Godavari to Gulf: Emigration of Dalit Women for Low-Paid Work

Background and Introduction

The prevalence of the caste system and the notions of purity, chastity and pollution are assigned exclusively to the lower castes, thereby rendering any respectful means of employment to be attained, strenuous for the dalits (Deshpande, 2002). Caste splits people vertically on social stratification thereby enables economic and political estrangement (Beteille, 1965). In rural areas especially, unviability in farming causes widespread rural distress. In the absence of non-farm employment opportunities, unequal development and demographic transformations in the hinterland further intensifies the distress (Srivastava, 2020). Situated within this context, the Scheduled Castes (SCs) often find themselves unemployed in their hamlets and have to undertake migration willy–nilly, since they are predominantly agricultural labourers, not owning any cultivable land (Vijayabaskar et al., 2018). The census of India defines migrant labour as the one who is registered in the census in a place other than their place of birth (Rajan, 2020). A circular migrant is defined as the one who is temporarily away from his place of residence in search of employment and returns after a short span (Deshingkar & Farrington, 2009, p. 1). Migration/emigration and development have been historically intertwined and are inalienable, resulting in long-term structural transformations, promoting urban diversity while bolstering social cohesion (Harris & Todaro, 1970). Thus, migration as a phenomenon has become a necessary evil and a defining feature of capitalism to amass wealth for the citizens, corporates and states (Basu & Majumder, 2020). In the backward countries, the share of women in the total migration has decelerated from 47.0% in 1990 to 43.4% in 2019. For high-income countries, it is 47.6%, 48.2% for middle-income countries and 50.9% for low-income countries (United Nations, 2019). Migrants enjoy negligible freedom of mobility concerning employment due to the ‘kafala’ (sponsorship) system of Migrants Recruitment. Resultantly, migrants are not protected under labour laws and are thereby exposed to discrimination and violence besides getting trapped in the clutches of the sponsors (Kodoth, 2020).

Dalit women, insinuated precariously at the interstices of the caste-class-gender nexus, find themselves marginalised on multiple accounts. It is this precarity that makes Dalit women susceptible to multiple forms of oppression, discrimination, caste prejudices and social stigmatisation that push them into perennial poverty (Bakshi, 2017). Dossiers like ‘Manusmriti’ (Hindu religious text) place women, Atishudras and Shudras in the worst possible position, depriving them of an opportunity to ingress education as well as to participate in public spaces (Deshpande, 2002). Dalit women comprise 16.6% of the total female population of India (Sabharwal & Sonalkar, 2015). The fragile and deplorable dispensation is manifested via some of the developmental indicators such as literacy rate, the longevity of life and so on which are worse than not only Dalit men but also non-Dalit women. The literacy rate among them was mere 42% in the year 2001, only increased to 56.5% by the year 2011 (Nagarajan, 2013). The average age at death of Dalit women was 39.5 years which is 14.6 years less than the upper caste women, that is, 54.1 years, indicating lower levels of life expectancy among them (Borooah et al., 2012).

The bulk of women from Dalit backgrounds trace employment in activities, such as farming, house keeping, scavenging and also as disposers of human waste. They work at a very paltry wage rate under the strict vigilance of upper-caste landlords in addition to confronting wage inconsistency between themselves and non-Dalit women. Any resistance or negligence may amount to humiliation, violence, abuse, rape and even imprisonment (Sabharwal & Sonalkar, 2015). They mainly depend on wage labour due to a lack of regular employment opportunities. Only 9.8% of Dalit women are employed in regular salaried jobs while upper-caste women comprise 20.8% within the category. Nearly 52% of Dalit women find employment as agricultural labourers, the corresponding figure for upper-caste women is 17%; the global figure for women in agricultural labour is 38.7% while only 13.8% of them are landowners (Press Trust of India, 2020). The unemployment rate was also observed to be higher among Dalit women, i.e. 9.8%, compared to non-Dalit women, i.e. 8.0% (Sabharwal & Sonalkar 2015).

It is observed that the majority of unskilled and manual labour in the gulf hails from the deprived social strata of India, namely the Dalits or Scheduled Castes (SCs) (Pethiyagoda, 2017). From the two Telugu-speaking states, Telangana (T.S.) and Andhra Pradesh (A.P.) emigrants are engage in the sectors, such as construction, domestic work and manufacturing in the gulf countries. Crucial among these districts are Nizamabad and Karimnagar from Telangana, East Godavari (E.G.) and West Godavari (W.G.) districts from A.P. It is estimated that about three million people are working in the gulf from the two Telugu states (India Migration Now, 2020). States, such as Uttar Pradesh (U.P.), A.P., Tamil Nadu (T.N.) and Kerala together account for the maximum share in the emigration from India. The number of women migrating from A.P. has been much higher than those from other states (Rajan, 2014). A.P. stands out as the state which sends the highest number of domestic workers to the gulf (Shah, 2018). The e-Migrate portal of the Ministry of External Affairs (MEA), shows that E.G. and W.G. districts are listed among the top 25 districts in the country sending female emigrants, excluding nurses, to 18 ECR (Emigration Check Required) countries continuously for 10 years (Overseas Employment Division, 2019). This unfolds the tendency that there has been a phenomenon of ‘feminisation of migration’ from the aforementioned districts.

Scope and Methodology

The study deploys both primary and secondary sources of data to arrive at its findings. Due to homogeneity in the sample households, with respect to their economic and social status, convenient sampling was adopted. The secondary sources include the Government of India and the United Nations Organisation. Data has been collected from 52 women in 17 villages across seven mandals (Blocks) from the E.G. district and 61 samples in 10 villages across four mandals from the W.G. district. Data has been collected, through personal interviews and Focused Group Discussions (FGD), during the period from January to April 2020 by the researchers personally visiting the settlements of the respondents. We synonymously use the words migration and emigration in this article.

The prime focus of the study is to identify and locate the context and reverbations of migration among Dalit women in Andhra Pradesh. This fertile delta region of Godavari districts (undivided: as there has been realignment of districts in the year 2022) has been referred to locally as ‘mini gulf’, as it registers intense gulf emigration (Kodoth, 2020). Two districts in A.P. were chosen, that is E.G. and W.G. which stand at fifth and 21st place respectively out of the top 25 districts that record the highest incidence of migration in India. In terms of the population of SCs, E.G. has the highest aggregate population and W.G. is placed at fifth place (Department of Planning, 2020). It has been observed that the incidence of migration has been high among women, especially among Dalit women across the districts under study. Data has been collected from all those women with past and existing migration records to GCC countries from the aforementioned districts. Simple statistical tools like percentages have been utilised.

Features of Transnational Migration

Factors Contributing to Migration

It is observed from Table 1.1 that 53% of the respondents had decided to migrate purely out of the incentive of better wages prevailing across the GCC countries. Since most of these women are illiterate, they hardly earn ₹200–₹300 per day in their hamlets. Excluding Sundays, and other holidays as well as the days of non-availability of work, employment is available between 20 and 25 days per month, that too only during the cropping seasons. Income ranges from ₹6,000 to ₹7,500 per month in their native places in India. Juxtaposing with the wages they earn in the gulf countries, there seems to be a massive void of 100%–400%. Moreover, they engage predominantly in farming in their native places in India. Some women would also work as domestic maids in upper-caste households. This option is quite limited since a sizeable proportion of upper castes would hesitate to hire them as domestic maids, especially as cooks because of the historical taboo and practice of untouchability that has been a cultural curse on Dalits.

Finding livelihood opportunities in the non-farm sector during the sleek farming season is strenuous (Table 1.1). Hence 17% of the respondents expressed that they would migrate just because they do not get regular employment in their native place. Twenty percent of the respondents undertake migration owing to factors like social stigmatisation that is practised in the form of untouchability and also out of aspiration for better housing. They are prone to physical discrimination and abuse, exploitation and ill-treatment at their workplaces in their villages in India. If these communities have to construct a decent concrete house, they must migrate to GCC countries. Further, migrants’ indebtedness is also one of the strong reasons which propel emigration which accounts for 10%. They choose to migrate to GCC countries despite many probable hurdles, discomforts and humiliations only to overcome various hindrances in life. They believe that they have no option but to undergo hardships if at all they have to aspire for a better life to themselves and their family members in their backyards.

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Table 1.1.

Housing and Burden of Migration.

Number of Rooms at Homes in India
Room	EG—No. of People	WG—No. of People	Total	%
1	7	14	21	19
2	40	35	75	66
3	5	4	9	8
4	0	8	8	7
Cost towards migration (₹)
10,000–15,000	9	15	24	21.28
15,001–20,000	18	21	39	34.57
20,001–25,000	17	17	34	30.0
25,001–30,000	4	8	12	10.61
30,001–40,000	4	0	4	3.53
Channel of migration:
Unauthorised Agents	27	19	46	41
Friends, Family Members & Relatives	25	42	67	59
Causes behind migration:
Better wages in the gulf	25	35	60	53
Irregular employment in India	10	9	19	17
Better housing	5	7	12	10
Social discrimination in India	5	6	11	10
Indebtedness	7	4	11	10
Sample	52	61	113	100

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

Table 1.2 indicates that 80% of the total respondents have been debt-ridden. Informal money lenders have been the major source of debt for 77% of respondents. Other sources, such as banks, relatives and friends constitute 7% and the rest 16% are through mortgaging their assets like houses and residential lands. The source of money lenders is more detrimental to economic welfare as they charge exorbitant rates of interest. A potential probable case of not being able to repay the debts may amount to confiscating their immovable assets. Thus, indebtedness is one of the prominent reasons that would leave them no option but to embark upon migration to repay their debts at the earliest.

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Table 1.2.

Financial Liabilities.

Debt Burden:
Yes	40	50	90	80
No	12	11	23	20
Source of debt:
Money lenders	40	47	87	77
Bank loans/relatives/friends	4	4	8	7
Mortgage assets/houses	8	10	18	16
Purpose of debt:
Cost of migration	10	20	30	27
Housing	20	20	40	35
Marriage	12	7	19	17
Health	4	10	14	12
Education	6	4	10	9
Sample	52	61	113	100

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

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Table 1.3.

Profile of Education and Age.

Levels of Education:
Level	EG—No. of People	WG—No. of People	Total	%
Illiteracy	17	22	39	34.50
Primary	11	17	28	24.70
Secondary	22	22	44	39
10th and above	2	00	2	1.8
Age composition (years):
15–20	7	7	14	12.38
21–30	31	44	75	66.37
31–40	11	10	21	18.6
41–50	3	0	3	2.65
Sample	52	61	113	100

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

Debts were primarily driven by factors, such as sponsoring migration—27%, construction of houses—35%, marriages of children especially females—17%, health expenditure of family members—12% and finally 9% of the respondents are in debt to sponsor the education of children and siblings.

Destination and Duration

It is found that, out of the total GCC countries, Qatar has emerged as the major source of emigration with a 17% share (Table 1.4). The next source of destinations is Kuwait and U.A.E (13% each), followed by Oman with 6%. There were many respondents in the study, who have revealed that they have even migrated to more than one country in the past due to various factors, such as work burden, irregular payments, workplace abuse and so on. This percentage is as high as 46%. Out of all the gulf countries, Saudi Arabia appears to be extracting fewer women migrants from A.P., with a 1.8% share, slightly lower than Bahrain with a 2.65% share.

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Table 1.4.

Destination and Wages.

Destination Countries
Name	EG—No of People	WG—No of People	Total	%
Bahrain	0	03	03	2.65
Kuwait	6	09	15	13.25
Oman	5	02	07	6.20
Qatar	8	11	19	16.80
Saudi Arabia	0	02	02	1.8
UAE	11	4	15	13.30
Two or More Countries	22	30	52	46
The number of years spent in the gulf:
1–5	18	22	40	36
6–10	13	14	27	24
11–15	7	16	23	20
16–20	7	06	13	11
20–30	7	03	10	9
Wages drawn (₹ thousand—per month)
10–15	04	01	05	4.5
15–20	12	17	29	25.5
20–25	23	17	40	35.5
25–30	10	13	23	20.5
31–35	06	03	09	8
36–40	06	01	07	6
Sample	52	61	113	100

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

It is also important to examine the number of years spent by respondents performing domestic labour in the GCC. Figures for women who spent 1–5 years is 36% as compared to 24% who have spent between 6 and 10 years. Twenty percent of the sample has spent between 11 and 15 years and 11% between 16 and 20 years. The simple incentive for this continuous emigration is not driven by better wages, but for a better employer as well as to find congenial working conditions. Once they spend some time or a couple of years in the gulf, they get completely detached from the labour market in India. The study also came across individuals who happened to be working for 20–25 years as well, constituting 9%. They got accustomed to the nature and premises of work, which would potentially have discouraged them from getting back to India and finding probable employment.

Sixty-one percent of the respondents were drawing monthly salaries between ₹15,000 and ₹25,000 while 20.5% were drawing between ₹25,000 and ₹30,000; food and accommodation are provided by the employer free of cost. There seems to be a direct correlation between work experience in the gulf and wage rate. All the respondents’ families do not own any agricultural land or have anyone engaged in the public sector or organised employment. They visit their natives once a year or 2 years. Meanwhile, all of them receive money in cash, and they seem to be sending money to families between the range of one to three lakhs rupees per annum.

Life and Living Conditions in Destination Countries

Another crucial facet of the migration is the working atmosphere and professional relationship. As per a study, 88% of female and 40% of male migrant workers have reported that they have been financially exploited by unauthorised agents to arrive in Dubai. As much as 41% of female migrants expressed dissatisfaction with their living atmosphere compared with 8% of males (Phillippe et al., 2019). Our study also shows that all the respondents have been accommodated in tiny ad-hoc shelters belong to the employers. They had to share their dwellings with other similar migrants; this was unavoidable as they could not afford exclusive shelters. A proportion of migrants have also been accommodated within the employer’s domestic premises as they need to be available for work right through their stay. Under these settlements, 51% of the respondents felt that they used to live in the most unhygienic surroundings and the rest 49% conceded that they were accommodated in a relatively better shelter (Table 1.5).

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Table 1.5.

Professional Relations.

Work Place Discrimination:
Discrimination	EG—No of People	WG—No of People	Total	%
Yes	33	46	79	70
No	19	15	34	30
Sample	52	61	113	100
Context of discrimination
Religious reasons	09	20	29	37
Race and Class	24	26	50	63
Total	33	46	79	100
Living conditions in the gulf:
Hygienic	28	27	55	48.67
Unhygienic	24	34	58	51.33
Outing and free time:
No	15	18	33	29
Yes with escort	37	43	80	71
Working hours—per day:
14	27	30	57	50
12	11	10	21	19
10	9	15	24	21
9	5	06	11	10
Sample	52	61	113	100

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

The women workers were subjected to various inconveniences—physically, mentally and financially. Seventy percent of the respondents expressed that they were exposed to one or the other forms of discrimination during their stay. The rest 30%, though they were not completely free from discrimination, were relatively better treated (Table 1.5). Discrimination appears to be based on differences in identities. The majority of the employers, almost 100%, are followers of the religion of Islam. On the other hand, 99% of the migrant women, happen to be non-Muslims. Though there does not appear to be explicit discrimination based on religious grounds, 37% of them felt that they are always subjected to an indifferent approach. Sixty-three percent of the respondents felt that they were subject to perpetual differential treatment based on the origins of race and financial status. For them, in so far as discrimination is concerned, is not a new phenomenon, as they have been exposed to similar social discrimination in their own country i.e. India, manifesting in the name of caste.

Seventy-one percent of the respondents revealed that they were not even allowed to go for an outing even on holidays. If at all they wanted to move around for procurement of provisions or entertainment or for leisure, they were not allowed alone, rather with escort personnel that are deployed by the employer. Twenty-nine percent of them revealed that they were never allowed to move around, on certain occasions, even with the escorts.

This establishes the kind of confined and secluded life that these women have to lead in the gulf countries. Confinement implies that the workers are not allowed to move out of their working premises at any cost. It was found that 81% of the respondents were confined to their workplace without the provision of free movement as per their wish during leisure (Table 1.6). Rest 19% of the respondents expressed that they were not confined at workplaces but were subject to strict surveillance by the employer as and when they move around on personal engagements. They do not have any leisure time as they have to be available for work at the owners’ will. On the other hand, they need to give prior intimation and attain approval from the employer to move out in case of emergencies like health issues.

Another determining factor that deserves attention is the working hours. Fifty percent of the migrants reported that they had to be associated with work as well as to be available at least 14 hours in a day (Table 1.5). Nineteen percent revealed that they were working for 12 hours, followed by 21% with 10 hours of work per day. Only 10% of the respondents revealed that they were working 9 hours per day. It was also observed that unless one performs chores as per the wishes of the employer, there is a strong possibility that she might lose employment or would be paid lesser wages or would be exposed to more discrimination. They are left with no option but to work at the mercy of the employer. The work they were assigned and the wage that they were paid was completely in contradiction to the prior agreement that had been made with the agents during the process of recruitment. It would be a kind of juncture where they have nothing to offer except ‘toil and sleep; wake up and toil’.

All the respondents appear to be reeling under severe physical and mental stress as they neither had any leisure time nor any prescribed working hours. Sixty-five percent of the women revealed that they were not even entitled to a single paid holiday in a month (Table 1.6). If at all they claim any leave from the work, it amounts to a deduction in their respective monthly salary, depending upon the leaves they claim. However, 35% of the respondents expressed that they were allowed to claim a single paid leave in a month. Except for the fact that they receive better wages in the GCC countries, they seem to lead a tough, isolated and deplorable life. This has adverse and lasting impressions on their physical, psychological and social life.

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Table 1.6.

Working Relations.

Scope for Paid Holidays:
	EG—No. of People	WG—No. of People	Total	%
None	26	48	74	65
One per month	26	13	39	35
Confinement at work:
Yes	42	50	92	81
No	10	11	21	19
Led to poverty alleviation
Yes	15	21	36	32
No	37	40	77	68
Sample	52	61	113	100

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

Impact of Migration

The entire objective behind migration is to fulfil their aspirations towards a better life, in terms of housing, food security, health, education and clothing as well as for acquiring social mobility. Irrespective of the number of years that they have spent as migrants in the Gulf countries, it has in no way led to the complete alleviation of poverty. Sixty-eight percent of the respondents felt that migration has not made any significant improvements concerning their poverty levels (Table 1.6). Only 32% agreed that their economic life due to migration has slightly improved compared with the past which could have anyway occurred had they not migrated. Migration has inflicted various types of negative externalities and implicit opportunity costs on their life as well as on the lives of their family members. Ninety percent of the respondents have felt that migration to GCC has not brought any significant improvements in the food security levels of families. Families of all the respondents already hold the BPL cards. They are entitled to 5 kg of rice per head every month at subsidised rates. They continue to remain BPL families with very little savings and very few improvements in their economic life. However, 10% of the sample believes that they could make relative economic improvements though not absolute (Table 1.7). In the end, they continue to be dependent on the rice supplied under the public distribution system.

In the same way, 76% of the respondent women felt that their migration had left their children and siblings deprived of their education at the primary level itself (Table 1.7). Parents aspire to build a better financial future for their children; thereby they would proceed to migrate at the cost of the education of their children. Twenty-four percent of the respondents revealed that it has not affected the education of children/siblings. However, the fact remains that they have either not enrolled at all in any educational institute or they had only pursued education up to the secondary school level unsuccessfully.

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Table 1.7.

Impact of Migration on Family Welfare.

	EG—No. of People		WG—No. of People		Total %
	Yes	No	Yes	No	Total Yes (%)	No (%)
Led to food security	40	12	50	11	80 (90)	23 (10)
Affected children’s education negatively	41	11	45	16	86 (76)	27 (24)
Led to long-term economic security	10	42	20	41	30 (26)	83 (74)
Led to the alcoholism of the husband	28	24	31	30	59 (52)	54 (48)

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

At the same time, 74% of the women feel that they could not attain any kind of substantial economic security out of emigration. Though they were able to draw better monthly incomes and to some extent, come out of thatched housing, they could not attain the desired outcomes such as access to better amenities, better healthcare facilities and better education. Twenty-six percent of the respondents feel that whatever little economic progress they have attained, has been at the cost of their health, family life and education of their children as well as their social life and psychological peace. There are also severe impacts on the family members, especially the husbands who have taken to alcohol addiction in the absence of their respective wives, that is, 59% of the sample. This has further aggravated the plight of the family’s economic position and adversely affected the behaviour of the children.

It is also very pertinent to identify the context under which migrants have staged a return from the gulf. As far as the sample for this study is concerned, there were respondents who had migrated starting from the 1980s till the present. Except for the financial incentives, very few gravitating factors would drive them to undertake migration (Table 1.8). Thirty-two percent of the respondents have come back due to personal health complaints as well as family members. The health issues of the respondents range from their physical health to mental health issues like psychological stress and loneliness. Twenty-four percent of them have returned out of professional inconveniences, such as increased workload, irregularities in wage payment, lack of increment in wages and also due to workplace abuses/irregularities. Another major reason was the completion of the agreement with the employer, that is 19%. Though they had the leeway to renew the agreement, they had decided against it as they were uncomfortable owing to various professional, personal, family and health complications.

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Table 1.8.

Trajectory of Migration.

Factors Behind Return
Various Factors	EG—No. of People	WG—No. of People	Total	%
Workload/low wages/irregularities/abuses	14	13	27	24
VISA complications	4	4	8	7
Health complications	18	18	36	32
Family issues (marriages of daughters, demise, house construction, …etc.)	7	13	20	18
Completion of agreement	9	13	22	19
Willingness to go again:
No	33	28	61	54
Yes	19	33	52	46
Employment after return
Domestic work (₹6,000–₹10,000 per month)	41	44	85	75
Daily wage labour (₹250–₹300 per day)	10	17	28	25
Sample	52	61	113	100

Source: Field survey by the researcher.

Another exclusive factor behind their return is the persistence of family issues, such as children’s marriages, the demise of family members, construction and renovation of houses, etc. this component constitutes about 18% of the total issues. Another segment is dedicated to the complications associated with the VISA. While initiating migration they had obtained the VISA under the visiting category however, once they go over to GCC countries, they are unable to either extend the VISA or transform it into a working VISA. This often leads to their VISAs being impounded or terminated. Consequently, it takes a lot of financial effort, time and resources to be able to return to India through the intervention of Indian embassies.

Despite the many hardships associated with overseas migration, it is noteworthy to find that 46% of the respondents are willing to undertake migration again to GCC countries (Table 1.8). This is purely out of financial constraints, helplessness and a lack of sufficient employment opportunities in their native hamlets. They have to undertake migration, sponsor the education of children/siblings, construct better houses, cater to their financial liabilities even though they are not comfortable doing so physically, socially and psychologically. At the same time, 54% of the respondents have exhibited a strict conviction against undertaking migration again. Their justification being they want to spend time with family/children, ageing parents, search for alternative employment opportunities and more importantly, they do not want to face abuse, psychological stress and humiliation despite the fact that emigration does offer significant positive economic opportunities.

Finally, we need to also examine the nature of employment of those women who had returned from GCC countries. Seventy-five percent of them opined that they had to find employment with the upper castes as domestic servants. They undertake domestic work in three to four houses in a day. They would draw ₹6,000–₹10,000 as wages from domestic work. Another 25% of the respondents expressed that they would find employment as daily wage labourers in farming, including prawn/fish cultivation ponds, as well as in the construction sector, drawing wages ranging from ₹250 to ₹300 per day. Excluding holidays and other obstacles to work, they would get on average around 20–25 days of employment, in which case they draw around ₹5,000–₹6,250 per month. Those who are dependent on farm work are highly susceptible to hindrances arising out of monsoon and cropping deviations. Hence, it is observed that they have a highly fragile nature of employment in their native place apart from facing huge disparities in the wages drawn.

International migration is often associated with cultural contributions to the origin countries. Migrants carry with them new ideas, practices and values often described as ‘social remittances’. They also shape significant narratives for gender sensitivity that emerge out of their perplexing experiences in the destination countries. Remittances out of migration also appear to have helped to better domestic needs like food and shelter, alleviating poverty and increased spending on education and health. At the same time, irregularities and malpractices in migration also led to exploitation of labour, increased cost of living and reduced choices which ultimately pushed them further into either debt trap or penury.

Conclusion

The major chunk of emigration in the study area is observed to be more prominent among Dalit women. This could be attributed to the nature of work available in the destination countries, which is gendered as most of the domestic chores are relegated to women. Given the existing socio-economic vulnerabilities of Dalit women in the origin regions, they seek such work opportunities in the Gulf region which offer meagre remuneration under exploitative conditions.

The correlation between caste and economic status has been observed to be quite evident in the study region as most women do not own any capital assets such as land in their native places. Women particularly embark upon migration due to scanty employment opportunities and the social discrimination emanating from their caste. Even after the rigorous work life and deplorable working conditions, they remain unappreciated in the family circle and more disappointingly, aspersions are cast on the moral and sexual character of these women. Further, once they decide to stage a comeback and settle down in the origin villages, they are not bestowed with any additional skills and employment opportunities. This is because there is a huge socio-economic and cultural gap between the origin and destination countries. The skills acquired in the destination countries are either not marketable or add very little market value in the origin countries.

For the normative agenda of international migration, countries must bring in pertinent legal frameworks related to the human rights of migrant workers and their family members. These include policies to curtail and combat migrant smuggling and human trafficking (United Nations, 2019). There have been protective agreements signed between India and GCC countries in the past. Unfortunately, these agreements only apply to migrants who had come through authorised recruitment agencies. Since a major chunk of migrants, especially those who are into casual labour, migrate through unauthorised agencies, they remain exposed and vulnerable to numerous forms of discrimination (Chanda & Gupta, 2018).

Origin countries of migration will have to undertake measures, such as ensuring a fair, legal and transparent recruitment process, facilitating the safe and timely return of migrants, and promoting alternative employment opportunities to ensure the return of migrants. On the other hand, destination countries need to formulate policies against discrimination and deprivation of different kinds, that is on account of race and ethnicity. The need for Indian embassies’ proactive role in protecting its migrant workers in GCC is also a crucial need of the hour. The almost dormant nature of shelter homes in destination countries needs to be reassessed and revived. Implementing fundamental labour laws tailored to the need of defining minimum wages and stressing the importance of written contracts, should also be paid heed to. Apart from the migrants, families of migrants also must be made eligible for the subsidised services and provisions. It is crucial to address the mental health of the migrants as well. Above all, both destination and origin countries must adhere to international treaties and covenants.

World Bank has opined that the incidence of migration can be the harbinger of economic potential and suggested all governments to accommodate and facilitate labour mobility (World Bank, 2009). In the case of A.P., there seems to be a strong correlation between the social status of women and material well-being. The economic status of Dalit women is far below their counterparts, that is, upper-caste women. Even the education levels are very poor among Dalit women. Education, at least up to graduation, would certainly enable women to be more cautious of their family planning as well as their economic progress (Deshpande, 2002). Irregular migrants from India, without much legal aid, remain exposed to the deceptive modus operandi of recruitment agencies (Chanda & Gupta, 2018). Thus, inclusiveness and social equity for migrant workers are the need of the hour. This must include, the right to education, decent housing, health, work, vote, acquire property, citizenship, family life with children, better working conditions, freedom of religion, non-discrimination, freedom to associate and to form labour unions and freedom from bonded labour.

Governments at different levels can approach this with a multi-pronged strategy. Measures may include social safety net programs for the family members of the migrant families, such as subsidised services, goods and institutional financial assistance. Maintenance of complete data about the total number of migrants is also a much-required intervention and facilitating a transparent and smooth transfer of remittances by lowering the commission charges can also go a long way in uplifting their plight.