Analysis of Stakeholders’ Perception of the Role of Development Communication: Disturbing Tales from the Niger Delta

Abstract

Extant literature and critical observation indicate that the Niger Delta has grappled with developmental challenges for decades. The underdevelopment has often been referred to as a paradox in relation to the abundant natural resources domiciled in the region. This research is, therefore, initiated to explore the role communication plays in the development of the Niger Delta and most importantly, analyse the way the stakeholders perceive development communication. Leveraging a qualitative, exploratory and phenomenological approach and working with 53 participants drawn from 6 different communities in the Niger Delta, this study utilised focus group discussions and digital ethnography to extract answers to the research questions. Findings reveal a high level of dissonance between the people and the government, attributed to the style and forms of communication, and the apparent lack of participation of the people in developmental plans. The study argues that these result in a negative perception of communication from the government and other developmental agencies while affirming positively the centrality of the participatory model of development communication in the development of the region.

Keywords

Citizen engagement development communication Niger Delta Niger Delta Development Commission participatory communication

Introduction

Across the ages, communication has evolved as a crucial component of human development. The centrality of communication is evident when we consider the need for human empowerment aimed at a clear understanding of issues, discussion of ideas, negotiations and engagement in public debates both at the grassroots and national levels (McCall, 2011). It is this function of communication that separates development communication from other diverse forms of communication. It is also what makes development communication critical in achieving the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs).

The overarching objective of development communication is to position communication and media technology towards the achievement of development. Development communication focuses on the people, and people’s needs determine the developmental strategies to be adopted. According to the UNDP (2006), development communication facilitates an increase in public access to information, empowers communities at the grassroots level to be involved in participatory communication processes and engenders communicative acts grounded in research. An analysis of the innovative Rural Communication System in Mexico in the 1980s buttresses the centrality of communication in the sustainable development of the society. The result of this analysis remains a perfect example of successfully leveraging communication for the participation of people in the planning and execution of developmental programmes as well as stimulating social change and the sharing of knowledge and skills (Servaes, 2007).

Contrary to Shannon and Weavers’ (1949) transmission model of communication, and in the context of development, communication is the exchange of ideas. It refers to an interactive, cyclical process where there is no permanent sender or receiver of information. When defined in this way, communication differs from what Beltran (1974) identifies as a process through which feelings, modes of thinking and behaviour are transmitted from one person to another. This view sees the receiver as passive and the sender as very active. In this model, the ultimate goal of communication is persuasion and feedback. In most cases, this linear model acts merely as a message adjusting tool that enables the communicator to extract the desired response from the audience. However, communication within the concept of development is dialogic and offers a free and proportional opportunity for mutual influence. Beltran (1974), in his humanised democratic interactive model, emphasises how individuals utilise messages or communication for self-development. The model rejects the idea of persuasion as the outcome of communication while stressing unfettered, proportioned chance to apply mutual impact on all parties in a communicative act. This brings to the fore the critical factor in every communication—understanding, which usually is facilitated by feedback.

Development communication posits that in as much as economic and physical development is necessary; there must be an alignment with the development of the human person. Development communication plays two key roles: the transformational and socialisation roles. The transformation role aims at instigating social change with regards to the quality of life and social justice. Socialisation, on the other hand, is concerned with the management of set rules and societal values that encourage development while jettisoning those deemed to be retrogressive. These efforts are aimed at creating an optimal environment for the exchange of ideas, which in turn leads to a balance between the physical output and human interrelationship (Moemeka, 1987).

Contextualising the Role of Development Communication: The Niger Delta Region

This study is conducted within the context of the Niger Delta region of the Federal Republic of Nigeria. As the world’s third-largest wetland in landmass and with a diverse array of flora and fauna and massive oil deposit in commercial quantities, the Niger Delta region occupies a critical position in the socio-economic activities in Nigeria and influences the power play in global energy politics.

The region has a high population density and a rich cultural diversity, which accounts for the rich cultural heritage amongst the people. The area is demographically heterogeneous and is home to about 40 ethnic minorities, speaking over 250 dialects (NDDC, 2001). This heteroglossic and polyglossic nature of the region makes communication between governments, multinational oil companies and donor agencies across the region highly tricky.

Regretfully, the Niger Delta is paradoxically characterised by a high level of social decay, poverty and perennial underdevelopment, violence and ethnic agitations. The deplorable situation in the Niger Delta region today is synchronous with the economic theory referred to as the ‘tragedy of the commons’ (Hardin, 1968). Right from the discovery of crude oil in Oloibiri in 1956, the government has accorded the Niger Delta a special status. It has instituted some developmental programmes aimed at stimulating and facilitating the development of the region. These include the Niger Delta Development Board (NDDB), the Niger Delta River Basin Development Authority (NDRBDA), the Presidential Task Force, the Presidential Implementation Committee, Oil Mineral Producing Area Development Commission (OMPADEC), the Niger Delta Development Commission (NDDC), the Ministry of Niger Delta and, more recently, the Federal Government Amnesty Programme (Jack-Akhigbe, 2013). Surprisingly, these intervention initiatives failed to stimulate development as the region continually ranks very low in virtually all development indices: infant mortality, life expectancy, infrastructure, malnutrition, crime, militancy and youth restiveness. Also, trending is the collapse of social institutions (family, health, education and others), high illiteracy, unemployment and political apathy (Jack-Akhigbe, 2013). These conditions have turned the region into an incubator for criminal acts. The youth have developed a siege mentality that has led to kidnappings, economic sabotage, piracy and many others. The activities of these youth are today seen as a considerable threat to the peace and stability as well as social cohesion of the nation.

The critical question that readily comes to mind is why these intervention programmes failed irrespective of the vast financial and material resources expended towards the region’s development. While extant literature points accusing fingers to corruption (Babalola, 2014), internal governance (Agbor, 2013), negative externalities of the oil industry (Ikelegbe, 2011), marginality in the federal scheme (Ejoor, 2003) and inadequate funding (Akpabio & Akpan, 2010; Ikelegbe, 2011), this article seeks to interrogate the Niger Delta challenges from a development communication standpoint.

Evidence exists (Alike & Okafor, 2018; Daka & Ebiri, 2018; Idowu, 2016; NDDC, 2001) that there is a steady flow of development-related communication between the government agencies, the multinational oil companies operating in the region, the multilateral donor agencies and the people of Niger Delta. However, the fact that the feedback from the people of the Niger Delta, especially the youth, seems to be in the form of bombing, pipeline vandalisation, armed robbery, kidnapping, militancy and ethnic agitation indicates a high level of dissonance in communicative acts between these development agencies and the people of the Niger Delta (Figure 1). This makes this study imperative to identify the reasons for the dissonance and consequently generate insight on how the people perceive communication for development from government and donor agencies in the Niger Delta.

Figure 1.

Source: The authors.

With reference to Schramm’s (1964) cyclical model of communication which incorporates human behaviour in the communication process, the dissonance in communication between the government, donor agencies and Niger Delta citizens indicates a breakdown in communication. It could, therefore, be that the government at all levels, the oil companies and the multilateral donor agencies are not saying what the citizens wish to hear, or that the people of the region do not understand what the government and the development agencies are saying. The assumption, therefore, is that the breakdown in communication is influenced by the form in which the messages are packaged, the media utilised, the frequency and, finally, the underlying intentions. Collectively, these factors, seen as indicators of perception, will influence the way the people of Niger Delta perceive communication for development. Omojunikanbi et al. (2019) affirms that one of the reasons Niger Delta residents are not benefiting from the NDDC’s plans is ineffective communication of developmental programmes. The study discovered that there is poor interpersonal communication between the agency and the citizens of the region. This was attributed to the overt focus on the mass media and social media in disseminating information within the region as against leveraging interpersonal approaches in communicating intervention programmes.

Review of Extant Literature

Extant literature has continually emphasised the increasing role of communication in development. The centrality of development communication in community development was emphasised in Ferreira (2006), who investigated the role of development communication in managing the crisis that arose from the establishment of the Great Limpopo Transfrontier Park, which occupies a land mass of 90,000 square kilometres. This was an ambitious project that merged three different national parks that straddle the lower-middle reaches of River Limpopo. They include the Kruger National Park in South Africa, Limpopo National Park in Mozambique and the Gonarezhou Park in Zimbabwe. The merger of these three national parks was aimed at boosting tourism, promoting unity among the constituent nations, and facilitating and protecting biodiversity. It also fit well with the vision of the New Partnership for Africa’s Development (NEPAD) (Ferreira, 2006). However, one critical factor that was not taken into consideration was the role of local communities, referred to as the social dynamics. The project thus ran the risk of failing if the local communities were not carried along in its planning and execution.

As predicted, the project grappled with a number of fundamental social challenges. Within the area designated for the Mega Park live about 30,000 Mozambicans who were not willing to relocate and make way for the park. In addition to this, the Zimbabwean section of the park is bitterly contested by the people of Chitsa who, in spite of an earlier eviction, had recently invaded the location again and were making substantial claims that the land was traditionally their birth right. Furthermore, the Sengwe people living to the south in an area close to the Kruger Park did not see any benefit in moving from the area proposed for the park. The authorities believed that enforcing the movement might lead to poverty which would escalate the occurrence of poaching. Using a combination of document analysis, review of comparative literature and ethnography, the researcher visited and studied the contested areas. The study concluded that for the local communities to find conservation attractive to the extent that it engenders behaviour change and accept necessary restriction was arguable. However, for projects of this nature to succeed, there must be full or partial recognition of communal rights to resources within those communities. This was facilitated through a participatory approach to communication (Ferreira, 2006).

Elsewhere, Agboeze and Nwankwo (2016) carried out an ethnographic study on hosts’ perception of impacts of community development. According to the study, indigenous communities have been adversely affected by underdevelopment that can be traced to the remoteness of their physical environment and the apparent concentration of resources in the urban areas. These conditions have retarded the innate human and non-human potential of these indigenous people for the enhancement of the socio-economic development of their communities. The study utilised an ethnographic approach focusing on five selected communities in the Southeast region of Nigeria, namely Ndiowu, Nru, Ozzizza, Inyishi and Umudike (Agboeze & Nwankwo, 2016). The results focused more on the negative impacts as perceived by the host communities on some existing community development programme. These were categorised into four broad groups. The first is that some of the developmental plans constitute a degradation of the communities’ heritage resources. Second, some (road construction dualisation) were seen as having the capacity to increase accidents and death. Third, some of the programmes go against the traditional land tenure system, which makes it impossible to secure land large enough for some development projects. Fourth, there is a strong perception that some of the proposed developmental projects will attract tourists and visitors and with such attraction there will be an increase in crime. Finally, the study revealed that developmental plans could facilitate migration into the communities, which can in turn negatively impact on the communities’ ‘carrying capacities’. In conclusion, the study blames this negative perception on poor orientation, lack of participatory mechanism, poor stakeholders’ consultation, inadequate management skills and total disregard for the indigenous value system (Agboeze & Nwankwo, 2016).

In every aspect of rural development, campaigns have played a critical role especially in the field of agriculture. However, there are some campaigns that have made a significant impact on development in other spheres of social life: the family planning campaigns in Honduras, Pakistan, Colombia, Iran and Taiwan; health campaigns in Tanzania; nutrition campaigns in Tunisia, Tanzania, Nicaragua and Philippines; and the breastfeeding campaigns in Trinidad and Tobago (Coldevin, 1990). Most recently, communication campaigns have been utilised by the UNICEF in Global Child Immunization Programmes in diverse locations across the world.

Quite a number of developmental programmes across most Third World countries adopted development communication strategies in achieving significant positive impact in development. Few examples include video Communication and Participatory Planning for Development in Mexico, Management of Indigenous Forest Reserves in Cambodia, Communication for Empowerment in Zambia (Servaes 2007) and The Food and Agriculture Organization Use of Campaigns in Lesotho (Coldevin, 1990).

Research Questions

Extant literature has continually emphasised the increasing role of communication in development. Most existing studies in development communication are founded on the premise that no meaningful development can occur without engaging the people in executing developmental projects right from the conceptual stages to the points of evaluation. Consequently, this study seeks to provide answers to the following critical questions:

To what extent do the style of communication by the government, international oil companies (IOCs) and donor agencies impact the stakeholders’ perception of developmental plans and projects in the Niger Delta?

To what level do the people of the region participate in the planning and formulation of strategies by the government, IOCs and donor agencies for the development of the region?

How do the people of Niger Delta perceive communication as an integral part of development in relation to developmental initiatives by the government, IOCs and donor agencies?

Theoretical Frameworks and Models for Development Communication

The human person is naturally equipped with diverse sense organs that make it possible to acquire information from the physical environment. These organs are the visual, the auditory, the tactile the gustatory and the olfactory. They converge with the brain to form part of an intricate nervous system and contain sensory receptors that transmit information from the environment to appropriate locations within the larger nervous system. Psychologists have grappled with the challenge of understanding and explaining the process through which the information received from the environment forms the basis of the human perceptual experience. As an indicator of the consciousness of an object, perception is the recognition, organisation, understanding and interpretation of and response to sensory information received within the context of the physical environment.

According to Demuth (2013), the study of perception is no different from the study of the world, as the world basically consists of ideas, images and perceptions. The entire epistemological convention instituted by Locke (1967) emphasised the need to answer questions of the sources and the procedures of cognition as it is through these answers that its nature, limits, validity and legitimacy can be achieved. Thus, the validity and trust bestowed on any statement is directly proportional to the trustworthiness of the source. To believe in our knowledge requires a clear understanding of its source, its constitution and how it is being spread. Consequently, the source of information, the form it takes and the way it is amplified significantly affect our perception of such information.

The philosophy of communication considers all the questions and answers one may have about the thoughts and actions of humans when they communicate. Effective communication is inadvertently a significant factor in engaging the people of the Niger Delta region about personal and group culture and their worldviews. To achieve this, every individual must possess the right and power for self-expression. Dialogism, which represents discussion between two persons, is a multilayered process that is continuously evolving. Bakhtin (1981) proposed the theory of ‘heteroglossia’, defined as ‘the co-existence of numerous voices (polyglossia) that intersect and inter-animate one another in a single language’ (Bakhtin, 1981, pp. 291–292). This means that for each socio-ideological standpoint, there is a specific worldview with its meanings, objects and values with the capacity to interact with the ideologies of others. Thus, ‘heteroglossia’ evolves from the dialogical interrelationship between two different worldviews or voices. The expectation is that if the relationship between these worldviews becomes collaborative and complementary, conditioning will become mutual (Bakhtin, 1981). It is this conditioning that breeds harmony between the sender and receiver in communicative acts. This process produces change through the creative elaboration of new and differing meanings (Alakwe & Ogbu, 2018).

Every human expression is interwoven with an objective often mixed up in thoughts, points of view, values and ideas directed at the object of the utterance. This evokes a response that could either be in accord or differ with expectation. Every culture is made up of human beings that possess diverse social characteristics and unique worldviews. However, not every expression is considered. Individual interpretation of voices taken into accommodative interaction can facilitate a better understanding of social relations between diverse cultural groups in a multi-ethnic and pluralistic society like Nigeria (Alakwe & Ogbu, 2018).

Theoretically, this study leveraged a critical review of the transactional model of communication proposed by Barnlund (1970). Of interest here is the emphasis on the context in which communicative act occurs. However, at the core of the foundation of this study is dialogism. It is on this foundation that other views and perspectives of development communication are discussed and interrogated. Furthermore, this study also draws extensively from the theory of Media Ecology proposed by McLuhan (1964) and other eminent scholars, and the participatory paradigm.

From an evolutionary point of view, the participatory model of development communication is the latest and the most efficient in achieving developmental plans right down to the grassroots level. It highlights the importance of cultural identity, participation and, more importantly, the democratisation of the developmental process at the level of international, national and local communities. It further stresses the right of individuals to voice their views and concerns. Proponents of the participatory paradigm claim that the modernisation approach to development is top-down, ethnocentric and paternalistic and that the diffusion model represents a vision of the Western definition of progress and development (Waisbord, 2001). The participatory model, thus, emerged from the observation that developmental interventions failed as a result of weak theoretical foundations of such programmes. Underlying assumptions of the participatory model are that development communication must consider differences in culture and the communication context, two factors that were ignored in the earlier models of development communication.

Communication in this context means the process through which understanding is created and stimulated for development instead of information transmission (Agunga, 1997). Participation involves offering a good reason why people should adopt new practices and ways of life deemed to be beneficial to them. As Freire (1970) posits, communication should encompass ‘free dialogue’ that takes into account cultural identity, mutual trust and individual commitment. People must be encouraged to have a sense of ownership through shared experiences, and education here should go beyond the transmission of information from those that have it to those that do not have it. Freire’s participatory model, in general, proposed a human-centred approach that values the importance of interpersonal channels of communication in decision-making processes at the community level (Freire, 1970).

Methods

This study adopts a qualitative, exploratory and phenomenological approach towards providing answers to the research questions. Phenomenologically, the study leverages group discussion to unearth and understand the everyday experiences of the people of the Niger Delta with respect to how they receive and perceive development communication as a variable in the development of the region. This was achieved through a process of introspection where respondents were asked to describe their feelings, events and actions with respect to development communication from the government and multilateral donor agencies. Phenomenology has its roots in philosophical reflections on perceptions and consciousness (Richardson, 1999). The choice of phenomenology as an approach is based on the understanding that the data sought reside in lived experiences of the people of the Niger Delta region who must be engaged in the process of data collection.

According to Cohen et al. (2000), what is sampled in phenomenological studies are people, and sampling in this context refers merely to choosing informants whose contributions will help address the research questions. Six states, out of the nine Niger Delta states were selected through randomisation. Within each selected state, the researcher, through a purposive sampling method, chose one community with abundant gas and oil reserves for the focus group sessions. Next, participants who were natives and residents of the selected communities were selected through convenience and snowball sampling (Table 1). They comprise of businessmen, students, artisans, workers and others. Community leaders, politicians and representatives of the international oil companies were excluded as they represent the communicator in the context of this study.

Table 1.

The Selected States, Local Governments and Communities for FGDs

States	LGA	Community	Pop.	No. of Participants			Features
States	LGA	Community	Pop.	Male	Female	Total	Features
Abia State	Ukwa West	Obehie	7,374	9	3	12	Obehie is an Igbo speaking community in Abia state sharing boundary with Rivers state. Most of the crude oil deposits in Abia are found in this community.
Akwa Ibom State	Oron	Oron	156,461	6	2	8	Oron is one of the principal communities that make up the Oro nation of Akwa Ibom State. As with all the other communities, Oron has an abundance of crude oil and plays host to Chevron.
Rivers State	Okrika	Okrika	322,344	5	3	8	The Okrika community is host to the Eleme Petrochemical Refinery, one of the major refineries in Nigeria.
Bayelsa State	Yenagoa	Koroama*	12,591	4	4	8	Koroama community plays host to Shell Petroleum Development Corporation (SPDC) and has the largest natural gas reserve in West Africa.
Delta State	Uvwie	Uvwie	223,440	6	2	8	Effurun, in Uvwie, hosts the Petroleum Training Institute, a foremost tertiary institution focused on the petroleum industry.
Ondo State	Ilaje	Igbokoda	2,509	7	2	9	Igbokoda is one of the communities that make up Ilaje Local Government Area of Ondo State. The community is host to Chevron and has huge deposits of crude oil.

Source: The table was designed by the authors. Data on the population of the communities (except Koroama) was sourced from city-facts.com. That of Koroama was sourced from National Population Commission (2021).

Note: *The population for Koroama was sourced from the National Population Commission (2021).

In addition to the use of focus groups, this study adopts digital ethnography to understand the feelings and perceptions of Niger Delta citizens on social media on developmental issues pertaining to the region. Specifically, the study focused on activities on Twitter as a social media platform. Twitter was deemed more appropriate than Facebook and other similar social media platforms because, in terms of access, Twitter is less restrictive and is also more open than Facebook. With Twitter, there is no need for mutual sharing (Al-Hadidi, 2011), which means that anybody can access anybody’s posts as far as there is no specific desire to block such a post. Twitter connects people (whether friends or strangers) to topics of common interest.

Data were gathered through the focus group sessions and mined from Twitter using NCapture which facilitates the mining of data from the Internet and all social media platforms. A total of seven files representing transcripts from the six locations visited, and data mined from Twitter were transcribed and further organised using Nvivo Version 12 and analysed through a deductive approach, leveraging discourse analysis.

Findings and Discussions

Using Nvivo, a qualitative data analysis programme, a total of seven files representing transcripts from the six locations visited, and data mined from Twitter were analysed with results shown in Tables 2–5.

Table 2.

Existing Forms of Communication

Variable	Number of Samples (Files)	Frequency of References	Percentage of References
Existing forms and style of communication
Participatory	3	19	16.81
Top-down	6	44	38.94
Representatives/community leaders	7	50	44.25

Source: The authors.

Table 3.

Frequency of Desired Forms of Communication

Variable	Number of Samples (Files)	Frequency of References	Percentage of References
Desired forms of communication
Dialogic and participatory	7	52	75.36
Use of representatives	3	17	24.64

Source: The authors.

Table 4.

Frequency Count on Relationship with Government and Development Agencies

Variable	Number of Samples (Files)	Frequency of References	Percentage of References
Relationship with the government
Cordial relationship	0	0	0
Negative relationship	2	25	55.36
Agitation as communication	6	31	44.64

Source: The authors.

Table 5.

Frequency Count on Overall Perception

Variable	Number of Samples (Files)	Frequency of References
Positive perception	7	66
Negative perception	7	470

Source: The authors.

Forms and Style of Communication as Perceptual Factors in Development Communication

From a general perspective, the form of communication takes one of two broad approaches. Communication can be vertical, which incorporates local representatives (community leaders and local chiefs), or horizontal, which is also referred to as participatory, dialogic communication. Across the six locations studied, the predominant communication style between the government, the oil companies and the people of Niger Delta is vertical, top-down and unidirectional. This is aptly captured in Table 2 and confirmed by statements from some of the participants. As a participant said, ‘most times, they do what they want and not what we want’.

Further analysis of general comments by participants reveals a high level of frustration linked to this method because, most times, the actual needs of the people are not addressed. Moreover, since this style is the most popular and has been sustained for a long time, the disaffection and aversion towards communication from governments, oil companies, and donor agencies have been on the rise over the years, and justifiably so. According to the people, these messages from developmental agencies echo ‘the same old story’. This condition aligns with the position of Freire (1970) that communication, and not information, is the biggest problem facing Third World countries as most persuasion theorists posit.

Traditionally, discussions around communal heritage are best done dialogically. Even though the Nigerian Constitution states that crude oil and natural gas are under the federal government’s control, these host communities view them, and rightly so, as their heritage and as such should have a voice in the way they are managed and consequently be the primary beneficiaries. Anything short of this is seen as an affront to the people. Re-echoing the views of Freire (2017), dialogue must involve two persons (groups) who share a similar worldview—a world where people have the right to speak and be heard.

The predominant top-down, unidirectional approach, therefore, results in the practice, for instance, of building schools when what is desired is a hospital. This negates the principles of dialogue, and in most cases results in such projects being abandoned. The understanding, therefore, is that if the people desire a hospital and are involved in the overall planning and execution of such a hospital project, they will contribute and work hard to ensure that it succeeds. The sustained top-down approach has led to disinterest in governments’ plans for the people.

Similarly, using community leaders has not succeeded either, as a participant said, ‘No! We do not want them to communicate to us through our Chiefs and Ezes’. Selfish interests and desires have led to the people being short-changed by those nominated to represent them and thus relates to the scenario where the oppressed, instead of fighting to emancipate themselves from oppressions, evolve to become oppressors themselves (Freire, 2017). For instance, contracts awarded to these community leaders for the development of their locale were abandoned or, at best, poorly executed with the funds diverted into private pockets. This attitude, which today is the norm, has led to a total lack of trust by the citizens in their leaders.

In many cases, projects instituted by the oil companies and donor agencies are viewed as ‘false charity’, which according to Freire (2017) constrain the oppressed to the extent that they continuously and hopelessly extend their trembling palms for hand-outs from their oppressors. Such strategy, according to Pollack and Kodikant (2011) is at best defined as an authoritative discourse characterised by the voice of the teachers (governments and donor agencies) which resonates over and is transmitted to the students (Niger Delta citizens). To inculcate learning, therefore, the teacher must first research the learners through the critical act of listening, observing, and interrogation within a specific context. This position resonates with Buber’s (1937) notion of experiencing the other to facilitate inclusion (Rule, 2015).

In an interview by Adisa and Nnabuife (2018), the Archbishop of Abuja Diocese, John Cardinal Onaiyekan, stated that ‘there is a disconnect between what the government says and what people feel and say’. According to the Archbishop, listening to the government will make one feel that a lot is happening around human development when, in fact, there is no evidence of the beneficiaries of these phantom projects. This feeling of distrust and resentment is further aggravated by unguarded statements often credited to the government. For instance, Alike and Okafor (2018) shared that the Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation (NNPC) does not have any intention of paying a ₦36 billion compensation to the host community of the Port Harcourt refinery at Alesa-Eleme. An insensitive comment like this often results in violent demonstrations and agitations.

Elsewhere, a report in the Vanguard newspaper states that the Cross River community of Kasuk II Qua Clan is planning to invoke a traditional deity to stop a US$1billion Virgin City project for the simple fact that they were never consulted. The community leader of the Kasuk II Qua Clan, where the project was to be sited, said, ‘We as a people can categorically tell you that we are not aware of what the government is doing on our land as far as the Virgin City project is concerned, we were not consulted by the government or any of its representatives’ (Uchechukwu, 2018). This validates the position of Socrates, who felt that knowledge should not be the preserve of the leaders to be handed down to the generality of the masses (Rule, 2015).

An excellent example of a piece of communication from the government aimed at development is the annual budget. In this budget, funds are mapped out for the overall development of the nation, the Niger Delta region inclusive. With massive funds allocated to government ministries like the Ministry of Niger Delta and agencies like the NDDC, the expectation is that the suffering of the average Niger Delta indigene will be ameliorated through infrastructural and human development initiatives. Unfortunately, this has not been so as can be seen from comments by participants.

I think this is not the first time certain huge amount [sic] of money like that will be budgeted for the development of this community, they bring out these issues every year. Nothing came in connection to what is being read out. No matter what is being read out, it saddens my heart.

What is instructive here is that the citizens are not even aware of what the budget contains as they were not consulted in the planning phase. The understanding is that if they were carried along, they would look with anticipation and excitement for the passing of the budget. This assertion is validated by popular views that dialogue and participation will contribute significantly towards the successful execution of projects, which will further result in the development of the region. According to one of the participants, ‘… we want to be involved in any developmental activities so that we can be able to pinpoint our priority, not what they want to do on their own’. Thus, this lack of trust and the total disconnect results in a negative perception of communication for development that can be reversed through a participatory, dialogic, lateral form of communication.

The Centrality of Citizen Participation in Community Development

A critical factor in the perennial developmental challenges of the Niger Region is the apparent lack of participation of the citizens in plans aimed towards the development of the region. This is evident from data obtained and presented in Table 3. Across all the communities visited, there is a concerted call for a more participatory approach to development. According to the participants, governments and donor agencies just come down to their communities and do what they like and not what the people want. This negates the principles of participatory paradigms that highlight the importance of cultural identity, participation and the democratisation of developmental processes from the national to the grassroots level. Consequently, instead of merely transmitting information (Agunga, 1997), understanding is created and stimulated through participation to facilitate development. Singh et al. (2007) proposed that effective participation of members of local host mining communities in Ghana will not only facilitate the resolution of existing conflicts but will also prevent future conflicts. What makes participation critical to development is that it gives all individuals the right to voice their opinions and concerns and thus makes them partners in the developmental journey. As Freire (1970) posits,

People should be encouraged to have a sense of ownership through shared experiences. If people are denied this participatory right, then it will be tough to prove to them that such developmental initiatives serve their best interest.

One can, therefore, state that this lack of participation is at the heart of the developmental challenges facing the Niger Delta region. The lack of participation often leads to a higher cost of executing projects, zero level of ownership, a heightened feeling of alienation and the inability to leverage indigenous knowledge and expertise. To validate this position, one of the participants said,

I think having a discussion is better. Because we stay here, we understand the place, and we know which part of the place that is giving us issues, and we know which part of the place is more important to us. So, you coming to do just the one you feel is necessary is wrong.

This statement affirms that developmental efforts must leverage the participatory approach because no one understands the peoples’ needs or their local environment more than them. Any approach, therefore, that disregards the centrality of the people in development is bound to fail. According to Shorthose (2020), developing more dialogical values will result in organisations being more responsive and innovative and will greatly enhance their local cultural role, add a dynamic social infrastructural role to their remit and contribute to overcoming the democratic deficit within the cultural system as a whole (Shorthose, 2020). Furthermore, responses from participants affirm that participation must be driven by information. Without the requisite information, the citizens will struggle to participate in the development of their communities even when given a chance. As captured by the participants,

The Oil Companies have Public Relations Officers (PRO). So let their PROs do their job by reaching out to our communities; let the PRO ask our community leaders to call the people: that he wants to have meetings with the people. By so doing, the ordinary man will gain access to the information. It is that information that will bring out the power and empowerment in the citizens.

This brings to the fore the import of information and the role it plays in community engagement. Ullah (2017) affirms that while access to and use of relevant information is a principal component of empowerment, the illiterate and rural poor fails to access information centres that were controlled by the power elites. For the citizens to be empowered to the extent that they can contribute significantly to the development of their communities, they must have access to information. Thus, the likelihood of developmental projects succeeding depends to a large extent on the following: collective awareness of such project, requisite understanding of the resource requirements and clear understanding of the benefits that will accrue from such project.

The Place of Stakeholders’ Perception of Communication for Development in the Underdevelopment of the Niger Delta

Perception is primarily influenced by education and past experiences. Thus, if an experience is shared across a group of individuals, there is the likelihood that their perception of specific occurrences will be similar. This could be responsible for the similarities identified in the way the different communities of the Niger Delta perceive communication for development as a method in achieving grassroots development, and in relation to communication from the governments and other development agencies. A critical factor that contributes to the negative perception exhibited by the citizens of the region is the wanton looting of resources allocated to the region. In Chukwu (2020), the Nigerian Senate threatened to set up an investigative panel into the claim that the NDDC shared among its staff, a whooping ₦1.5 billion (about US$3.56m) meant for the region as COVID-19 palliatives. The issue with news of this nature is captured by Ujumadu (2020), where he stated that ‘hungry citizens are more dangerous than Covid-19’. The dangers in this form of publication are highlighted in Bickham and Francis (2021), where it was affirmed that message exposure influence respondents’ perceived credibility of and trust in government officials’ activities during the COVID-19 pandemic.

Results from the local communities indicate a sharp divide between positive and negative comments. The comments affirm that the participatory system of communication for development is the most desirable and promises to have the most contributory potential towards the eradication of poverty in the region and the subsequent growth and development of the Niger Delta. The communities are of the view that if they are involved in the conceptualisation, planning and execution of developmental projects, the likelihood of such projects succeeding will be high. Such a process will start with the identification of critical areas of development through a concerted approach involving the people and the government, oil companies and donor agencies. This approach will lead to an increase in the sense of ownership and belonging and will heighten interest in the identified initiatives by all stakeholders. The people will also be willing to monitor the projects to completion and accept necessary changes as the projects are implemented. This approach will see the communities as partners in development and not as passive recipients.

However, the perception of the people in relation to the role of government at all levels, the oil companies and the multilateral agencies in the region is negative (Table 5). There exists a high sense of suspicion, marginalisation and exploitation with the people responding to communication from governments, the oil companies and other development agencies with agitations, economic crimes and sabotage (Table 4). This negative perception is at the heart of the developmental challenges of the region and could be traced to a mismatch between what the people desire and what the government and donor agencies are doing. Irrespective of the fact that humans have differing histories, life experiences, expectations, emotional statuses and motivations, perceptions are nearly similar, especially when the people are exposed to the same stimuli. As stated earlier, to believe in our knowledge involves a clear understanding of the source, the constitution and how it is being amplified. This means that the source of information available to man, the form it takes and how it is disseminated significantly affect our perception of such information.

Conclusion

The failure of the diverse intervention programmes for the Niger Delta region is apparently because of the focus on a small group of leaders, politicians, businessmen and militants instead of the larger society. Poverty is not eradicated by empowering a few but through a transparent and sustained strategy that encompasses the overall interest of the people of the Niger Delta region, both wealthy and poor. Realities on the ground indicate that even the amnesty programme has led to the commodification of violence in the region as youths see militancy as a means to personal aggrandisement and wealth. Furthermore, results indicate a substantial level of apathy, disinterest and suspicion towards communication from the government, the oil companies and the donor agencies. This is traced to the nature of such communication, the long history of deceit, failed promises and perceived marginalisation.

A review of theories of communication and recent approaches to development communication indicates that at the heart of development is dialogue. The dialogic process lays a proper foundation for participation, which in turn results in more sustained development. Referencing the transactional model of communication, the context of communicative acts plays a primary role in the effects of messages on the audience. The physical, psychological, social, relational and cultural context all coalesce to facilitate the co-creation of meaning between the sender and receiver.

To reverse this trend, this study proposes that to fast track the development of the Niger Delta Region, the government and other development agencies must engage the citizens through a synchronous adoption of dialogic communication, training and knowledge management (Figure 2). It is only then that the citizens will be empowered to participate in the development of the region.

Figure 2.

Source: The authors.

Recommendations

Based on the research findings, there is need for a model of development communication that positions the people of Niger Delta, the government, the oil companies and other donor agencies as both sender and receiver in a single, unique, synchronous and communicative act. Most importantly, there is a compelling need to convert the negative perception of communication from governments and donor agencies to positive, through the setting up of both government and community structures and programmes that will institutionalise the participatory model of development communication through frequent community engagements. Such active engagements via town hall meetings will present a more viable and sustainable platform where the needs of the people will be identified, solutions proffered and the approach agreed upon.

In the short term, attention should be given to the mass medium of radio as the preferred medium of communicating to the people of Niger Delta. However, this medium will be more effective if accompanied by a more direct, localised and face-to-face mode of communication in what is referred to as a multichannel approach. The media richness associated with face-to-face will undoubtedly stimulate trust and calm frayed nerves that fan the flame of violence in the region. Face-to-face communication in this context can take diverse forms: workshops, market squares, seminars, health clinics, discussions and participatory theatre.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The authors received no financial support for the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.

References

Adisa

, & Nnabuife

(2018, June 4). There is a disconnect between what government says and what people feel and say. Nigerian Tribune. Retrieved December 5, 2020, from http://www.tribuneonlineng.com/there-is-a-disconnect-between-what-govt-says-and-what-people-feel-and-say-onaiyekan/

Agboeze

M. U.

, & Nwankwo

E. A.

(2016, September). Hosts’ perception of impacts of community development schemes and tourism projects in Southeast Nigeria. Mediterranean Journal of Social Science, 7(5), 361–370.

Agbor

U. I.

(2013). Local governance and regional crisis in Nigeria: Rethinking governance dimensions to the crisis in the Niger Delta region. Developing Country Studies, 3(10), 78–84.

Agunga

R. A.

(1997). Developing the third world: A communication approach. Nova Science.

Akpabio

E. M.

, & Akpan

N. S.

(2010). Governance and oil politics in Nigeria’s Niger Delta: The question of distributive equity. Journal of Humanity and Ecology, 30(2), 111–121.

Al-Hadidi

G. S.

(2011). The audience and the advertiser: Measuring the impact of social media in Lebanon. Retrieved from https://scholarworks.aub.edu.lb/handle/10938/8709

Alakwe

K. O.

, & Ogbu

S. U.

(2018). Communication and the shaping of human personality: Deconstructing the nature/nurture debate in light of the menace of street children in Nigeria. Advanced Journal of Social Science, 3(1), 23–33. 10.21467/ajss.3.1.23-33

Alike

, & Okafor

(2018, June 4). NNPC: No plan to pay N36bn compensation to Port Harcourt refinery host community. ThisDay. Retrieved November 5, 2020, from https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2018/06/04/nnpc-no-plan-to-pay-n36bn-compensation-to-port-harcourt-refinery-host-community/

Babalola

(2014). The underdevelopment of Nigeria’s Niger Delta region: Who is to blame? Journal of Sustainable Development, 7(3), 118–127.

10.

Bakhtin

M. M.

(1981). The dialogic imagination ( Emerson

, & Holqist

, Trans.) University of Texas Press.

11.

Barnlund

D. C.

(1970). A transactional model of communication. In Sereno

K. K.

, & Mortensen

D. C.

(Eds.), Foundations of communication theory (pp. 83–92). Harper and Row.

12.

Beltran

I. R.

(1974, March 17–24). Rural development and social communication: Relationships and strategies [Paper presentation]. Cornell-CIAT International Symposium on Communication Strategies for Rural Development, Cali, Colombia.

13.

Bickham

S. B.

, & Francis

D. B.

(2021). The public’s perceptions of government officials’ communication in the wake of COVID-19 pandemic. Journal of Creative Communications, 16(2), 190–202. https://journals-sagepub-com-s.web.bisu.edu.cn/doi/full/10.1177/09732586211003856

14.

Buber

(1937). I and thou. T&T Clark.

15.

Chukwu

(2020, July 10). NDDC officials shared N1.5bn as Covid-19 palliatives. New Telegraph. Retrieved March 20, 2021, from https://www.newtelegraphng.com/nddc-officials-shared-n1-5bn-as-covid-19-palliatives/

16.

Cohen

M. Z.

, Kahn

D. L.

, & Steeves

D. L.

(2000). Hermeneutic phenomenological research: A practical guide for nurse researchers. SAGE Publications.

17.

Coldevin

(1990). Communication strategies for rural development: A case study of the use of campaigns in Lesotho. Food and Agriculture, Organization (FAO).

18.

Daka

, & Ebiri

(2018, July 28). Government to revisit 13 per cent derivation for development in Niger Delta. The Guardian. Retrieved August 18, 2018, from https://guardian.ng/news/government-to-revisit-13-per-cent-derivation-for-development-in-niger-delta/

19.

Demuth

(2013). Perception theories. Edicia Kognitivne Studia.

20.

Ejoor

(2003, September 16). Federal government of Nigeria and Niger Delta problems. Guardian.

21.

Ferreira

S. L.

(2006). Communities and transfrontier parks in the Southern African development community: The case of Limpopo National Park, Mozambique. South African Geographical Journal, 88(2), 166–176.

22.

Freire

(1970). Pedagogy of the oppressed. Herder and Herder.

23.

Freire

(2017). Pedagogy of the oppressed ( Ramos

M. B.

, Trans.). Penguin Classic-Random House.

24.

Hardin

(1968). The tradegy of the commons. Science, New Series, 162(3859), 1243–1248. Retrieved June 10, 2020, from https://www-jstor-org.web.bisu.edu.cn/stable/1724745

25.

Idowu

(2016, August 27). Kachikwu: $40bn spent on Niger Delta in 12 years without result. ThisDay. Retrieved August 27, 2017, from https://www.thisdaylive.com/index.php/2016/08/27/kachikwu-40bn-spent-on-niger-delta-in-12-years-without-result/

26.

Ikelegbe

(2011). Governance deficits and subsisting underdevelopment: Rethinking the Niger Delta problematic. Centre for Population and Environmental, Development (CPED).

27.

Jack-Akhigbe

P. O.

(2013). The state and development interventions in the Niger Delta Region of Nigeria. International Journal of Humanities and Social Sciences, 3(10), 225–263.

28.

Locke

D. C.

(1967). Perception and our knowledge of the external world. George Allen & Unwin Ltd.

29.

McCall

(2011). Communication for development: Strengthening the effectiveness of the United Nations. United Nations Development Programme.

30.

McLuhan

(1964). Understanding media: The extensions of man. Mentor.

31.

Moemeka

A. A.

(1987). Integrated rural development in Bendel State: The role of and strategy for mass media communication. In Omu

F. A.

, & Adebusoye

(Eds.), Integrated rural development in Nigeria and women’s role (pp. 131–142). Heineman Educational Books.

32.

NDDC. (2001). Niger Delta development master plan.

33.

Omojunikanbi

N. C.

, Okon

, & Ohiagu

(2019). Communication intervention channels employed by the Niger Delta Development Commission and level of awareness of her programmes in the region. Ebonyi State University Journal of Mass Communication, 6(1), 176–187.

34.

Pollack

, & Kodikant

Y. B.-D.

(2011). Fostering dialogue in a context of socio-political conflict: An instructional model. In White

E. J.

, & Peters

M. A.

(Eds.), Bakhtinian pedagogy: Opportunities and challenges for research, policy and practice in education across the globe (pp. 129–148). Peter Lang.

35.

Richardson

(1999). The concepts and methods of phenomenographic research. Review of Educational Research, 69, 53–82.

36.

Rule

P. N.

(2015). Dialogue and boundary learning. Sense Publishers.

37.

Schramm

(1964). Mass media and national development. Stanford University Press/UNESCO.

38.

Servaes

(Ed.). (2007). Communication for development: Making a difference. In The World Congress on Communication for Development (pp. 1–72). Rome.

39.

Shannon

, & Weaver

(1949). The mathematical theory of communication. University of Illinois Press.

40.

Shorthose

(2020). Dialogical value for cultural organizations. Journal of Creative Communications, 15(1), 19–34. 10.1177/0973258619872909

41.

Singh

, Koku

J. E.

, & Balfors

(2007, November 1). Resolving water conflicts in mining areas of ghana through puplic participation: A communication perspective. Journal of Creative Communications, 2(3), 361–382. 10.1177/097325860700200306

42.

Uchechukwu

(2018, April 17). Cross River community invokes deity to stop $1bn Virgin City project. Vanguard. Retrieved April 17, 2018, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2018/04/cross-river-community-invokes-deity-stop-1bn-virgin-city-project/

43.

Ujumadu

(2020, April 11). Lockdown: Hungry people more dangerous than Covid-19, Nigerians cry out. Vanguard. Retrieved March 20, 2021, from https://www.vanguardngr.com/2020/04/lockdown-hungry-people-more-dangerous-than-covid-19-nigerians-cry-out/

44.

Ullah

M. S.

(2017). Empowerment of the rural poor through access to ICT: A case study of the union information and service centre initiative in Bangladesh. Journal of Creative Communications, 12(2), 81–97.

45.

UNDP. (2006). Niger Delta human development report. United Nations Development Programme.

46.

Waisbord

(2001). Family tree of theories, methodologies and strategies in development communication: Convergences and differences. Prepared for the Rockefeller Foundation.