Abstract
Turkey has been among one of the most active players in African politics over the last decade. The ruling Justice and Development Party (AK Party) governments have changed the traditional foreign policy approach towards Africa. Turkey has sought to develop its strategic relations with non-Western regional and sub-regional organisations during the AK Party governments. In this regard, Turkish Embassy in Addis Ababa was accredited to the African Union (AU) and other sub-regional African organisations since 2005. In this research, the main question is ‘why has Turkey deepened and widened its strategic relations with African regional and sub-regional organizations?’ This research will scrutinise Turkey’s engagement with the African organisations by employing a theoretical approach and a holistic approach. According to the findings of this research, Turkey has changed its traditional approach towards African politics and played a dynamic role in establishing a new global order despite persistent challenges in the world.
Keywords
Introduction
Turkey has emerged as one of the most important strategic actors on the African continent over the last decade. After the Justice and Development party (AK Party) came to power in November 2002, Turkey has changed its traditional foreign policy towards Africa. Turkey pursued a Western-oriented foreign policy during the Cold War era. The AK Party government dedicated the year 2005 as the year of Africa and accordingly enhanced its political, economic and sociocultural relations with Africa at the highest level. According to the new foreign policy identity of Turkey, Turkey is an Afro-Eurasian country, which means that Turkey not only develops its strategic relations with the West, but also develops a multidimensional foreign policy with the non-Western actors such as Africa, India and China. The AK Party governments view Africa from a strategic perspective rather than employing an ideological standpoint. This research has argued that Turkey had successfully implemented the ‘Africa Action Plan’ adopted in 1998 by the Turkish Parliament but faces new threats and challenges. What makes Turkey’s policy in Africa a unique one lies in the fact that Turkey has been developing a sophisticated humanitarian policy in Africa through which the country has implemented a number of projects directly touching the lives of the Africans. This article highlights that Turkey has executed its Africa policy in a strategic combination of state and non-state actors, including non-governmental organisations, business associations, religious organisations, public institutions and universities.
Turkey sees African organisations including the AU and other sub-regional African organisations as a catalyst to improve its multilateral relations with African countries. In a parallel of Turkey’s active engagement with Africa, Turkish and non-Turkish scholars have begun to examine the reasons and the dynamics behind Turkey’s increasing involvement in Africa. However, much of the academic writings on Turkey-Africa relations lack deep analysis on the relations between Turkey and African organisations. However, African organisations play key roles in increasing strategic relations between the actors. Therefore, this research will aim to fill the significant gap in the academic literature by analysing Turkey’s relations with African organisations in a holistic approach.
Theoretical Discussion on Cooperation
Non-governmental organisations (NGOs) such as civil societies and business organisations play a significant role in creating the notion of cooperation. Political and economic stability is vital for persistence of cooperation (Sümer, 2010, pp. 678–695). Domestic policy priorities should not clash with foreign policy priorities for the facilitation of a permanent cooperation (Sümer, 2010, p. 681). States having offensive foreign policies trigger the emergence of the notion of cooperation between various actors (Walt, 1985, pp. 9–12).
Realists assume that states have to increase their military power to be able to protect their own national interests (Grieco, 1988, pp. 487–495). Realists believe that cheating and relative gains constrain the development of cooperation (Grieco, 1988). The famous expression of the realists that ‘today’s friend can be tomorrow’s foe’ explains how making cooperation among the actors is difficult (Grieco, 1988). Realists express that competition and insecurity are the fundamental basis of international politics, which damages the evolution of cooperation. Meanwhile, realists reject the idea that international institutions facilitate cooperation (Grieco, 1988).
According to Mearsheimer (2013, pp. 72–75), the structure of the international system forces states to increase their power. Furthermore, the international system is a brutal arena where states are always looking for an opportunity to take advantage of each other (Mearsheimer, 1994–1995, pp. 9–10). Structural realists are pessimistic about the future of international cooperation because of the existence of such a self-help world. From the point of the realist approach, Turkey aims to possess relative gains while cooperating with African organisations. The main reasons behind this cooperation are to maximise its power in the world politics and to protect its own national interests.
Liberal theorists claims that democratic values and transformation in domestic politics can facilitate international cooperation (Walt, 1998, pp. 32–35). Liberal institutionalists are optimistic about international cooperation. Institutions can play a significant role in creating emerging the notion of cooperation between states. This theory considers that international institutions can mitigate the possibility of war and conflicts between states (Keohane & Martin, 1995, pp. 40–42). While realists claim that cheating and mistrust are the main issues for cooperation among the states, liberal institutionalists believe that institutions minimise cheating and mistrust (Keohane & Martin, 1995, pp. 42–46).
Liberal institutionalists stress that the states working together within the framework of international institutions can divide gains among the states equally. However, realists assert that great powers will always gain more from cooperation (Keohane & Martin, 1995). Mutual interests and mutual threats can lead to the emergence of international cooperation (Keohane & Axelrod, 1985, pp. 227–232). From the view of the liberal thought, democratic experience of Turkey and economic and political transformation in the country have facilitated cooperation with African organisations. Mutual interests such as economic benefits and mutual threats such as terrorism have been significant driving forces behind cooperation between Turkey and African organisations.
Constructivists believe that international politics is constructed socially and historically. Identities and interests are not given in nature (Wendt, 1992, pp. 397–400). States can change their identities and interests through interactions and communications (Wendt, 1992, p. 423). They reject the thoughts of neorealists claiming that self-help world is given exogenously (Wendt, 1992, p. 396). Neorealists assert that cooperation can only occur under the control of great powers. According to Wendt, shared values, identity, shared belief, social interactions and discourses play significant roles in constructing international politics (Wendt, 1992, pp. 399–403). Distrusts and hatred are not natural (Wendt, 1992, p. 405). A state can change its relations with another through systematic interaction and then establish cooperation. Having said that constructivists do not assume that social interactions can always lead to cooperation (Wendt, 1992, pp. 417–420).
From the constructivist perspective, Turkey has actively aimed to engage with African countries through social interactions in order to develop its political, economic and social relations. The common historical relations and identity between Turkey and Africa such as the religion of Islam, the history of the Ottoman State in Africa and the lack of a colonial experience in Africa have been playing a constructive role in increasing the notion of cooperation between the two sides.
Conceptualising Turkish Foreign Policy Towards Africa
Turkey’s foreign policy towards Africa will be examined within the four periods. The first period starts with the Ottoman foreign policy towards Africa. The second period scrutinises Turkey’s foreign policy in Africa from 1923 to 1990. The third period deals with Turkey’s foreign policy in Africa from 1990 to 2002. The fourth examines the AK Party governments’ foreign policy towards Africa.
The Ottoman Period
The Ottoman State had a strong relationship with the African continent dating back to the sixteenth century. From the sixteenth to nineteenth centuries, 13 African countries 1 which still exist today, belonged to the Ottoman State (Kavas, 2015, p. 33). There is a set of important reasons behind the Ottoman State’s active involvement in Africa. The conquest of Egypt in 1517 was a turning point for the Ottoman State to develop an African identity. The Ottoman State began to establish its superiority in North Africa, Red Sea and Arabian Peninsula after the conquest of 1517 (Kavas, 2015, pp. 519–523). The Ottoman State played a significant role in preventing the colonial activities of Portugal on the Arabic Peninsula and on the coast of East Africa (Orhonlu, 1996, pp. 22–30). In addition, the Ottoman State halted the expansionist policies of Spain in the region of North Africa (Kavas, 2015, pp. 519–523) and possessed the strategic port cities, places and the regions in Africa including the Red Sea, Bab-el Mandeb and North Africa, and the port cities of Suakin, Massawa, Zeila and Berbera port in order to take control of the important trading routes, to stop the colonial powers’ activities in Africa, and to protect the holy places (Orhonlu, 1996, pp. 175–180; Tandoğan, 2013, pp. 141–150).
The Ottoman State developed special relations with the Muslim Sultanates in the region of East Africa and in the rest of the African continent such as Kanem Bornu, Kano, Songhai, Harar, Funj and the Darfur Sultanates. Almost all the Muslim Sultanates across the African continent recognised the Ottoman superiority and accepted the Ottoman Sultans as a caliphate of the Islamic world. The Ottoman State became a great power to protect the interests of the Muslim Sultanates in Africa against the colonial powers and provided military, economic, political and sociocultural support to them until the nineteenth century (Kavas, 2015, pp. 523–531). The Ottoman superiority in Africa ended when the First World War erupted (Kavas, 2015, p. 145).
The Republican Era to 1990
The Republic of Turkey was established in 1923 with the collapse of the Ottoman State. The ruling Kemalist elite adopted Western and secular identity as a new state identity, believing that the new state was to be modernised through Westernisation and secularism (Bozdaglioglu, 2003, pp. 35–36). The Kemalist elite rejected the Ottoman legacy and saw it as a threat to its own survival (Bozdaglioglu, 2003, pp. 47, 53, 54). It is important to consider that African continent was under the control of the former European colonial powers until the decolonisation process began on the continent in the 1950s. Turkey firstly opened its diplomatic missions on the African continent in Egypt in 1925 and in Ethiopia in 1926. Then, it opened its missions in Libya (1952), Morocco (1957), Tunisia (1957) and Ghana (1957) (Hazar, 2016, p. 236).
In line with Turkey’s Western identity, Turkey rejected Morocco’s and Tunisia’s demands for independence at the UN General Assembly Meetings in 1952 and also stood against Algeria’s demands for independence at the UN in 1955 (Hazar, 2016, p. 212–215). Likewise, Turkey failed to criticise the racist policies of the apartheid regime in South Africa at the UN (Tepeciklioğlu, 2012, p. 67). Furthermore, when the Egyptian President Camal Abdul Nasser decided to nationalise the Suez Canal in 1956, Turkey also disapproved the decision of President Nasser (Hazar, 2016, pp. 224–226). Turkey was very cautious of not damaging its relations with Western powers because it was extremely dependent on their political, economic and military support (Tepeciklioğlu, 2012, p. 68). From the Turkish perspective, Tunisia’s demand for independence was a domestic issue between France and Tunisia; hence, Turkey was not supposed to get involved in this problem (Bayram, 2014, p. 263).
Two important events affected Turkish foreign policy towards Africa during the 1960s and the 1970s: The Cyprus crisis and the US foreign policy towards Turkey. With increasing violence against the Cypriot Turks on the Island, Turkey involved in a military intervention on the island in 1974 to provide security and protect the Cypriot Turks against the attacks of the Greek militia groups. However, the USA imposed sanctions against Turkey from 1975 to 1978 (Aydın, 2004, pp. 37–39). The Cyprus crisis and the USA’s aggressive attitude towards Turkey during the Cold War era forced Turkey to diversify Turkish foreign policy (Aydın, 2004, pp. 39–43).
Accordingly, Turkey began to look for international support for its Cyprus cause during the 1960s and the 1970s (Hazar, 2016, p. 292). At the same time, Turkey increased the number of its diplomatic missions across the continent including Nigeria (62), Algeria (1963), Senegal (1963), Kenya (1968), the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) (1974), Somalia and Tanzania (1979). However, in the 1980s, Turkey shut down its diplomatic missions in Ghana and Tanzania due to the economic reasons, and in Somalia because of security issues in this country (Hazar, 2016, p. 236). The then President Cevdet Sunay visited Ethiopia in 1967 and Tunisia in 1966 to improve relations with Africa (Hazar, 2016, p. 260). In 1985, the then Prime Minister Turgut Özal also made an official visit to Algeria to fix the damaged relations with Algeria (Bayram, 2014, p. 265). In addition, Turkey donated 10 million U.S. dollars to the African countries hit by droughts through the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) in 1984. In 1978, Turkey also sent humanitarian assistance to Zimbabwe (Hazar, 2016, p. 237). Turkey began to side with the African states after the Cyprus crisis; for instance, it supported Namibia’s demands for independence at the UN in 1978–1979. Furthermore, Turkey provided support for Eritrea, Mozambique and Rhodesia (presently Zimbabwe) during their decolonisation processes (Tepeciklioğlu, 2012, p. 75).
Having said that, Turkey failed to develop a consistent foreign policy towards Africa until the 1990s. Many African countries supported Greece’s Cyprus thesis rather than Turkey’s Cyprus thesis (Hazar, 2016, pp. 10, 211) because of the fact that African countries perceived that Turkey was a strong supporter of the Western colonial policies in Africa (Hazar, 2016, p. 211).
The Post-Cold War Era to 2002
The end of the Cold War era brought significant changes in Turkish foreign policy. Under the leadership of Turgut Özal, Turkey developed a more assertive foreign policy towards the neighboring countries in the post-Cold war era (Sayari, 2000, pp. 179–182). Ozal strove to strengthen Turkey’s geopolitical power in world politics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. Turkey pursued an export-oriented foreign policy and endeavoured to benefit from the process of globalisation during his time. Particularly, Turkey developed special relations with the new independent countries emerged in Asia (Sayari, 2000). According to Ozal, the Kemalist elite ignored improving relations with the former territories of the Ottoman State and failed to understand Turkey’s new geopolitical position (Ataman, 2002, pp. 125–127). In this respect, Ozal showed great interest in the development of relations with the regions including Middle East, the Balkans, Caucasus, North Africa and Asia. His government played an active role in repairing relations with the countries located in North Africa. In this regard, he became the first prime minister to visit Algeria in 1985 and made an official apology to Algeria due to Turkey’s inconsistent policy towards this country at the UN in 1950 and 1960 (Emre, 2011). With the death of Ozal in 1993, Turkey entered a period of unstable coalitions and faced deep economic and political crises.
In 1998, Turkish coalition government decided to develop a comprehensive Africa Action Plan, which aimed to fortify political, economic, security and cultural relations between Turkey and African countries (Hazar, 2016, pp. 10–11). Why did Turkey need to create such an African strategy in 1998? According to Hazar, Turkey’s Cyprus issue was the most important driving force for the Africa Action Plan (Hazar, 2016). In addition to this, diversifying Turkish foreign policy, increasing Turkey’s international visibility in Africa and finding new strategic partners in different continents were among the important reasons behind it (Hazar, 2016, pp. 234, 245–250). In addition, EU’s reluctance towards Turkey’s membership was also a catalyst for developing relations with Africa. Despite the fact that the Turkish government prepared a detailed strategic plan towards Africa in 1998, the government failed to implement it successfully due to the domestic economic and political crises in the country.
The AK Party Governments’ Foreign Policy (2002 to Present)
Turkey has undergone a significant transformation in many fields under the administration of the AK Party governments. The AK Party policymakers redefined Turkey’s strategic position and changed its traditional foreign policy paradigm (Duran, 2013, pp. 99–102). Turkey was described as a peripheral country and as a satellite of the West during the Cold War era (Duran, 2013, p. 93). In addition, Turkey was highly dependent on the West for many years. From the point of the AK Party, it was necessary to make a transformation in the fields of politics, economics and military in the country in order to develop an independent foreign policy. Political stability has brought economic stability in Turkey along with the AK Party governments. It should to be noted that political instabilities in Turkey led to the emergence of many economic and political crises before the AK Party came to power (Altunisik, 2011, p. 196). Military bureaucracy was also actively involved in Turkish politics for many years, which damaged political and economic stability in Turkey (Altunisik, 2011, p. 197).
The AK Party government transformed the traditional structure of the military bureaucracy (Altunisik, 2011, p. 197). The AK Party elite defined Turkey as an Afro-Eurasian country (Davutoğlu, 2008, pp. 78–79) rather than a Western country, believing that Turkey has a geographical and historical depth that makes Turkey a unique actor in world politics (Davutoğlu, 2008, pp. 78–79). While the Kemalist elite rejected the Ottoman history as a part of Turkey’s history, the AK Party elite considers the Ottoman history is one of the most important factors shaping the Turkish identity (Siradag, 2013, pp. 18–19).
The AK Party governments have taken strategic steps to diversify Turkish foreign policy not only with Africa but also with the Middle East, Latin America and Asia, but Africa holds a unique place in the changing of Turkish foreign policy (Shinn, 2015, pp. 1–5). Turkey has implemented a set of strategic mechanisms to improve its relations with Africa. First, it has carried through the Africa Action Plan of 1998 to revitalise its relations with the continent (Tepeciklioğlu, 2019, pp. 3–4). Turkey has increased the number of its diplomatic missions across the continent. While the number was 12 across the continent in 2009, it has reached to 41 today (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey). Turkey’s total trade with the continent also increased from 5 billion U.S. dollars in 2002 to almost $20 billion recently (Tepeciklioğlu, 2019, pp. 3–4). Turkey has actively encouraged businessmen and Turkish business associations to play a more active role on the continent and has established joint economic councils with the African counterparts (Donelli, 2018, p. 62).
Furthermore, Turkey has provided scholarships to thousands of African students, believing that those students will be a natural bridge between Turkey and the African countries in the future. Turkish Airlines, Turkish Cooperation and Coordination Agency (TIKA), the Directorate of Religious Affairs known as Diyanet, the Presidency for Turks Abroad and Related Communities (YTB) and Turkish Red Crescent (KIZILAY) are among the most influential actors playing the leading roles in the implementation of the new Turkish foreign policy towards Africa (Ozkan, 2018, pp. 570–571).
Somalia has been a very unique example for understanding the transformation of Turkish foreign policy towards Africa. The Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, the then prime minister, visited Somalia on 19 August 2011 to attract the attention of the world to the famine and hunger in the country and became the first leader visiting Somalia among the European and the Asian countries since the 1990s. Turkey has spent over 500 million U.S. dollars to reconstruct Somalia since 2011. Turkey built a 200-bed hospital in Mogadishu in January 2015, one of the largest and the most modern hospitals in East Africa in which almost 20,000 Somalis get free healthcare services every month (Sıradağ, 2016, pp. 92–98). The TIKA along with the Turkish Humanitarian Relief Foundation (IHH) opened an agricultural school in Mogadishu in 2012, which aims to bolster the development of agriculture in Somalia. Thousands of tons of food aid has been provided to the needy people in the country since 2011. Furthermore, the garbage on the streets was collected, and roads were built in Mogadishu (Sıradağ, 2016). Medical doctors have been sent to the country to train the Somali doctors. Turkey has provided scholarship to hundreds of Somalia students to study in Turkey (Sıradağ, 2016). Besides, the Turkish NGOs, in cooperation with the state institutions, have implemented a number of significant projects aiming to strengthen the small and medium-sized companies in Somalia (Sıradağ, 2016).
Turkey has delivered its aid to the Somalis directly and communicated with the local people face to face on the ground. At the same time, Turkey has established the biggest overseas military training base in Somalia in 2015 in order to train the Somali National Army and the Somali Police Force. The base aims to create the national army and the national police force of Somalia (Sıradağ, 2018, pp. 9–10). In addition, Turkey made a bilateral deal with Sudan in 2017 worth 650 million U.S. dollars to restore the strategically important island known as the Suakin, located on Sudan’s Red Sea and to build a docking facility on the island for restoring military and civilian vessels on the island (Sıradağ, 2018), but the neighbouring countries like Egypt doubted Turkey’s active involvement in Sudan (Maher & Tsukerman, 2019).
Turkey has developed a non-traditional foreign policy to rebuild Somalia. A number of different state and non-state actors including Turkish diplomats, NGOs, businessmen, religious communities, public and the private institutions, have been actively involved in the rebuilding process of Somalia (Donelli, 2018, pp. 69–70; Sıradağ, 2018, pp. 7–8). Furthermore, Turkish Airlines became the first airlines in the world to connect Somalia to the world. Turkish Airlines has been flying to more than 35 countries in Africa and reaching more than 50 destinations on the continent. It has to be noted that Turkish Airlines has been one of the most effective agents implementing Turkey’s multi-track foreign policy in Africa (Ozkan, 2014, p. 26; Ozkan & Orakci, 2015, pp. 346–348).
Cooperation Between Turkey and the African Organisations
The AU has become the most important regional organisation, enabling Turkey to widen and deepen its relations with the African continent. After Turkey announced 2005 as a year of Africa, Turkey has taken important steps to revitalise its relations with the AU. Turkey participated in the AU Summits as a guest country between 2002 and 2005 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.a). Turkey was one of the first countries applying for gaining an observer status in the organisation. Following Turkey being granted observer status by the AU in May 2005, Turkey–AU relations have undergone significant developments. In November 2005, Prof Dr Alpha Oumar Konare, the then president of the AU Commission, visited Turkey upon the invitation of the Turkish government in line with the Africa Action Plan. His visit was the first ever high-level visit to Turkey from the AU since 1963. The contacts during Prof. Konare’s visit in Turkey opened a new page between Turkey and the AU. After this date, Turkey’s relations with the AU have begun to develop quickly (Altan, n.d., pp. 4–6). The status that Turkey was granted has meant that Turkey gained official status to participate in the official activities of the organisation. Turkey attended the AU summits as an observer country between 2005 and 2008 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b).
The second important development in the relations between Turkey and the AU was the president of the Commission of the AU’s invitation to the then Prime Minister Erdogan to give a speech at the opening session of the Summit of the Heads of State and Government of the AU on 1–2 February 2007. Erdogan’s visit was also the first ever high-level visit from Turkey to the AU (TASAM, 2011). The year 2005 was a milestone for Turkey to change its traditional foreign policy towards the AU. The President of the Commission of AU’s visit to Turkey and the then Prime Minister Erdogan’s visit to the AU played a significant role in creating the notion of the strategic partnership between Turkey and the AU. Furthermore, The Turkish Embassy in Addis Ababa was accredited to the AU in May 2005 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b). Furthermore, Turkey has been one of the strategic partners of the AU, with the decision taken at the 10th AU Summit held in Addis Ababa in January 2008 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b).
Turkey organised the first Turkey–Africa Cooperation Summit in August 2008. Forty-nine African countries and 11 international and regional organisations including the AU participated in this summit. This summit was the first ever high-level summit organised by Turkey (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b). At the summit, Turkey noticed that the AU acts as a catalyst to enhance its strategic relations with the continent. This summit was also an indication that Turkey was keen to develop a multidimensional and active foreign policy with African countries and with African organisations. The second Turkey–Africa Summit was held in Equatorial Guinea in Malabo in November 2014. Thirty African countries, the AU and some of the regional economic communities of the continent attended this summit (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b). Turkey has also co-organised two Ministerial Review Conferences in cooperation with the AU Commission in Istanbul in 2011 and 2018, respectively, in order to follow up and strengthen the mechanisms of the strategic partnership between Africa and Turkey (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b).
It is also important to highlight that the African Strategy that Turkey accepted in 2010 has also underlined the strategic importance of the AU to develop a continental relationship in Africa. More importantly, Turkey co-organised with the AU Commission the first and the second Turkey–Africa Economic and Business Forums in Istanbul in 2016 and 2018, respectively. More than 45 African countries and regional economic communities of Africa joined these forums. Moreover, over thousands of African and Turkish entrepreneurs attended these business forums (Ministry of Commerce of Turkey, 2018). Likewise, Turkey–Africa Meeting of Ministers of Agriculture and the First Agricultural Business Forum were held in Antalya, Turkey in April 2017. Forty-five ministers from 49 African countries and 10 international organisations including the AU joined this forum (Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, 2017). Turkey has also contributed 1 million U.S. dollars to the AU since 2009, which has been used for various projects of the organisation (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b).
Turkey has not only strengthened its strategic relations with the AU but has also has invigorated its relations with other regional organisations in Africa. In this regard, the Turkish Embassy in Abuja, Nigeria, was accredited to the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) in 2005. Under the coordination of Ministry of Economy, DEIK (Foreign Economic Relations Board) organised the first Turkey–ECOWAS Economic and Business Forum in February 2018 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.c). Both sides signed a trade and investment cooperation deal in the forum. In addition, Turkey and ECOWAS established ECOWAS–Turkey Joint Commission, which plays a significant role in increasing joint economic relations between the two sides. Turkey has also endeavoured to sign a free trade agreement with the ECOWAS since 2010 (DEİK, 2018).
The Turkish Embassy in Dar-es-Salaam was accredited to the East African Community (EAC) in 2010. The EAC granted Turkey observer status in February 2015. Therefore, Turkey has begun to participate in the EAC Partnership Fund as an observer since 2015 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b). Turkey has aimed to consolidate its regional organisations in Africa. In doing so, Turkey has become a member of the following regional organisations, the Common Market for Eastern Southern Africa (COMESA) in 2012, the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD) in 2012 and the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS) in 2013. In April 2017, Turkey and COMESA signed a memorandum of understanding in Antalya, Turkey to further economic relations. Importantly, the African Development Bank (AfDB) adopted Turkey as the 25th non-regional member of the bank in 2008 (Ministry of Foreign Affairs of Turkey, n.d.b).
The Reasons and the Dynamics Behind Cooperation
There are a number of significant reasons behind Turkey’s active involvement with African organisations. In this regard, Turkey has seen the AU as a new emerging global power and a global organisation that has been playing a dynamic role in world politics. Turkey has cooperated with the AU and with the other sub-regional organisations in Africa in different areas. In particular, developing relations with the AU has become vital for Turkey to reinforce Turkey’s multilateral relations with African countries.
Turkey has sought to gain political support by cooperating with the AU over Turkey’s foreign policy priorities such as the Cyprus issue and global terrorism. From the Turkish perspective, Turkey’s active engagement with African organisations has opened new political, economic and military opportunities between Turkey and Africa. Turkey’s active involvement in the African organisations will also increase its global prestige at the regional and global levels. Importantly, Turkey’s observer status granted by the AU in 2005 has enabled Turkey to actively increase its strategic relations with the AU.
Turkey’s growing relations with the AU and with other sub-regional organisations have also provided a strategic opportunity for Turkey to increase its political and economic relations with African countries that have no diplomatic relations with Turkey. By establishing a strong partnership with African organisations, Turkey has aimed to look for new alternative markets and new political and economic allies beyond its traditional allies. Turkey has seen the African organisations as a strategic means to expand its sphere of political, diplomatic, economic and military influence at the regional and global levels.
In particular, the need for new exporting and importing markets in the international trading system and the high dependency on importing energy. In addition, the growing tourism sector and construction business in Turkey have been a significant driving force to work with the African partners more actively (Arslan, 2018, pp. 15–21).
Africa and the African organisations have a more significant place for Turkey to cooperate in the fields of terrorism. In particular, the Fethullahci Terrorist Organisation (FETO), which orchestrated a military coup against the democratically elected government in Turkey on 15 July 2016, is still very active in some African countries including South Africa, Nigeria, Kenya, Tanzania, Egypt and Algeria. Turkey has aimed to close down all the schools, the NGOs and the business organisations affiliated to FETO in Africa through the establishment of a strong strategic relationship with the AU and its sub-regional organisations. Turkey’s growing multidimensional relations with the AU have strengthened its hand in Africa to more effectively battle against the FETO in African countries.
Turkey’s changing geopolitical power in the Middle East and in the world over the last two decades has been a significant driving force for the AU to increase its relations with Turkey. Turkey’s growing economic power in the world has also been an important factor for the AU. Turkey does not have a mercantilist approach towards Africa while developing its economic relations with Africa. Turkey’s investment in Africa has been rising over the years. It can be said that Turkey’s new economic model has attracted African organisations to learn ‘knowhow’ experience of Turkey. In addition, the AU also seeks to benefit from Turkey’s growing defence and technology experience. It should be underlined that the lack of Turkey’s colonial history in Africa is one of the most important assets to approximate both actors. At the same time, cultural similarities and the historical relations have been playing a positive role in increasing cooperation.
Under the leadership of the AU, Africa has been taking important steps to diversify its own political and economic activities since 2002. Strategic diversification in many fields has been seen as a strategic means for economic development of African countries. Furthermore, the AU aims to reduce its dependency on the West through establishing strategic partnerships with the non-Western actors on the continent. The AU aims to pursue a more independent foreign policy and play a more active role in world politics. In this regard, cooperation with Turkey and the other non-Western actors has been essential for the AU and for other sub-regional organisations on the continent. From the AU’s point of view, African countries have to develop their own defence industry and improve their own industrial power to become a more independent player on the world stage. Furthermore, Turkey has been among the largest humanitarian aid providers in recent years in Africa and in the world, which make Turkey an emerging soft power to work closely with the African organisations.
Challenges for Future Cooperation
Africa is economically and geopolitically of high importance in world politics. However, it is still facing a number of structural challenges including the legacy of imperialism, intense poverty, poor infrastructure, corruption, mismanagement and economic and political instabilities. In particular, the lack of an effective leadership mechanism in the continent is the biggest problem that undermines the political and economic development of the continent. Importantly, African countries have to establish their own economic and technological industry power to be able to be fully independent players on the international stage.
Turkey has been enhancing its multilateral relations with the African organisations since 2005. The AU is a key regional organisation for Turkey to increase its bilateral relations with the African countries. However, there are many complicated issues that could undermine Turkey’s strategic relations with African organisations. The domestic transformation in Turkey under the administration of the ruling AK Party has been the most important factor and dynamic increasing relations with Africa and African organisations. In particular, Turkey’s growing economic power has been a significant driver to strengthen its political and economic relations with Africa. However, the current political and economic tensions between Turkey and the USA have resulted in economic and political threats, creating challenges for Turkey’s economic and political stability. In addition, the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic in the world is still affecting and damaging global economic stability. The recent economic deceleration in Turkey and the global economic crisis in the world could slow down Turkey’s activities in Africa. Turkey ought to intensify its own industrial and technological power and develop a more economic-oriented foreign and security policy to be able to institutionalise its strategic relations with the AU.
Moreover, FETO continues to lobby against Turkey in Africa effectively. Turkey needs to maintain its multilateral relations with Africa in a strategic action by enhancing its cooperation with its public institutions and its private agencies to eliminate FETO’s activities across the continent. It is necessary to use its economic sources wisely and more efficiently while implementing its economic, political and humanitarian projects in Africa. Bearing in mind that Turkey should continue to develop its active engagement with African countries in order to establish strong relations with the African organisations. Turkey ought to implement its political, economic and humanitarian activities through strategic planning. Turkey’s projects in Africa should be implemented in line with its political and economic interests. At the same time, the regional threats and issues have created serious challenges to Turkey, such as the Syrian crisis, terrorism and the tense relations between the USA and Iran. Therefore, Turkey should manage these political and security risks in a rational way and keep its strategic relations with the AU and the other sub-regional African organisations at the highest level.
Conclusion
This research has examined the causes and dynamics behind the cooperation between Turkey and African organisations. Today, Turkey is among one of the most important strategic actors in Africa. After the AK Party governments came to power in November in 2002, Turkey has actively maintained its relations with Africa and African organisations at the highest level. The changing economic and political dynamics in Turkey have been the most important driving forces behind this cooperation. The AK Party governments view developing relations with the African organisations as essential for Turkey’s national interests. Turkey’s humanitarian approach and its development assistance policy in Africa have strengthened its soft power and made Turkey a unique power in African politics.
Both Turkey and the African organisations aim to reduce their dependency on the Western world by increasing their strategic relations. Turkey views African organisations from a strategic perspective rather than an ideological perspective. In this regard, African organisations are the bridges for Turkey to be able to strengthen relations with African countries and provide a number of strategic opportunities for Turkey. Turkey’s active engagement with African organisations is more likely to increase its regional visibility in Africa and its global power on the international stage. Furthermore, Turkey’s active involvement in Africa is also more likely to create opportunities for both sides in the fields of politics, economics and military in the near future. However, Turkey ought to manage its Africa policy more carefully to prevent the impact of the ongoing economic crises in the world. Turkey should also bear in mind that Turkey is not the only actor in African politics. The emerging powers such as India and Brazil the traditional actors and the Gulf countries have also playing their games in a strategic way on African politics. Therefore, Turkey needs to implement its foreign policy in Africa in a strategic approach.
Russia, China, India, Brazil and Turkey have been the new emerging actors in African politics. These countries have challenged the Western-led order, which was established after the Second World War; for instance, Turkey has bought an S-400 missile system from Russia in 2019 despite many threats and challenges from the USA (Erkoyun, 2019). India has also been negotiating with Russia through 2019 to buy an S-400 missile system (Sakhalinsk, 2019). Turkey has strengthened its cooperation with India in the fields of defence; for instance, the Turkish defence company was chosen as a technology partner for India in 2019 (Raghuvanshi, 2019).
As a strategic player and an emerging power on the international stage, India provides the key markets to the world. In this regard, India has been enhancing its strategic presence in Africa over the last two decades. The total trade between India and Africa reached up to 63 billion U.S. dollars in 2017–2018 from 7.2 billion U.S. dollars in 2001; therefore, India has become the fourth largest trading partner for Africa (Venkatachalam & Modi, 2019). Strategic cooperation in different fields among the new emerging powers should be increased to build a new non-Western-led order and strengthen the south-south cooperation. Importantly, Turkey and India, have a lack of colonial experience in Africa and have been pursuing a non-Western-oriented foreign and security policy. Therefore, the common values Turkey and India possess have motivated both actors to work more closely and increase their bilateral cooperation in Africa.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship and/or publication of this article.
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