Abstract
In History of Modern Telangana, Bhangya Bhukya presents the history of Telangana—one of the three linguistic-regions in the erstwhile Hyderabad State—in the modern period through a critical lens. Although the line separating the premodern from modern is bound to be an open question, the formation of the Hyderabad State under Nizam rule can be taken as a beginning. European presence and participation varied over the 18th century and the British emerged dominant in that century’s last years. European and particularly British influence imprinted itself on the development of administration, economic and socio-political activities. Hyderabad never directly came under British rule and remained a princely state right up to Indian Independence. On the way, new social dynamics emerged in Telangana, ranging from socio-economic movements, peasant armed struggle, fight against caste inequality and struggle for Telangana statehood. To provide a concise but comprehensive account of this history is the purpose of the book.
The immediate motivation for the book is to critically assess Telangana’s history and correct simple, misleading accounts that proliferated during the statehood movement. He sets out to provide a larger picture to dispel problems arising from what he calls a binary tendency, such as in the characterisation of the reign of the Nizams as despotic (in Telugu literature) and as promoters of modernisation and composite culture (in English literature).
Bhukya covers the period between Nizam rule beginning 1724, and the successfully concluded struggle for Telangana statehood in 2014. The regional history method he has chosen consists of linking historical sources with analytic methods of social sciences, in order to develop the regional approach to history and overcome the inclinations of nationalist historical approach which treats individual regions only as parts of the whole. In contrast, the regional method aims at bringing out the contours of regional historical developments.
The book is divided into 15 chapters, loosely maintaining chronology of time but presenting the subject matter thematically. A conceptual summary of the book is attempted below.
Overview of Administrative and Political Structure Under Nizam Rule
An overview of society, politics and administration at the beginning of the “modern history” in Telangana is presented, corresponding to the foundation of Asaf Jahi rule and their earliest contacts with the British. Hyderabad State’s contacts with other European powers, most significantly the French, is mentioned only briefly but not covered in detail. After defeating the Mughal army, Shakarkheda Mir Quamaruddin Khan Siddiqui became the first Nizam ruling over six provinces (suba): Aurangabad, Berar, Bidar, Bijapur, Hyderabad and Khandesh. Nizam-ul-Mulk “conducted wars, made treaties and conferred titles and mansab (a military rank) appointments himself” (p. 3). In 1763, the second Nizam (r. 1762–1803) moved the capital from Aurangabad to Hyderabad. With this move, the scope of autonomy expanded and the Mughal authority came to be increasingly symbolic.
The administrative structure consisted of mansabdars who held military ranks, vakils or intermediaries who represented business interests at court, samasthandars or local rulers with inherited territories paying annual tribute to the Nizam. Deshmuks and deshpandyas collected revenue from cultivators at the village level.
Evolution of Agriculture and Land Relations
Telangana had jagirdari land tenure system until the British introduced the ryotwari land tenure system in the second half of the nineteenth century. Agricultural land became legal alienable property. This removed customary rights and made it profitable to hold land as a commodity. Keeping of land records attained great significance and there is an extensive record of deshmukhs turning land over to themselves by naming themselves as owners of land. With the backdrop of progressive dispossession especially of small landholders, the global economic crisis ravaged the region. Following the food crisis during the Second World War, peasant armed struggle broke out in 1946 under the leadership of Communist Party of India (CPI). After an intense period of armed conflicts, CPI took to the electoral stage in 1952.
Tribes fared no better. The forest policy of 1936 brought most of the forest area in Adilabad under the Forest Department and commercialised forest land. Gonds and Kolams, two tribal groups that depended on shifting cultivation on hill slopes, were forced to relocate. Gonds organised, spearheaded by Kumaram Bhimu, an armed clash with the government at Jhodeghat led to the death of 100 Gonds, including Kumaram Bhimu, in 1940. While some relief measures and land distribution has taken place over the years, the socio-economic position of tribes remains precarious in Telangana, resulting in sporadic movements.
Industries and Modernisation
The 1880s saw the introduction of modern industries in Hyderabad State. Weaving mills, iron and steel, metal works, paper mills, tobacco, glass works, sugar industries developed rapidly, assisted by the laying of railway lines. In addition to the textile industry, coal mining and refining (still running today as Singareni Collieries Company Limited) became a large-scale industry. However, the balance of trade was always in favour of the British, and the Nizam-ruled state was forced to export more raw materials to British and import manufactured goods from them. This, along with destruction of traditional industries under the pressure of modern industries led to a significant impoverishment of large sections of the local population.
Social Movements
According to Bhukya, the spread of reformed modern education laid the foundation for social awakening that culminated in critiques of irrational practices, advocated civil rights and Hindu–Muslim unity. There were also identity formations on various lines such as caste, language, religion, anti-Nizam and nationalism.
Dalits in this respect were the first to organise to fight the caste system. The turbulence around the Poona Pact in 1932 had a marked influence on Dalit politics in the state, though organisations, such as the Jagan Mitra Mandali established in 1906, predated the Pact. The dominant caste groups—Reddy and Vaishyas—with their traditional occupations agriculture and trading were predominantly based in villages. Although they were influential in village life, their presence in higher administrative positions was nominal. These groups began to mobilise in reaction to Dalit organisation. Castes such as Munnuru Kapu, Padmashali and Mudhiraj (later categorised as OBCs) experienced the collapse of traditional occupations and pivoted the backward classes movements in Telangana and Andhra Pradesh from the 1950s. Lambada tribesmen launched a movement called Banjara Jagarana Andolan demanding “welfare activities, and the establishment of hostels and schools for their children” (p. 115).
Growth of Communalism
In 1919, responding to non-locals’ political influence and increasing presence in administrative positions, the Nizam introduced Mulki Rules to safeguard interests of locals and check the dominance of non-Mulkis. Communal politics gradually came to dominate public consciousness. In 1892, Arya Samaj was established in Hyderabad with the support from large sections of non-Mulki Hindus. There was significant movement both at the literary (translations of Samaj literature into Telugu and Urdu, and new publications) and popular (such as starting annual celebration of Ganesh Chaturthi in 1895) levels. Vyayam shalas (centres for wrestling and physical fitness) proliferated, during the communal up-tide in the years approaching Independence, were largely responsible for supplying armed fighters. The Samaj was opposed to Nizam or any form of Muslim rule and supported Telugu, Maratha and Kannada nationalism.
To oppose the perceived Hindu consolidation, Majlis-e-Ittehadul-Muslimeen (MIM) was founded in 1927, “to unite … various Islamic sects, protect economic, social and educational interests of the Muslims, and to express loyalty to the land, ruler and prevailing laws of the regime” (p. 177). Relatively uninfluential initially, the Dhoolpet riot of 1938 changed the equation and MIM’s organisation skyrocketed, leading eventually to the formation of Razakars’ private army to maintain Islamic rule over Hyderabad State. These developments neutralised the movement for Deccan nationalism that had started in 1920s.
Indian Independence, End of Nizam Rule and Telangana Under the Union
At the end of the Second World War in 1945, it was certain that the British would soon leave India. On 3 June 1947, the British imperial government announced that the subcontinent would be partitioned into India and Pakistan leaving princely states three options to join either of the two dominions or remain independent states. Eight days later on 11 June, the Nizam passed an order stating Hyderabad would join neither, opting for an independent Hyderabad. After meeting with several delegations and hectic negotiations, Nizam Osman Ali Khan signed a Standstill Agreement with the Indian government on 29 November 1947. This agreement aimed at working together towards the mutual benefit of Hyderabad State and Indian government.
The new Indian government became anxious about the activities of Majlis, which was claiming Hyderabad to be an Islamic State and asked the Nizam to ban the Majlis. The Nizam was helpless, and an Indian military expedition carried out Operation Polo to takeover Hyderabad. This was a period dominated by frequent Hindu–Muslim clashes. In December 1949, a government under the Union of India was finally formed.
Formation of United Andhra Pradesh and Struggle for Telangana Statehood
On 1 November 1956, the state of Andhra Pradesh was formed under the principle of linguistic states combining the regions of Andhra and Telangana. Sustained dominance by Andhra leaders led to loss of prominence of Telangana. Although laws protected property rights of local Telanganites, large tracts of fertile agricultural land came to be occupied by settlers from Andhra. Movements for assertion of Telangana locals continued to be a permanent fixture. In response to the state High Court’s striking down of Mulki rules in 1969, popular protests erupted and turned violent in Osmania University campus resulting in the death of 370 students.
Commercialisation of agriculture, introduction of special economic zones (SEZ) and economic liberalisation in the 1990s contributed to popular unrest and the final phase of the movement for Telangana began. K. Chandrashekar Rao quit Telugu Desam Party and formed Telangana Rashtra Samithi (TRS) in 2001. Telangana Joint Action Committee became a mass organisation with political connections. After sustained political pressure and prolonged general strikes that brought the capital to a standstill, a separate Telangana state was announced by the central government on 2 March 2014. TRS formed the government with Chandrashekhar Rao as a chief minister, and this continues to the present day.
Conclusion
Bhukya states that he intended the book to be a critical introduction to the modern history of Telangana. Bhukya is known for his work on the history of the Telangana region from perspectives which had not been covered by traditional and nationalist approaches to history. In this book, he covers substantial ground. It can be greatly beneficial to students for the range of information included and sources listed, but it also offers much to the interested non-academic reader as the presentation is lucid and makes for an engaging and rewarding reading.