A Long Walk Ahead: An Analysis of Women’s Transformation and Economic Participation in India

Introduction

The status of women has passed through numerous changes over the past few years. India, for example, has seen the diminishing status of women from the ancient Indian culture of equality of women to men, as depicted by the female goddess, or the concept of the half-woman half-man God face in the Hindu religion, to centuries of treating women as inferior to men. The patriarchal Indian system prevails with a notion of gender bias, where women are mainly categorised as secondary to men. Therefore, women became objects of being subordinated, lacking inclusion to explore new areas, and subjugated by social mores and religions.

Not only do social setups and religions promote gender biases, but science also has a role to play. For centuries, sciences have made humans believe that women were an inferior sex. Their bodies were weaker, their minds feebler, their role subservient. Scientists like Charles Darwin (1809–1882) asserted that women were at a lower stage of evolution, and for decades, scientists, ‘most of them male, of course’, claimed to find evidence to support their arguments (Saini, 2017). Therefore, these scientists argue that men and women fundamentally differ in intelligence, emotion, cognition and behaviour. Thus, women are better suited to raising families or are, more gently, uniquely empathetic. On the other hand, men continue to be described as excelling at tasks that require logic, spatial reasoning and motor skills (Saini, 2017). However, recent research is rediscovering women’s bodies and minds and their abilities.

Current studies on gender disparities uncover a new, fascinating portrait of women’s brains and bodies and women’s role in human evolution. The new woman revealed by the scientific data is as strong, strategic and intelligent as her male counterpart. Over the past decades, gender-related issues have focused on the issues of unfavourable treatment of women, not only at the individual level but also in societies (Tripathy, 2006). Nonetheless, women are still living with the legacy of an establishment that is just beginning to recover from centuries of entrenched exclusion and prejudice. Thus, women are still considered inferior to men in most cultures.

Over the past few years, India has seen a shift in this primitive practice, moving towards promoting equal rights and equal participation of women in economic activities. However, women continue to face numerous problems, such as discrimination, sexual assault and abuse, subjects of the dowry system and other similar customs of gender disparity (Kaur & Byard, 2020; Rastogi & Therly, 2006). Despite inferior treatment from society, Indian women continue to excel in offices of high significance. In the current Indian structure, women have held high offices, including that of the President, Prime Minister, Chief Justice, Chief Executive and Speaker of the Parliament House (Lok Sabha). Therefore, this study aims to explore the journey of women’s transformation in India by identifying gender-specific outcomes. And further explore whether women have been accorded the right to create power in their own lives, society and community. However, gender relations of power between women and men are not easy to grasp in their full complexity, as these relations impinge on economic outcomes in multiple ways (Agarwal, 1997).

Review of Literature

The ancient history of humankind depicts that women were equal to their male counterparts in most aspects of life before the colonial era and the spread of major religions. For instance, before the colonial period, women governed territories, established states, launched military conquests and founded cities. Some governed as sole rulers—mostly as queens. In addition, some ruled together with kings, often as a mother or sister to the king. Some were involved in arrangements of multilateral sharing of power among the king, mother and sister. Others were involved in societies’ arrangements in which an age set or group of elders governed the society, in which women exercised either direct or indirect power (see Bauer et al., 2017; Stevenson-Moessner, 2020; Tripp, 2017). However, women lost out in such arrangements, first with the spread of Islam and Christianity and later with colonisation in most parts of the globe, such as Africa, South Asia and the Americas. However, during colonialism, women participated actively in nationalist movements, but their motivations sometimes differed from those of men. After independence, women were further sidelined from significant offices and political life, with a few exceptions. It was not until the 1990s that we began to see the re-emergence of women political leaders (Tripp, 2017).

Numerous women’s studies of the twentieth century have found women to be more economically deprived than men. Women are often subjected to a great degree of multidimensional discrimination, more often in education, health, income-earning opportunities and property rights (Barros et al., 1997; Paz et al., 1995), all because of society’s preferences for men to be more privileged over women. These deprivations previously denied women the choices and opportunities for a decent and tolerable life (Cagatay, 1998). Shah et al. (1994) pointed out that the major constraints that affect women’s potential are the notion of masculinity and femininity—the linkage between households, lack of credit facilities, workplace and community.

In developed societies, women of colour were even worse off, given that they received minimal remuneration and were assigned a low status compared to their white counterparts (Strong, 1996). They also experienced social problems like high levels of violence, drug use, alcoholism, gangsterism and apathy. Most of the women’s households, irrespective of marital status, failed to get any financial and emotional support from their husbands. Women comprised the most marginalised, impoverished and least empowered in societies (Bentley, 2004). Poverty among women tends to pose more significant challenges, since women have to bear the burden of unequal treatment in the family and the mainstream economy (Chant, 2003). The widespread discrimination, illiteracy, poverty among women and violence against women can still be seen in modern society.

In recent years, women’s empowerment has been recognised as a central issue in determining the status of women in all aspects, such as material and intellectual resources. As a result, women’s occupation of higher offices in both private and public sectors improved in the twenty-first century. Yet, they still face more challenges in climbing to the top of managerial positions in comparison to their male counterparts. Omar and Ogenyi (2004) conducted a qualitative study regarding female managers and women’s positions in public management in the Nigerian Civil Service (NCS). Despite that, there are almost no differences between males and females in terms of managerial and public service appointments, age and education—women are still underrepresented in leadership roles. Some of the primary reasons hindering women’s advancement opportunities in civil services were the discouragement they get from their role at home and the reinforcing cultural barricade, making it impossible for them to pursue management positions.

Tiessen (2008) explored the challenges created by Malawi’s political history for female political leaders, where the history of Malawi’s politics traces towards the cultural norms discouraging women from public spaces by using women’s bodies as the state’s buttress into ‘dictator’s dancers’. In response, the women interviewed all faced challenges, especially balancing professional responsibilities and the inevitable family errands. While there was a lack of cooperation from male colleagues in the professional field, there were also stereotypes and jealousies by other Malawian women internalising their oppression.

Studies have shown that economic and political equality remains an unrealised dream for women (Durrani & Halai, 2020; Rimmer, 2017). However, recent findings show that women’s salary is nearly equal to men’s. Nevertheless, there is still a gap between men’s average earnings and women’s earnings (World Economic Forum, 2015). The wage differentials are attributed to productivity-related factors such as education, experience, training and skill level (Dholakia, 2003). This has led to women being paid meagre wages, with little or even no job security at all, and social security benefits. Some countries have failed to protect women through government labour organisations or labour legislation (Nandal, 2005). Thus, there is less participation and share of women in public sector management, administration and politics (Mastracci, 2017). Other reasons why women are worse off than men pertain to the stereotypical views of gender roles. Moreover, the decision-making for women is hampered as they temporarily discontinue working whilst nursing their children and are considered non-regular workers—this leads to non-eligibility for social security benefits, which in turn drives women to poverty (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation, 2009).

In India, women also have a long history of travail and exploitation. Women have been victims of violent actions. They had to suffer various types of physical and mental discrimination, not only in men’s society but also at the hands of their own families, thereby disturbing the equilibrium in society (Chadha, 2014). Social and cultural motives have restricted women’s access to work and education. Hence, women are not as free as men in their participation in economic activities (Dreze & Sen, 1995; Dunlop & Velkoff, 1999). The discriminatory attitude towards women has existed for generations in Indian culture, affecting the lives of both genders—males and females (Barros et al., 1997). For instance, Mathew (2012) revealed a fall in female rural employment in some parts of India because of distress-driven employment. However, in ancient India, history has shown that women enjoyed equal status with men in all spheres of life. Hymn XXI of the Rig-Veda (a Hindu religion collection of women gods) extols the virtues of women even greater than that of men (Misra, 2007). The description of God’s head as half of a man and half of a woman in the concept of the Hindu God ‘Ardhanari-Swara’ depicts the story of the equality of women in the Vedic period. The Shakticult (the Hindu religion’s divine mother) is also centred on the strength and superiority of women.

Women’s status began to decline with the Manusmriti (a legal text among the many Hindu codes of Hinduism) and the other Smritis (Hindu religious texts containing traditional teachings on religion) that came after. Women’s religious rights and privileges were curtailed. Women came to be regarded along the same lines as lesser human beings (Chadha, 2014). The situation of women deteriorated even further when Muslims invaded India (Palit, 2022; Tharakan & Tharakan, 1975). Women were treated as property, and during that period, the womenfolk were forcibly taken away and sold like goods in the markets outside India. Thus, the historical analysis of the position of women in India reflects that women did not share an equivalent position with men. Their position was subordinate to men.

The ability to challenge women’s demotion was seriously affected by the omission from positions of power in all its manifestations (Chanana, 2011). However, to participate as women and change the very nature of that power by which they were excluded, they had to be in politics and most economic activities (Chadha, 2014; Das, 2009). With the start of the freedom movement, women’s participation in the political field was born. Women were at the centre stage of the national movement. Against colonial rule, from liberal homes and conservative families, urban centres and rural districts, women, single and married, young and old, came forward and joined hands. No doubt, women actively participated equally with men in the Indian national freedom movement, both in the moderate and extremist factions (Kamath, 1998). Yet, women are still denied access to productive assets like land ownership, family inheritance and human capital such as education and skill training, mainly because of the patriarchal setup (Judge, 2014; World Bank, 2001).

Categories of Women’s Deprivation

There are notable advancements in the policy and legal framework for women’s empowerment in India. However, Indian women continue to experience complex forms of deprivation that hinder socio-economic as well as political participation. Such deprivations cannot be isolated but are deeply interconnected, as any form of economic marginalisation tends to limit opportunities, while social and cultural norms restrain various sociopolitical interventions. Thus, one requires a multidimensional lens to understand the superimposing challenges that Indian women face. The above-reviewed literature, various analysed documents and reports on women-related challenges in India, and the short survey we conducted revealed four main categories of deprivation in which women are deprived—(a) economic factors, (b) educational factors, (c) social factors and (d) political factors. These deprivations are further examined in terms of both credible progress and persistent gaps.

Women’s Empowerment and Institution Theory

The four factors identified above as deprivation/empowerment are strongly influenced by ‘institutions’. North (1991) defines institutions as humanly devised constraints that structure political, economic and social interactions. Economic, educational and political factors are mainly driven by formal institutions (or, as North put it, ‘constraints and rules’), such as the Constitution and other government policies, the rule of law and property rights. Social factors are mostly driven by informal constraints like sanctions, taboos, customs, traditions, culture, codes of conduct and religion, which usually perpetuate order and safety within a market or society. North (1991) claims that the degree to which institutions are effective is subject to varying circumstances, such as a government’s limited coercive force, a lack of an organised state or the presence of strong religious precepts. Although North’s institutions theory is based on economic development, it may also apply to women’s empowerment and emancipation (WEE).

The institutionalisation of women in development (WID)/gender and development (GAD) ¹ identifies a lack of adequate administrative structure, which is failing to effectively graft gender policy into planning and practice, specifically in Third World countries (Moser, 1993). Hence, we need effective institutions that influence the four above-mentioned factors to empower and increase women’s participation in economic activities to function well. Hence, WEE are a function (f) of institutional setups (I). We can, therefore, express the above in equation form as:

W E E = f ( I , ε )

(1)

Where WEE is women’s empowerment and emancipation, and I is institutional setups (institutions). Ɛ is the error term—it includes women’s willingness and boldness to fight for their rights, and the willingness of women who get to high positions to inspire and fight for equality for other women and so on. According to North (1991), ‘Institutions consist of both informal constraints (traditions, customs, sanctions, taboos and codes of conduct), and formal rules (constitutions, laws, property rights)’. Hence,

I = f ( i c , f r )

(2)

Where ic and fr are informal constraints and formal rules, respectively. Substituting (2) into (1), we can therefore get,

W E E = f ( i c , f r , ε )

(3)

Therefore, WEE require coordination between informal constraints and formal rules, as they all have the potential to empower or disempower women. Although capable of creating and enforcing rules on informal constraints, formal rules alone will not successfully empower or emancipate women on their own. Informal constraints are equally powerful, and people are willing to ignore the rules to fulfil the wishes of their communities, religions or cultures. For example, an average parent in India is more likely to pay for extra tutorials for his son but cannot do the same for his daughter. In the Dalit communities, an educated woman is likely to leave her office work and accept a cleaning job, since her community will not accept her as a white-collar worker. Dalit communities believe that a Dalit belongs to a broom but not in the office, so that she can be reborn as an upgraded caste in her next life. Therefore, working in the office will distract from the natural order.

In this study, we divided the status of women into three societies, wherein the status of women is different in these societies—the backward (primitive) society, the civilised (sandwiched) society and the evolved (advanced) society. A primitive society—refers to a society where people live as they did at the dawn of human history or whose cultures exist outside industrial civilisation (Posner, 1980; Robertson, 2001). This society is deeply engraved with the evolution of human civilisation, where one is considered backward, for example, in an Indian context. This society has a different perspective on women as they are treated based on religion, tradition, culture and customs. In this kind of society, the demographic and socio-economic background are essential in determining women’s social status in the community. Women are categorised as inferior, who have attained little or no status but are fated to be only responsible for taking care of the household and bearing an outspring. On the other hand, a man is expected to engage in various modes of production for survival and income for the family. Thus, this society rests on the idea of the distribution of labour between men and women. Ultimately, women’s relative attitude towards this society is engraved in the form of religious and sociocultural obligations.

The sandwiched society—refers to a society that is a step above the backwards, although it is not yet fully evolved. This society goes through a phase of transition from primitive/backward to somewhere towards an advanced society, hence civilised. It is a kind of society that starts to understand women’s importance and talks about equal pay for equal work, where working women are not perceived as taboo. However, only a lesser portion of women are seen in the job-centric world of this kind of society. Furthermore, women who are almost equally educated or possess higher qualifications do not get equal and deserving positions compared to their male counterparts. At this juncture, occupation appears to be determined by familial social standing. Women tend to be more engaged in care work and get no opportunity to play a productive role. In turn, women cannot enjoy the same as their male counterparts in terms of participation associated with privileges and economic benefits. Such occupations demand women to be time-conscious about participating in both household activities and economic activities. A lack of appreciation of women’s ‘reproductive’ work as an economic activity still prevails. There are still miles to realise how equal and vital women’s reproductive roles can be. Household work still occurs to remain the sole responsibility of women, though they may get occasional help from male members. All these factors hinder women’s opportunities and further disable them from utilising a rational and scientific approach to different problems.

The evolved society: This society is expected to be an advanced and well-cultured society where women possess equal capabilities to men. There is, to some extent, an appreciation of women’s ‘reproductive’ work as an economic activity. Women’s ‘productive’ career is almost recognised. This society has started to see how equal and vital women’s reproductive roles can be, although they do not fully appreciate it. This society recognises women’s care and other idiosyncratic chores, yet men are scarcely seen as partaking in this role. Although women are comprehended as equal to their male counterparts, this society still suffers from not recognising women’s greater self-reliance. Although women do great work, even to some extent, more than men, only men’s work is highly valued more than women’s, directly or indirectly, through status and political power. Thus, women in this society are still not fully released from subordination and are not fully emancipation. Women are still yet to be fully empowered in terms of both practical and strategic needs and gender role identification. Thus, this society still needs to achieve equality through fundamental changes in the identification of reproductive, productive, community managing and community political roles within and outside the household.

Therefore, to address the issue of the gender gap and women’s deprivation, policies should be focused on reforming the institutional setups at the societal level. Policies that seek to address women’s issues in backward societies should be different from those in civilised and evolved societies vis-à-vis. One of the achievements that can be made is to establish constraints and rules that empower women to achieve equality with men in these societies. This can be achieved by looking into local institutions that influence gender inequalities and the relationships between these institutions and women. However, to see women as equal to their male counterparts, there is a need to understand the multidimensional work of women at the societal level. For example, men control the current politico-administrative system in primitive and civilised societies. Hence, pursuing the outcome within their own interest. Therefore, it is crucial to ensure that institutions are backed by inappropriate practices or that there are no broader political constraints operating at the level of policy formulation which impede successful implementation for women to have a decent life.

Analytical Framework and Data Source

Necessary data were obtained from primary and secondary sources. Extensive research on women’s current and previous status in India is done to determine the weaknesses, strengths and threats of current policies on women’s empowerment through observations and personal interviews with the concerned persons. This study used an online survey to collect the required primary data. Necessary and useful secondary data were also collected from the Global Economy data bank, United Nations reports, civil societies, the government of India reports, non-government organisations and the private sector in India. The study also explored documentation and reports on women’s participation in economic activities, as well as the literature discussed earlier on women’s empowerment, gender inequalities and the role of culture in gender. Further, tabulating was used to establish patterns and trends within the various parameters of the study. The study also analysed the strengths, weaknesses, opportunities and threats of women’s participation in policy-making and the important structure of the Indian economy.

Status of Women in India

Women in Education

As mentioned earlier, the status of women in India has gone through numerous stages, with education deprivation being one of those stages. During India’s independence in 1947, the percentage of literate women was less than 8%, compared to 25% for men. This gap in the literacy rate between males and females continued over the years to its highest value of 26.6% in 1981. After that, a big upward shift in the female literacy rate narrowed the female–male literacy gap in recent decades in India (Nair, 2010). Women’s literacy rate has grown over the past three decades, as the growth of female literacy has, in fact, been higher than that of the male literacy rate. In 1971, only 22% of Indian women were literate. By the end of 2001, 54.6% of females were literate. The growth of the female literacy rate was 14.87% compared to 11.72% of the male literacy rate. A recent government report on education statistics (2013) notes that the literacy rates for women in India steadily increased further to 65.46% in 2011. However, the male–female gap in literacy rates, as per the 2011 Census data, is 16.7% (Table 1), which is still high. Although there has been a remarkable improvement in women’s literacy at the national level over the years, there is still much wanting in terms of women’s literacy at the state level. There are some states where the female–male literacy gap is still higher than 20%. For instance, Rajasthan had a female–male literacy gap of about 28%. For more details about women’s literacy rate, see Appendix A.

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Table 1.

Total Literacy Rate of the Whole Population of India and the Literacy Rate Gap from 1901 to 2011.

Census Year	Literacy Rate (in %)	Gap in Male–Female Literacy Rate (in %)	Female Literacy (in %)	Male Literacy (in %)
1901	5.4	9.2	0.6	9.8
1911	5.9	9.6	1	10.6
1921	7.2	10.4	1.8	12.2
1931	9.5	12.7	2.9	15.6
1941	16.1	17.6	7.3	24.9
1951	18.33	12.3	8.86	21.16
1961	28.3	25.05	15.35	40.4
1971	34.45	23.98	21.97	45.96
1981	43.57	26.62	29.76	56.38
1991	52.21	24.84	39.29	64.13
2001	64.83	21.59	53.67	75.26
2011	74.04	16.68	65.46	82.14

In order to have an upright look at women’s educational attainment in India, an analysis of the gender gap in enrolment in the institutions of higher education in India was also done. The higher education enrolment analysis is based on the Ministry of Education, Government of India (2019). The available data have shown that the gender gap in higher educational institutions decreased by over 900,000 from 3.15 million in 2011–2012 to 2.15 million in 2016–2017. The Gender Parity Index increased to 0.94 in 2016–2017 from 0.86 in 2010–2011, with women’s participation in certain disciplines with very high and increasingly sharply courses like MA, MSc and MCom. Although the enrolment rate gap between males and females favours males, women have outnumbered men in Bachelor of Arts and education degrees. MSc in Mathematics, Physics and Zoology are also subjects where the number of women is over 60%, with Mathematics being the highest at 62.1% of women, while in Chemistry, 56.3% of the students were women in 2016–2017. In social sciences and especially political science, 52.2% of students are women. The gender gap at the Master of Arts was 169 women per 100 men. For the Master of Science, the gender gap was 167 women per 100 men in 2016–2017 from 123 in 2012–2013, while for the Master of Commerce, the gender gap was 158 women per 100 men in 2016–2017. The gender gap ratio is skewed in favour of men in technical and professional courses like BTech, Law and Management. In BSc Nursing, the gender gap jumped to 384 women per 100 males in 2016–2017 from 92 in 2012–2013. In MBBS, there were 99 women per 100 male students, up from 86 in 2012–2013, and in B.Com, there were up to 93 from 79 in the same period (Table 2).

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Table 2.

Female Students in Important Programmes at Undergraduate and Postgraduate Levels in Regular Mode of Education Per 100 Males in India.

Programme	2012–2013	2013–2014	2014–2015	2015–2016	2016–2017
Master of Arts	124	147	154	165	169
Master of Science	123	138	147	157	167
Master of Commerce	122	136	145	148	158
MBBS	86	93	95	97	99
BSc (Nursing)	92	95	93	93	384
Bachelor of Education	169	180	188	197	203
Bachelor of Arts	108	115	118	118	121
Bachelor of Commerce	79	83	86	90	93
Bachelor of Computer Applications	59	63	64	65	75
Bachelor of Business ADMIN	61	75	75	76	66
BTech	38	39	39	38	39
LLB	43	46	44	44	47
MBA	52	56	58	61	62
MTech	55	61	64	64	67

The status of women in education is showing some positive results. At the current rate, the gap between male and female enrolment in higher institutions is expected to narrow down to zero in 10 years. Thereafter, women will take the lead in higher education enrolment. However, not all female graduates in India have managed to get a job. On an online questionnaire, out of 1,032 respondents of women graduates across India, 8.6% have chosen or were forced to become housewives. Thus, women need to be encouraged to search for and take up a job after graduation. India can improve its economic growth rate by at least 1.5% if 50% of its women join the workforce (World Bank, 2018). Women’s economic empowerment is highly correlated with economic growth and poverty reduction because women tend to invest their earnings in their family’s development and their communities.

Women in Politics and Governance

In India, women had come forward with their demand for voting rights as early as 1917, much before women in other parts of the world secured this right. They bravely fought against colonialism and the patriarchal, traditional society (Khanna, 2009). In 1919, about 1 million women obtained voting rights in India. However, women only exercised this right in 1932. Although women’s interest in politics has come a long way, women’s participation in politics has not been successful in India. In the current parliament, women constitute only 14% (78 of 546) of the seats in the Lok Sabha and 11% (27 out of 245) of the seats in the Rajya Sabha (Table 3). Data from the Inter-Parliamentary Union (IPU) and UN Women indicate that, between 1999 and 2018, the share of women representatives in the Lok Sabha rose only by 1%. However, considering the increasing share of women voters in the electorate, there is an urgent need to bring women on board and have a significant representation of women in the National Assembly. The number of women participating in the voting process in India has been growing in the past 50 years. In 1971, 48% of women turned up to vote. The turnout of women increased to 60% in 1984 and then to 65.3% during the 2014 general elections (as against a 67.1% turnout for men). The gender gap among voters has shrunk to 1.8%. In the recently concluded National Assembly elections, the number of women voters surpassed the number of men in most states.

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Table 3.

Average Number and Percentage of Women Members of Parliament in India—Lok Sabha (from 1952 to 2019).

Sl. No.	Year	No. of Women	Percentage
1.	1952–1957	24	5
2.	1958–1962	37	7
3.	1963–1967	33	6
4.	1968–1971	28	5
5.	1972–1977	21	4
6.	1978–1983	32	6
7.	1984–1987	45	8
8.	1988–1991	35	7
9.	1982–1996	41	8
10.	1997–2004	48	9
11.	2005–2009	64	11
12.	2010–2014	68	11
13.	2015–2019	78	14

In this study, an analysis has also been made to examine whether women have the freedom to decide on whom to vote for. The finds concur with the 1996 National Election Survey, which found that 17% of women, who responded, were influenced by the opinion of their spouses, and another 19% of women reported that the opinions of their family members mattered when choosing who to vote for. On a group of 460 female research scholars who participated in the survey at the different universities in India, who applied for leaves to go vote in their respective states, 9% indicated that they voted for the candidate that their spouses suggested for them to vote, while 51% indicated that they were influenced by at least one of their family members (mostly a father or a brother) to choose their preferred candidate. An article written by Deshpande (2014) suggests that women are more dependent on familial opinion when making political choices because they are kept away from institutional and social resources that would allow them to form independent political opinions.

The dependence of women on their families to make decisions has also hindered women from progressing in politics and governance. An article in EPW (2019), under the heading ‘Where are the Women in Indian Politics?’, suggested that even when women are elected to office, it does not necessarily mean that they will be able to influence decision-making within political parties to a great extent because of systemic inhibitions. This could be the reason that a small number of women who made it to the top of the political ladder have not passed any of the gender-sensitive policies in India so far. Verma and Yadav (1996) observed an increase in women legislators in Bihar, yet that did not yield any significant reforms favouring women’s participation, because the basic structure and methods of functioning of political parties remained the same.

After analysing the percentage of women who made it to the national assembly, further analysis was made to examine the percentage of women who made it to the top government offices. India first saw a woman in top government offices in the 1960s when Indira Gandhi became the first female Prime Minister, and again, she was retained in the 1980s. However, to date, she remains the only woman to make it to the Prime Minister’s Office. After Indira Gandhi, in the Prime Minister’s Office, India managed to promote women to the level of the President’s office once in 2007. Also, India elected Droupadi Murmu as the current President, making her the second female President of India and the first tribal woman to occupy a senior position in the country. Since 1995, no more than once has the Indian Union Cabinet managed to be made up of more than 15% of female ministers (Table 4). The current government has only three female cabinet ministers out of 24. The statistics on the number of women who made it to other top government offices are also not promising. Since independence, only eight women have been appointed as judges in India. In the private sector, the National Stock Exchange (NSE) data on the women managing director (MD)/chief executive officer (CEO) positions of NSE-registered companies, since 2010, shows that average percentage of women MD/CEO is just 3.4%.

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Table 4.

Percentage of Women Cabinet Ministers in India from 1995 to 2019.

Period	No. of Women Cabinet Ministers	Total No. of Cabinet Ministers	% Women Cabinet Ministers
1995–1999	2	34	5.88
2000–2004	2	29	6.90
2005–2009	2	28	7.14
2010–2014	6	27	22.2
2015–2019	3	24	12.5

Women and Institutions

The literature above confirms that WEE are a function ( f) of institutional setups (I). With the data obtained from the Global Economy from 1995 to 2019 and the use of ordinary least squares (OLS), we tested the relationship between women’s empowerment and institutions (formal rules and informal constraints). We used variables like the female–male literacy gap, the ratio of female–male pupils in primary school, the ratio of female to male students in secondary school, the ratio of female to male students in tertiary-level education, and the percentage of women in parliament as a proxy for WEE. The rule of law index, government effectiveness index, regulatory quality index and voice and accountability index are used as a proxy for formal institutions (formal setups). Shadow economy as a percentage of gross domestic product (GDP), rural population as a percentage of total population, and religious importance index are used as a proxy for informal institutions (informal constraints/setup).

It is observed from the analysis that during this period, the formal institutional setup had a strong and significant stimulating impact on WEE, except for the voice and accountability index (Table 5). This means formal institutions and organisations played a significant positive role in helping women become more empowered and independent. However, this was not true for the ‘voice and accountability’ index, which showed no noticeable impact in improving women’s status. For instance, the elasticity of the rule of law index on the female–male literacy gap is −18.57, implying that every single point of improvement or strengthening of the rule of law reduced the female–male literacy gap by 18.57%. The elasticity of the rule of law index with respect to the ratio of female–male pupils in primary school is 0.562, while in the case of the ratio of female to male students in secondary school it is 0.752, that of the ratio of female to male students in tertiary education is 0.731, and for women in parliament is 9.427.

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Table 5.

Slope Coefficient and R² of Regression of Formal Institutions (Rules/Constraint) Indicators on the Respective Gender Women Deprivation/Empowerment Variable During 1995–2019.

	Slope Coefficient	Adj. R2
Rule of Law Index
Female–male literacy gap	−18.57**	0.704
Ratio of female–male pupils in primary school	0.562**	0.627
Ratio of female to male students in secondary school	0.752**	0.716
Ratio of female to male students in tertiary education	0.731**	0.444
Women in parliament, per cent	9.427**	0.569
Government Effectiveness Index
Female–male literacy gap	−14.53**	0.246
Ratio of female–male pupils in primary school	0.376*	0.147
Ratio of female to male students in secondary school	0.527**	0.192
Ratio of female to male students in tertiary education	0.737**	0.271
Women in parliament, per cent	8.644**	0.282
Regulatory Quality Index
Female–male literacy gap	−9.226**	0.055
Ratio of female–male pupils in primary school	0.149	−0.018
Ratio of female to male students in secondary school	0.292	0.017
Ratio of female to male students in tertiary education	0.481	0.069
Women in parliament, per cent	6.372*	0.106
Voice and Accountability Index
Female–male literacy gap	16.50	0.014
Ratio of female–male pupils in primary school	−0.052	0.043
Ratio of female to male students in secondary school	−0.435	−0.019
Ratio of female to male students in tertiary education	−1.407*	0.132
Women in parliament, per cent	−16.35*	0.135

Note: ** and * indicate that the coefficient is significant at 1% and 5% level of significance.

We also find a stimulating and significant relationship between the government effectiveness index and the female–male literacy gap, the ratio of female–male pupils in primary school, the ratio of female to male students in secondary school, the ratio of female to male students in tertiary education, and women in parliament. However, the impact of the voice and accountability index on most variables of women’s empowerment was found to be insignificant during the period of study (Table 5). The results support the existing literature that India needs to strengthen the formal institutions to better the status of women, whether in their education, participation in the workforce or involvement in politics and business. This includes improving the rule of law and regulatory quality, making the government more effective, and ensuring that these institutions empower women by ensuring women’s rights and opportunities. Strengthening these institutions creates a better environment where women can thrive and participate fully in society and in economic activities.

The results further revealed that the reduction of informal institutional constraints/setups also stimulated WEE (Table 6). All variables used in a study as proxies for informal constraints generated a strong and significant impact on variables used as proxies for WEE. The elasticity of the shadow economy as a percentage of GDP with respect to the female–male literacy gap is 0.829, implying that for every 1% drop in the shadow economy, the female–male literacy gap reduces by 0.83%. The elasticity of the shadow economy, with respect to the ratio of female–male pupils in primary school, is –0.025, while the shadow economy elasticity with respect to the ratio of female to male students in secondary school is –0.033, that of the ratio of female to male students in tertiary education is –0.038, and for women in parliament is –0.423. The rural population as a percentage of the total population and religious importance index results also revealed a stimulating and significant impact on the female–male literacy gap, the ratio of female–male pupils in primary school, the ratio of female to male students in secondary school, the ratio of female to male students in tertiary education, and women in parliament. It shows that urbanisation positively impacts WEE. Furthermore, a reduction in the importance of religion also positively impacts WEE.

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Table 6.

Slope Coefficient and R² of Regression of Informal Institutions (Rules/Constraints) Indicators on the Respective Gender Women Deprivation/Empowerment Variable During 1995–2019.

	Slope Coefficient	Adj. R2
Shadow Economy, Per cent of GDP
Female–male literacy gap	0.829**	0.933
Ratio of female–male pupils in primary school	−0.025**	0.851
Ratio of female to male students in secondary school	−0.033**	0.919
Ratio of female to male students in tertiary education	−0.038**	0.8168
Women in parliament, per cent	−0.423**	0.768
Rural Population, Per cent of Total Population
Female–male literacy gap	1.348**	0.968
Ratio of female–male pupils in primary school	−0.040**	0.834
Ratio of female to male students in secondary school	−0.053**	0.932
Ratio of female to male students in tertiary education	−0.063*	0.897
Women in parliament, per cent	−0.724**	0.880
Religious Importance Index
Female–male literacy gap	454.8**	0.925
Ratio of female–male pupils in primary school	−13.61**	0.807
Ratio of female to male students in secondary school	−17.87**	0.882
Ratio of female to male students in tertiary-level education	−22.20**	0.929
Women in parliament, per cent	−248.0**	0.873

Notes: ** and * indicate that the coefficient is significant at 1% and 5% level of significance. GDP: Gross domestic product.

The results suggest that it is very important to challenge and change the deep-rooted beliefs and social norms about women that exist in informal settings, such as families, religions, communities and traditional or cultural practices, to improve women’s participation in the economy. These longstanding attitudes often limit women’s opportunities and freedom to participate fully. Hence, addressing and transforming these informal beliefs and norms is crucial for creating an environment where women can fully engage in economic activities and achieve equality.

Conclusion and Recommendation

In this study, we analysed the journey of Indian women in education, politics, society, leadership and business. The analyses show that, excluding education, even if there is a slight improvement in the status of women in India, the gender gap is still large and still needs to be addressed. The rate of Indian women getting educated is growing faster. However, despite significant advancements in women’s education, a persistent gender gap still exists as systemic and cultural barriers persist, where women’s representation in politics, governance and leadership is still low. This could be attributed to entrenched patriarchal norms, structural discrimination and tokenistic policy implementation. The gender gap in literacy rates and high school enrolment is quite slender. However, not all educated women are actively looking for a job after graduation; some choose to become housewives because social and cultural motives restrict women’s access to economic participation (Jayachandran, 2020; Nyiransabimana et al., 2024). Other reasons included the lack of protection for women through strong women empowerment legislation (Nandal, 2005).

Cultural norms, on the other hand, provide a sense of belonging and identity. However, it could impose certain limitations on individual growth when affirmative stereotypical ascend. Such expectations often dictate that women prioritise domestic responsibilities over public life, limiting time and resources for civic engagement and discouraging political determination (Krook & Norris, 2014). Furthermore, legal quotas mandating women’s inclusion, such as the 33% reservation in local governance, have not delivered the expected outcome, as women are often underrepresented, and at some points, they serve only as symbolic representatives, where real powers are wielded by male relatives or party elites (Chattopadhyay & Duflo, 2004).

The study affirms that despite women’s achievements so far, the plague of entrenched barriers, such as structural biases of institutions, the invisibility of care work and the absence of safety nets, continues to limit women’s full participation in the economy. Thus, no room should be left unaddressed, as these gaps could further hinder national progress, innovation ecosystems and social cohesion. Empowering women is not simply a matter of social equity but also a strategic lever for economic growth, innovation and inclusive development. Efforts to stimulate women’s empowerment are insufficient without dismantling the deep-rooted sociocultural and political structures that sustain gender inequality. Thus, women should be encouraged to take up a job after graduation. Furthermore, women who have made it in politics and business should be encouraged to help strengthen legislation to achieve gender equality. Although the small number of women who made it to state and national assemblies failed to make the foreseen changes in empowering and upgrading other women, there is still an urgent need to increase the number of women in the political arena.

The issue of women’s reservation in legislative bodies was addressed through the 108th Amendment Bill of 2008, which eventually lapsed and never passed to become law. Rather, the women’s reservation issue has been addressed through the passage of the 106th Constitutional Amendment Act of 2023, which is frozen until after the 2026 census; its implementation is contingent on the completion of the upcoming census and delimitation exercise. Ultimately, such a significant delay does cause room for uncertainty and prolongs the underrepresentation of women’s participation in decision-making. Thus, although gender-related bill issues have been made visible, a strong consensus and initiatives with concrete policy proposal timelines are recommended to create less possibility of these women’s reservation provisions’ demise yet again.

Thus, to take the edge off towards gender gaps, both in terms of opportunities and representation in the economic and political fields, it would be favourable to draft resilient policies that encourage and increase women’s initiatives and participation in the parliament, electoral quotas and human resource management to tone down inequality. These policies on challenges imposed against women’s subordination and lack of inclusion should enable women to explore new areas and forms of analysis by acknowledging the differences among women and the construction of identities and various interests that become the torchbearers in the complexity of gender biases. Furthermore, it is necessary to initiate multiple training opportunities and skill-enhancing re-entry initiatives for women who have left the workforce to raise children. The government should also focus on childcare support and subsidies or credit for employers who hire more women or businesses that include women’s ownership. This would enhance women’s workforce inclusion and entrepreneurship spirit.

Various studies have also revealed that poverty, which drags women to live miserable lives, can be reduced through the indispensable tool of empowering women by creating power in individuals’ lives, society and communities. Thus, women can be empowered by bringing them to a social, economic and political equality platform by understanding women’s multifaceted and multidimensional work. Accelerating innovative policies beyond principles into practice would procure a greater gender-equal and balanced economy.

Women’s role in India’s political and economic landscape is no longer a question of ‘if’ but of how quickly and effectively its transformation can be realised. Empowering women economically yields multifold benefits from poverty reduction to national productivity; yet, to bolster its move, it demands deliberate and structural interventions, as empowerment without infrastructure becomes obsolete. Broader implications of economic policy designed not as gender-neutral but as gender-responsive, along with stringent institutional reforms prioritising gender budgeting mechanisms and quota-based representation in decision-making bodies, would be encouraged.

Removing gender-related barriers and reenvisioning the systems that created them in a sustainable and gender-just development will help build an inclusive economy. Therefore, mainstream commitments to addressing the care and integrating economic participation metrics into national and state-level development evaluations should ensure the equitable success of reforms. Yet, several questions remain: What policies would accelerate women’s empowerment, especially for those in rural and underprivileged, to be fully represented and empowered equally to men? And how can they transition by arbitrating caste and regional disparities into long-term socio-economic opportunities without social and economic disruption? Future research must delve into these intersections, particularly through longitudinal studies, impact assessments of policy pilots, and disintegrated gender data collection.