Abstract
Policymaking is an integral process of any organisation, which leads to formulating policy proposals and implementing policy decisions. The evolution of the European Union’s (EU) policy structure and the role of different institutions in which distinct powers are vested have helped to shape its overall character and nature of functioning. Numerous books on the institutional structure and variegated policymaking have been advanced in the academic circles. However, the present book under review addresses the issue of distribution of power and influence in the EU from different theoretical perspectives of integration and through different avenues of representation along with highlighting the role of its core institutions.
In the introductory chapter, Jeremy Richardson argues that the very term ‘Europeanisation’ is loaded with definitional problems due to its different interpretations. Nonetheless, Europeanisation is generally understood to be the process by which significant decisions about public policies are gradually transferred to the European level. The difficulty, which arises in terming the EU as a state, stems from the fact that it has a unique political system. The EU has 28 different policy systems having their own policy networks. This makes the policymaking task a ‘huge’ affair, which must be consolidated into one single policy approach. And this is largely done through incremental adjustments.
The growth of the EU as an organisation has not been continuous but impeded by obstacles. A theoretical understanding of European integration simultaneously lays down the fact that integration varies across both policies and countries, which is the reason why the EU is often referred to as a system of differentiated integration. The EU has a common currency and a common market but, on the other hand, it has a common security and defence policy which is not well defined— an example of vertical differentiation. On the other hand, all European countries do not come under the eurozone, yet non-member countries participate in the Schengen agreement and have an integrated market. This instance accounts for the explanation of horizontal differentiation. While arguing that the ‘increasingly differentiated character’ of the Union calls for adapting integration theories, Schimmelfennig and Berthold in their chapter also point out that differentiation is the hallmark of European integration and is likely to stay. Considering the current dynamics within the European society, which has also recorded waves of polarisation especially after the Brexit referendum, it can be said that existing theory-driven empirical research must accommodate a combination of the factors and conditions postulated by the current debate on European integration. Such an adaptation could also ensure a decent amount of credibility and legitimacy for the EU.
An explanation of the process of the European integration also includes an attempt to discuss the urge of the member states whether to opt out or participate in certain areas of decision-making. This can be understood by three categories of multispeed integration which are multispeed, variable geometry and a la carte. Membership of the eurozone, participation in the Schengen Agreement and the UK’s opt-out from the Social Charter, respectively represent these three classifications of multispeed integration. The Swedish opt-out from the European and Monetary Union (EMU) and opt-outs from the Schengen Agreement, Social Charter and New Fiscal Pact of 2011 help to comprehend member states’ participation or non-participation in policymaking. It has been observed that member states often take resort to opposing a policy decision keeping their national interests in mind. It has also been argued that members tend to back out on policymaking in an area where their allies have already opted out. This leads to ‘opt out cascades’ which can have several repercussions. It can influence policy outcomes and reveal strategic compromises and bailout, which can be detrimental to the integration project. This critical understanding of the EU finds appropriate mention in this book. Jensen and Slapin in the chapter on the politics of multispeed integration do not rule out the possibility of the occurrence of such cascades in future. The prospect of EU member countries following Britain out of the bloc’s exit door could lead to the Union plunging into uncertainties, though it is unlikely that disintegration of the EU could be a defining political phenomenon of the next decade.
The external and internal competencies of the European Commission are discussed at length by Arndt Wonka in his essay on the European Commission emphasising that it has to take into account the politico-economic heterogeneity of the member states. On the discussion of conflicts, it has been argued that whether sectoral or partisan, conflicts have a tendency to point out to the fact that the EU is a collective actor and not a unitary one. It is these dynamics of the intra-institutional relationships that have strengthened the institutional set up of the organisation. A notable development in the functioning of the institutions is the shift of power from the European Commission to the European Council for the purpose of coordinating political activities at the government level and thereby coming out with a plan for EU future actions. This could be seen as another perspective to reduce frictions between national entities and the supranational establishment in the current scenario.
In its journey of evolution, the EU has developed a multilevel parliamentary system marked by a vertical division of labour, weak horizontal integration and cross national variation. An evaluation of the relationship of the European Parliament and national parliaments has been carried out which gives an insight to the readers about the parliamentary behaviour in EU affairs. The role of the European Council has been critically analysed throwing light on the fact that transparency in the Council’s affairs would result in a more democratic functioning of the body. As a supranational polity, the EU has a very powerful court of justice which hardly allows the national courts to exercise influence on the parent body. On the different EU agencies working across various issue areas, Rittberger and Wonka analyses that these agencies were vested with limited powers and their composition bestowed governments with political influence on the agencies’ activities. The concern raised is whether these restrictions on the power of agencies are democratically controlled.
The EU enlargement is another prominent area which entails discussion in the book. The Eastern enlargement of the Union had been embarked upon in spite of the economic, decision and transaction costs that it involved. In this case, as Schimmelfennig comments, enlargement has been considered as the EU’s most successful foreign policy tool. Despite the presence of drawbacks such as decision-making, efficiency and distribution problems and perceived scepticism among European countries, integration has been the hallmark of the European society.
On economic unification, the essay on ‘The EU Budget’ highlights the attribute that the development of European economic integration has managed to keep arguments around budgetary decision-making at bay, although the rigidity of the spending structure is somewhat criticised. Erik Jones and Gregory W. Fuller’s chapter on macroeconomic governance of the EU recognises that steps have been taken to strengthen fiscal consolidation in order to revamp the architecture of the EU economics. But despite that, the EU needs a more robust framework for the management of financial crisis and to handle government deficits.
As an international actor, the EU derives much of its strength from the foundations on which it is built. These foundations indicate the economic and political leverage of the EU and the way it has extended its sphere to encompass broader issues affecting the world arena. However, much of the fault of its functioning lies in the fact that there is a ‘capability-expectations gap’, or in other words, the process of transformation from decision to action has its own loopholes. Moreover, the still prevalent ‘permissive consensus’ system has come under the scanner because of its role in aiding the growth of Euroscepticism. The issues of political representation and democracy have not been left behind as these have often become the topic of discussion in recent times. Technocratic governance and the lack of transparency have sharpened the debate on democratic deficit. Sandra Kroger argues in her analysis that achieving democratic legitimacy for the EU is conditioned on the functioning of representative institutions in EU matters.
To put it precisely, the editors Jeremy Richardson and Sonia Mazey have presented a collection of diverse essays, which give the readers an insightful assessment of the institutional and policy issues of the EU, a critical and in-depth understanding of the institutional processing, integration theories, policymaking and the issue of representation within the EU. The book accommodates plausible recommendations for the EU in areas where it lacks transparency, democracy and accountability. Most importantly, it can offer substantial help in reconciling the underlying differences within the European society, thereby providing analytic understanding of the functioning of the European project.