand it in the context of political economy.

Presenting disability through the use of ableist terms such as ‘disabled’ or ‘handicapped’ is as an important component of political economy of disability representation. Previous media analyses have indicated that media represent disability often in derogatory terms but many of these representations have become accepted as ‘politically correct’ (Raiser, 2001). Furthermore, language is an integral element of a culture (Bassnett, 1990). Use of disability specific language is as yet a novel idea in Indian media. With the arrival of misrepresentation of disability consciousness among the disability groups, a significant move had been evident in the history of disability language formation internationally: ‘person-first language’—a movement aimed to avoid perceived and subconscious dehumanization of PWDs in everyday conversations was successful in replacing the person first and condition next, as in expressions like ‘person with disabilities’ instead of ‘disabled person’ (Art, 2002).

News under economism emphasized the fact that social assistance, particularly financial help can extricate PWDs from their position of disadvantage. Presenting disability related news stories in such a way confirms PWDs as a category that society has a duty toward, particularly in economic terms. When looking at disability from the Marxian conception of class, the very nature of news treatment situates PWDs as an economic class. These stories speak about the importance of economics in the lives of the PWDs as also the availability or non-availability of mainstreaming facilities (government schemes, for instance) meant for them—these are ways of constituting class. In other words, the media makes it seem through such stories that what PWDs require above all is financial assistance. This serves to underplay the importance of an accessible environment and infrastructure that could enable the PWDs.

However, news articles that pointed to the persistence of medical model serve to speak on behalf of PWDs for their social integration and ‘enhanced life choices/chances’ (Szymanski & Hershenson, 2005) through the adoption of scientific inventions. Assistive technologies allow them to access the world and help them acquire new powers (Rothman, 1987) that are life changing (Tetrick & Quick, 2003). These inventions are instrumental in their coming out of disability (Brealey, 1984). News stories on scientific/medical innovations pacify the anxieties of the able-bodied audience about disability. These stories serve to emphasize the fact that even in the event a disability occurs, one can avoid both stigma and exclusion from productive society.

The major limitation of this study was time period selected. Twelve months might not be an ideal choice for theorizing on disability and media coverage. The way disability images are constructed and shared and understanding aesthetics of these images could be the future direction from this study.