Sikh Women Diaspora in Malaysia: The Reality of their Role and Status in the Religious Domain

Abstract

This article aims to examine how the Sikh women diaspora from two generations exercised their rights within the religious domain in Malaysia. Sikhism has a unique world view of gender ideology; from a gender perspective, God is symbolically described as a husband to all of humanity, whereby all humans, irrespective of gender, are perceived as having the status of wives to God. Since the Sikh religion focuses on the concept of the spirit rather than the physical body; therefore, the position of God and mankind should be cognized from the viewpoint of transformation of spirit. Most significantly, every human being, be they male or female, is held in equal importance, with each individual being conferred the same position, status, rights and opportunity to live this life as God has ordained. In fact, tenets of life that define practices as being praiseworthy, or to be avoided, are not gender specific. This makes the philosophy of gender equality of the Sikh religion particularly interesting and worthy of academic scrutiny. To what extent is it true that women have equal status with men? The authors discovered that patriarchal cultural practices have clearly dominated Sikh women’s views about their roles in daily life, as well as in the perception of their own status. This article concludes with specific recommendations to uplift and strengthen gender equality among the Sikh community in the religious domain.

Keywords

Guru Granth Sahib gender ideology religious domain role and status

I. Introduction

The Sikh people have had a long historical relationship with Malaysia. It is well known among scholars that the Sikhs have contributed significantly to the prosperity and glory of this country. It is also well recognized that the Sikh diaspora to Malaya was pioneered by the men.1 However, up to this day, most of the research conducted has focused only on the contribution of Sikh men (Kaur, 1973; Sandhu, 1970; Sidhu, 1991; Singh, 1949, 1965). In fact, Sikh studies that dealt profoundly with historical events, and the impact of these events upon the Sikh identity, have been largely written by male members of the Sikh community. Therefore, either consciously or unconsciously, the ensuing research is mainly about Sikh men’s identity and their role in maintaining the authenticity of the faith. There are many articles that recorded the economic and social activities of Sikh men, but rarely did the writers pay close attention to Sikh women’s contributions (Kaur, 1973, 1989; Nadzan, 1991; Sandhu, 1969; Singh, 1993). It is noted that data on Sikh women are very limited and are not clearly stated in previous studies. Most of the past studies are gender specific and focus primarily on the contributions of men (Kaur, 1991, 1993; Singh, 1998a). In fact, records about the influx of Sikh women into the country are also missing or, rather, unrecorded. If one probes the first wave of Sikh women migration, they will know that not only were their stories and lives not included and detailed, but more importantly it reflects the imbalanced power correlation between the sexes. The number of women migrating together with their families cannot be accurately stated due to the lack of data and information on this matter, especially in the early waves of migration.

In short, there are many unanswered questions on Sikh women diaspora in this country: What is the historical record of Sikh women contributing to the continuity of Sikh religious and cultural identities? Why have the Sikh female gender’s contributions to society not been given equal consideration? What are the reasons behind the lack of data in the past and present studies of the Sikh female community in Malaysia?2 Was it because of cultural constraints or was it due to the early researchers simply not according these women enough importance, and considering them somehow as being not worthy enough as subject matter to be researched academically?

Therefore, this article is crucial as it endeavours to discuss the status of Sikh women in the gurdwara institution, and whether gender equality, as advocated by the Sikh religion, is indeed practised, or vice versa. In short, this article is divided into three main sections. The first section is about the Sikh religion philosophy and its basic social institutions. The second section is discussing the ideal primary rights of both gender and their social statues through the Guru Granth Sahib ideology. The last section traces, describes and analyses the status and role of Sikh women in the religious domain by comparing the historical facts before the 1970s and the current scenarios through a fieldwork study.

II. Sikhs and Sikhism: An Overview

Sikhism is monotheistic and its approach to life is realistic, therefore it is most contemporary, practical and rational in practice. It was founded over 550 years ago and has its unique doctrines, dogma, view of reality and understanding of the nature of mankind and their inter-relationship (Singh, 1995, p. 29). Sikhism has its source in Guru Granth Sahib (scripture) and its philosophy was well ahead of its time. It is a complete philosophy in itself, not a part of other religions and it is independent of any form of external supervision or developmental factors. It is a catholic religion catering to the entire humanity and represents the practice of virtuousness—it is an undivided, monotheistic and distinctive faith without rituals, exhibitions and disguising (Kaur, 2017, p. 70). Sikhism does not believe that life is sinful or evil in origin but believes that human beings emerged from a ‘pure source’3 (Guru Granth Sahib, p. 294). It believes in the ‘here and now’ and does not subscribe to the concept of afterlife—thereby it rejects the existence of heaven and hell.4

Sikhism is a vehicle that addresses the nurturing and conduct of every event of life. Equality of mankind, fair treatment regardless of social standing (non-discrimination), social justice and worship of only one God, are basic values that are well known and it offered the world a simple and universal faith (Singh, 2005, p. 29). By definition, a Sikh is a disciple of God and a continuous learner of Guru Granth Sahib’s teachings. A Sikh is not merely a ‘student or disciple’ but is seen rather as one embodying the values according to scripture.5 A Sikh preserves a combination of natural forms of body (e.g., hair is essential part of natural order) and character6 (developed by scripture) (Kaur, 2017, p. 70). The Sikhs are instructed to live a virtuous and truthful life while maintaining a balance between their spiritual and temporal obligations. He/she is to lead an exemplary life, as a member of a community, by living with integrity and caring for others.7

In Malaysia, Sikhs are known as a minority community living by its scripture, believing and practising the teachings of Guru Granth Sahib (Kaur, 2012, p. 341). Sikhs comprise 70,000 to 80,000 of the total Malaysian population of 32 million. They are a respected minority for their historical contributions in maintaining peace, law and order especially under the British rule since 1873 in Malaya (now Malaysia) as military, police and security officers (Singh, 2005). The Sikhs also contributed significantly to the economy and social development of Malaysia— their contributions are noticeable and being recognized by the government. Most importantly, their presence shaped the plural and multicultural society in Malaysia. Despite prominent contributions in the field of defense,8 freedom fighting, business, political leadership, academics and legal profession to name a few, Sikhism is largely unfamiliar or unnoticed among the general populace. The subject of the status of women in daily life is even more obscure, and lower down the ranks in this regard (Kaur, 2012, pp. 173–174; 2017, p. 70). In today’s painful reality, the Sikh religion continues to be portrayed as a male-dominated creed in which women are still on the fringes and remain subordinate figures.

III. Inseparable Institutions: Guru Granth Sahib and Gurdwara

Guru Granth Sahib is an authentic scripture and its message is believed to have originated from God and transmitted to the Sikh Gurus (messengers of God) who then spread it to mankind all over the globe.9 The Sikh philosophy was written and authenticated by the Gurus themselves, within their lifetime. This scripture has endured through multitudes of generations without a single letter being altered. It is deemed as the final and unalterable scripture. The standard present-day edition of the Guru Granth Sahib, as the Sikh scripture is known, contains 1,430 pages. It is written in Gurmukhi script and arranged in 31 Ragas (tunes/musical settings) which have been memorized in a widespread manner, ensuring there is no alteration of the scripture in any form (Gill & Kaur, 2008, p. 246). The scripture is very modern due its citation and references format. In addition to the hymns of the Sikh Gurus, it contains the writings and hymns of saints and preachers from different religious backgrounds, whose philosophy conformed to the spirit of Sikhism (Kaur, 2012, p. 97). Guru Granth Sahib is not merely viewed as merely a book or scripture but it was conferred a status as an eternal and absolute Sikh Guru (Living Guru or Jivant Guru). It is a guide to the ideal way of life by linking oneself with the Creator. It lays stress on selfless action performed in the best interest of society, by supporting wholesome family life and social commitments.

The place of worship is called a gurdwara which literally means the doorway to the Guru. It is the presence of the Guru Granth Sahib that gives the gurdwara its religious status, so essentially, any building containing the scripture may be considered a gurdwara. In a gurdwara, there are no images, statues, idols, altar or pulpit but only the Guru Granth Sahib text (Singh, 2005, p. 30). The principal function of the gurdwara is to ensure that all the elements associated with the Sikh religion are preserved and fully practised by the Sikhs. Sikh historian Kahn Singh Nabha in the Sikh Encyclopedia Mahan Kosh, identified seven functions for the gurdwara. They are (a) education centre for children and youth, (b) lighthouse of enlightenment for the spiritual seeker,10 (c) clinic for the sick and elderly, (d) food sanctuary/kitchen for the hungry, (e) fortress for the protection of honour and dignity of women, (f) transit place for the traveller and (g) a means of fortifying brotherly bonds among human beings, both young and old (Dhillon, 2015; Gill & Kaur, 2008, pp. 247–248). However, not all gurdwara are able to comply with all this due to local restrictions or resources.

Most gurdwaras are managed by a committee consisting of local community members. The Gurdwara Management Committees (GMC) plays an important role in nurturing and disseminating religious teachings and the appropriate values to the Sikh community. In general, each GMC has the following tasks (Singh, 2005, p. 34):

managing finances of gurdwara

collect donations to improve the state of the gurdwara and help those in need

advocating various religious and social activities

hiring religious specialist

inviting religious experts from abroad to deliver religious sermons

conducting religious classes by teaching Gurmukhi scripts and Punjabi language

IV. Primary Rights: Gender Relationship and Social Status

The establishment of this community was consolidated by Guru Nanak (first Sikh Guru) and his nine successors over a period of 239 years, during which period the necessary changes in the ethos, state and style of the community were wrought. The Sikh religion recognizes the equal position and rights of both men and women. Guru Nanak refused to recognize the discrimination inherent in human beings, in particular, involving gender, class and caste systems as well as orthodox social conventions or regulations (Cunningham, 1972, p. 39; Tully & Jacob, 1986, p. 17). Guru Amardas (third Sikh Guru) was active in the social movement and was very serious about the issue of gender equality between men and women in all aspects of life. He fought for the emancipation of women regardless of their religious background (Gill, 1978, p. 91). The practice of wearing a purdah by Muslim women and the practice of sati by Hindu women were among the practices that were strongly opposed by him.

Other cultural practices (e.g., female infanticide and dowry system) that degraded the status of women were strongly condemned.11 Instead of criticizing the actions, the Sikh Gurus tried to bring out the real meaning of such practices and link it to the Divine Creator (Kaur, 2012, p. 141). The negative perception and empty rituals were given a new meaning as discussed further:

By burning oneself, the Beloved Lord is not obtained. Only by the actions of destiny does she rise up and burn herself, as a ‘satee’. Imitating what she sees, with her obstinate mind-set, she goes into the fire. She does not obtain the Company of her Beloved Lord, and she wanders through countless incarnations. With pure conduct and self–restraint, she surrenders to her Husband Lord’s Will; that woman shall not suffer pain at the hands of the Messenger of Death. Says Nanak, she who looks upon the Transcendent Lord as her Husband, is the blessed ‘satee’; she is received with honour in the Court of the Lord.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 185)

In addition, the traditional practice of giving dowry is also ‘corrected’ through the following poem:

Any other dowry, which the self-willed manmukhs offer for show, is only false egotism and a worthless display. O my father, please give me the Name of the Lord God as my wedding gift and dowry.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 79)

With regard to women undergoing menstruation, most people consider this natural process as ‘defilement’. Therefore, many rules and limitations were imposed on women in this regard. Among them were that women should refrain from touching people who provide food, as well as not being allowed into the kitchen during the duration of menstruation for five days (Bonvillain, 1995). Guru Nanak, in the following two poems debunks common notions of what constitutes impurity, and invites a higher understanding that transcends the norms of conventional means of judging. He goes beyond the ritualistic understanding of purity and highlights the essential wisdom that defines purity:

If one accepts the concept of impurity, then there is impurity everywhere. In cow-dung and wood there are worms. As many as are the grains of corn, none is without life. First, there is life in the water, by which everything else is made green. How can it be protected from impurity? It touches our own kitchen. O Nanak, impurity cannot be removed in this way; it is washed away only by spiritual wisdom.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 472)

The impurity of the mind is greed, and the impurity of the tongue is falsehood. The impurity of the eyes is to gaze upon the beauty of another man’s wife, and his wealth. The impurity of the ears is to listen to the slander of others. O Nanak, the mortal’s soul goes, bound and gagged to the city of Death.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 472)

Guru Granth Sahib acknowledges and recognizes equality between men and women. Even though women are labelled as the weaker sex in many cultures, the scripture protects the dignity and status of women. Many of the sacred verses compiled by the Sikh Gurus raised the dignity of women and sought to change the perception of society towards them. The following poem is among the most popular poems used in religious sermons and daily interactions pertaining to the real position of women who are ‘approved’ and ‘disassociated’ in the name of culture:

From woman, man is born; within woman, man is conceived; to woman he is engaged and married. Woman becomes his friend; through woman, the future generations come. When his woman dies, he seeks another woman; to woman he is bound. So why call her bad? From her, kings are born. From woman, woman is born; without woman, there would be no one at all. O Nanak, only the True Lord is without a woman. That mouth which praises the Lord continually is blessed and beautiful. O Nanak, those faces shall be radiant in the Court of the True Lord.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 473)

From the analysis of Guru Granth Sahib verses, there are two types of patterns or forms of relationship highlighted in attempts to explain the relationship between the genders. Firstly, human relations with God, where the position of both men and women is seen as a Soul-bride, while God is Lord-husband. Secondly, human relationships involving the behaviour, attitudes, actions and general thinking of people, including the realities of the current state of society during the Sikh Gurus, were used as illustrations to illustrate the ideal male and female relationships (Kaur, 2012, pp. 125–126).

Fareed, the Creator is in the Creation, and the Creation abides in God. Whom can we call bad? There is none without Him.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 1381)

The clay is the same, but the Fashioner has fashioned it in various ways. There is nothing wrong with the pot of clay—there is nothing wrong with the Potter.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 1350)

The One God is our father; we are the children of the One God. You are our Guru.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 611)

The reality that is presented in the aforementioned verses is that each human being is the same, regardless of their gender, religion and race. We came from the same source. In fact, it is clearly stated that there is no flaw in the creation and the Creator. In other words, the differences found in each human being have no significance because, essentially, all of these differences can only be understood as the creativity and dictates of God. Physical appearance and biological differences can distinguish the identity of a man and woman. At the same time, Guru Granth Sahib also presents another point of focus on this matter. Biological differences are recognized (e.g., mothers give birth to children) but that is only for the ‘play/drama’ of God’s creation (our temporary life cycle). Although the appearance of man and woman is obviously different, in terms of spirituality, both are in reality, equal.

The basic teaching of Guru Granth Sahib is about harmonious humanitarian relationship and the reality of human relations with the Creator. To convey the ideal of this relationship, which seems abstract, gurbani (verses) emphasizes the family and social relationships which have become the norms or culture of the society and serve as a foundational base, besides communicating the realities of life. By using this paradigm, the reader can relate what was, or is being experienced in everyday life, and what should be practised by them to achieve the goal of life. This method not only embraces the ideal life principle but indirectly bridges the gap between God’s word and earthbound human beings with their diverse backgrounds and attributes. However, at the same time, it is indeed a challenge to transform the existing, ingrained lifestyle to accept a higher new possibility, even if the new lifestyle is infinitely more rewarding. According to Guru Granth Sahib:

There is one Husband Lord, and all are His brides.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 933)

In this world and in the next, the Soul-bride belongs to her Husband Lord, who has such a vast family.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 137)

The aforementioned verses illustrate that God is Lord-husband while all men and women are soul-wives. Soul-bride is presented as the ideal attitude for the devout in spirit, as it is the female aspect that enshrines traits such as receptivity, unconditional love, surrender and tenderness—all of which are required, irregardless of gender, to go beyond the ego and unite with the divine. Therefore, every human being is called upon to act and behave according to this concept. Indirectly, this concept equates the status of each individual, without considerations of gender or background. In fact, gurbani also clearly states the characteristics of the soul-bride that must be practised and enshrined by humans. There are many verses that emphasize the Soul-bride concept by (a) praising the Soul-bride who loves the Lord-husband faithfully and (b) condemning the attitude of the Soul-bride who is in doubt, neglecting responsibility and wanting to be separated apart from Lord-husband (Kaur, 2012, pp. 126–132).

One who does not remember her Husband Lord in this world, is being cheated by duality; she shall weep bitterly in the end. She is from an evil family; she is ugly and vile. Even in her dreams, she does not meet her Husband Lord. She who enshrines her Husband Lord in her mind in this world—His Presence is revealed to her by the Perfect Guru. That soul-bride keeps her Husband Lord clasped tightly to her heart, and through the Word of the Shabad, she enjoys her Husband Lord upon His Beautiful Bed.

(Guru Granth Sahib, p. 127)

Guru Granth Sahib forbids discrimination on the basis of caste, creed, class, religion and gender and guarantees equal rights, status and opportunities to all. The equality between men and women manifests in the forms of daily practice structured by Sikh Gurus. The two main elements that form the basis of equality of both genders are the establishment of gurdwara institutions and the Khalsa identity through Sikh Initiation. There are no restrictions on women to attend a gurdwara and pay their obeisance. Women are equally entitled to get the Sikh Initiation12 like men and wear articles of Sikh faith (symbol of 5Ks). Initiated women can perform all Sikh religious rites that initiated Sikh men are entitled to perform.

However, in this article, the authors focus on the gurdwara institution through the sadh sangat concept, introduced by Guru Nanak which assumes that all of mankind are endowed equal status in life. The methodology for practising this equality is to oblige the entire congregation to sit together in the same position when in the Darbar Sahib (prayer hall in a gurdwara) (Kohli, 1992, p. 55). According to Dhillon (1988), this highly trained institution provides a profound meaning for successfully converting the Sikh ideals into practice (Dhillon, 1988, p. 41). Through gurdwara, all individuals from all walks of life have equal rights, responsibilities, opportunity and status regardless of their background (gender, ethnicity or other social categories). In short, the appeal of Sikhism lies not only in its pristine philosophical aspects but also in the fact that its ideology can actually be put into practice by its adherents.

V. The Status and Role of Sikh Women in the Religious Domain: Before 1970

Although generally the history of Sikhs has been presented in a limited and skewed manner, whereby the role of the male gender dominates, the involvement of Sikh women may be observed from Dhalliwal & Sandhu (1972) efforts through his Punjabi work titled Sikh Ithiaas Malaya Sambandhi Lekh. He has sought to portray the role of women in several important Sikh organizations between 1920 and 1970.13 Therefore, the focus of women’s involvements in the public domain through Sikh organizations will be discussed in this section.

There are two organizations managed by women entirely in Malaya—Istri Satsang Sabha and Istri Milap. Istri Satsang Sabha was established in 1933 during the first Sikh women’s conference in Malaya. The conference was organized by Khalsa Diwan Malaya and the headquarters for Istri Satsang Sabha was located at Sentul. In 1937, the Sikh Malwa in Penang formed an organization known as Khalsa Dharmak Jatha. For starters, Istri Satsang Sabha organized a prayer ceremony in conjunction with Guru Nanak’s birthday at Sentul (Dhalliwal & Sandhu, 1971a, p. 121). However, most of the Sikh activities of the organization were interrupted due to the Second World War. It was also the era of the Independence Movement that was gaining momentum in India. Sikh women in Malaya were called upon to actively engage and provide unparalleled services for the country. In fact, there were campaigns that roused them to emulate outspoken Indian women activists such as Sarojini Naidu, Pandit Vijay Lakshmi and Rajkumari Amrit Kaur who were the leaders of the nationalist freedom movement. Hence, articles supporting the movement appeared in newspapers and Sikh women were asked to create Isteri Satsang in each state. The spirit of struggle and commitment shown by these Sikh women should be praised and emulated by the current generation. With the support of women in Malaya, Taiping Isteri Satsang Sabha (1946) and Penang Isteri Satsang Sabha (1947) were established.

Istri Milap, created in 1947, is the division of the Selangor Sikh Women organization. In line with that, many major cities have established associations for women’s welfare. In 1948, the Malwa Sikh women formed the Sikh Istri Milap (Sikh Women Organization) that had a direct connection with Khalsa Dharmic Jatha Penang (Dhalliwal, 1972, p. 43). Four prominent women,14 along with another 15 women were appointed to ensure that the association would operate smoothly. According to Dhalliwal and Sandhu (1971a), Pritam Kaur Saki from Kuala Lumpur was the founder of this association. She had been educated at Kanya Maha Vidyala, Panch Kand in Punjab and had migrated to Malaya after her marriage. She played an important role in the affairs of the Sikh women in the country and made immense sacrifices to establish the association15 (Dhalliwal & Sandhu, 1971b, p. 45). She was responsible for the publication of Milap, a monthly magazine written in Punjabi. Articles about Sikhism, Punjabi culture, educational issues and women were discussed in the first issue. She was also the Secretary of Sikh Istri Milap Sabha Malaya, and she was also invited to give religious sermons (katha) at gurdwaras. Her dedication had made her highly respected in the Sikh community in Malaya. She encountered many challenges, but Pritam Kaur always received help and encouragement from Sikh women in Kuala Lumpur (Singh, 1972, pp. 43–44). Her continuous commitment had enabled this organization to operate successfully.

The members of this organization did several amazing services for the benefit of the people. For example, they bought dishes, clothes and mattresses for overnight visitors at the gurdwara. In addition, they also performed a prayer ceremony (jodhmela). This association had an office and conducted sewing classes at the Sikh Sangat Gurdwara, Penang Bricklin Road (Dhalliwal & Sandhu, 1971a, p. 81). Interestingly, these women were also brave and vocal in addressing any rituals that did not benefit the Sikhs (Dhalliwal, 1972, p. 44). On the contrary, they advocated the dissemination of core principles that needed to be practised. Istri Milap Singapura held a special occasion to oppose the use of purdah by Sikh women. The use of purdah or khund is a ritual to cover the face when a wedding ceremony is held. This ritual is not in line with the philosophy of Guru Granth Sahib. Nevertheless, the use of purdah took place at Gurdwara Polis Ipoh, much to the displeasure of the Sikh women. Unfortunately, the Sikh Istri Milap was abolished because they refused to have their financial funds be placed under Khalsa Dharmic Jatha as they wanted to manage their own finances. Their concern was that if their finances were managed by Khalsa Dharmic Jatha, this would be an impediment and act as a considerable form of constraint on their development plans. At the same time, Sham Kaur, the founder of Istri Satsang Sabha in Kuala Lumpur, called upon women to counter the gender inequalities and to march forward under a uniting flag (Khalsa). She went to Penang to give a talk on unity and strived to reshape the role of women under Istri Satsang Sabha (Dhalliwal, 1972, p. 45).

On 20 February 1949, Istri Milap and Isteri Satsang Sabha in Kuala Lumpur were united into a new entity. This unification was to ‘remove the black mark of disunity in the community’ (Dhalliwal & Sandhu, 1971a, p. 123). Istri Satsang Sabha Malaya had five key committee members.16 In April 1949, Malayan Sikh Ladies’ Sports was organized entirely by the Sikh women.17 Furthermore, Isteri Satsang Sabha in Alor Star, Kedah, held a Big Walk in 1969. Besides that, in 1954, the association planned to publish a monthly magazine titled Istri Sansar or Women’s World but the idea did not materialize. Milap magazine, however, was published in Kuala Lumpur with Pritam Kaur as its editor. In short, in earlier generations, women played active roles to preserve the authenticity of the Sikh faith and uplift the social conditions of the Sikh community. They were very dedicated, motivated and worked collectively to achieve their organizations’ goals. These women ventured out of their comfort zone, or private domains of their homes, and marched together with men in the public domain for the benefit of the community.

VI. The Status and Role of Sikh Women in Religious Domain: Current Scenario

This descriptive qualitative study aims to explore gender issues that have been considered normal and commonplace by the Sikh community. It is based on the field study method by studying the subject in a natural condition (in situ). The fieldwork was conducted for 24 months from October 2008 to October 2009 and from April 2010 until April 2011. As native researchers, we opted for participant observation method by observing and participating in the religious and social activities that were held in the gurdwara. Twelve informants have been interviewed in this study. The researchers limited the number to 12 informants because it had reached the saturation level—that is, ‘to finish collecting data only when additional data no longer adds richness to understanding or aids in building theories’ (O’Leary, 2004, p. 114). The interview sessions recorded in this study exceeded 120 hours with an average of 6–12 hours being spent for each respondent. The respondents were categorized based on the factor of generation. Those who were born between the years of 1932 and 1949 were categorized as the older generation while individuals who were born between the years of 1960 and 1979 were categorized as the younger generation, for purposes of this study.

Both close-ended and open-ended questions were asked. Close-ended questions are more direct and easy to answer as they were intended to obtain informants’ background information such as educational status, baptism status, marital status, occupation, religious reference, frequency and reason for visiting gurdwaras, besides basic information such as age, and date and place of birth. Open-ended questions focused on general questions relating to Guru Granth Sahib and informants’ experiences pertaining to gender. Pseudonyms were used to safeguard the confidentiality and privacy of informants. In this section, the authors seek to present and discuss the social reality of Sikh women, specifically in the gurdwara. We are keen to demonstrate the actual position of Sikh women and how they are perceived by the male gender. However, the discussion is limited to women’s involvement in religious ceremonies and the GMCs.

Religious Activities and Ceremonies

The teachings or verses (gurbani) in Guru Granth Sahib can be channelled to the congregation through singing of hymns (kirtan), sermon (katha) and discourse (gurbani vichar). The second and third methods aim to provide further description and understanding to the audience in association with the sacred verses that are read, and these are often practised in the gurdwara.

Satparvan Kaur’s experience is worth looking at. From being a favoured singer of the religious hymns during her childhood, she was later shunned by some gurdwara committee members:

Since childhood, I have had a deep interest in singing. With my family support, I practised in earnest and became a child icon (kirtania) in the 1970s. Wherever there is a religious programme, I’m sure to be invited. My dad will send me to the gurdwara, be it in Ipoh, Kuala Lumpur or Johor. Thanks to the gifted talents, I have produced several albums of religious songs. I am also very happy to be given a chance to sing kirtan at Nankana Sahib, Pakistan, which is the birthplace of Guru Nanak. I feel overwhelmed and proud to see that women are accepted in public spaces whereas in our own local community, women are not accepted entirely. However, now I realized that the local community never valued me as a caliber singer. In fact, I have been boycotted by some gurdwaras because their committee members do not like me. Therefore, I now refuse going to the gurdwara to sing kirtan. I’m happy to teach kirtan to Punjabi kids for free at home with my husband.

(Informant: Satparvan Kaur)

Gyani Gurveer Kaur, who obtained Gyaniship certificate in 1962 and served as Granthi (scripture reader) since 1997, explained that:

Sikhs rarely had the opportunity to hear religious sermons from women. Most of the time, the Granthi at the gurdwara are being asked to do the sermons as a part of his job that is being paid by the GMC. In such situations, the GMC do not really provide the platform for the women to discuss the meaning of the verses to the audiences. They restrict them mostly to kirtan only. I strongly think that women should be encouraged and given the opportunity to serve the community in the gurdwara itself—or else it’s very difficult for them to play their role wisely.

(Informant: Gyani Gurveer Kaur)

However, Waryam Singh, a seasoned GMC member, firmly stated that:

Before giving religious sermons, we must understand gurbani profoundly. Perhaps women feel less confident when it comes to interpreting the Sikh scriptures. They think there should be special effort to explore gurbani. In fact, for many people it is a dry subject where they do not have enough time to read according to the correct procedure due to their busy household affairs.

(Informant: Waryam Singh)

But why do women still lag in performing such seva (selfless service) or participating actively with men, especially in the public spaces? Why do women prefer giving men the opportunity and refuse to step up as both these genders have equal rights in gurdwara? According to Utamroop Singh:

The literacy level among the women is high now as compared to few decades ago. Women can read the Gurmukhi script and able to understand the meaning as the language is quite close to the ethnic language—that’s is Punjabi. In fact, I saw many women are teaching their children and able to give ‘religion-kind’ of advice to their friends. But then, why they are not keen to do the same in the gurdwara? It’s very sad to see that women are given an equal right to perform the religious services, but they rarely want to go to public space and do so.

(Informant: Utamroop Singh)

As seen in many gurdwara, women are not really keen to go forward and participate actively in religious affairs and functions. So it is not surprising to see that the task or responsibility of being a religious expert has been dominated by men (Kaur, 2012). Waryam Singh has this to say regarding the main reason for such a situation occurring:

May be because of the fanatical or obsessive attitude of most individuals who say women are not impure to perform religious work. But from the point of religion, this natural process does not have to be a gauge or a reason to look down upon a person. What is certain, they are shameless individuals who do not have adequate gurbani knowledge and practical understanding. Due to such negative perception and stereotype, women prefer to conduct the religious ceremonies with their own gender through separate events called Istri Satsang (women congregation) in the gurdwara or at individual homes. They feel more comfortable and they can do it better.

(Informant: Waryam Singh)

He further explained that:

In the world of man’s domination, fanatic individuals like to make noise and cause women to stay away because they feel uncomfortable with such words that lower their status. Women have accepted the fact that the place is for men and men are more appropriate to take on that role. In fact, the women themselves are afraid to deal with the community to express their thoughts.

(Informant: Waryam Singh)

However, not all women are sitting idle. In our observation, we saw a quite number of active individuals in several gurdwaras who tried to encourage the other women to join in their activities. The same observation was shared by Faneendra Kaur:

For example, some women from Petaling Jaya have always been invited to perform the religious ceremonies at certain individual premises. The group members would stay for three days to read the whole text of Guru Granth Sahib. In fact, all of its readers are women of various age categories. Many women support this group and prefer to invite them to do religious activities at home instead of at the gurdwaras. This is because the leader is very firm and does her job according to the protocol without much ‘red tape’ or no any unnecessary rituals.

(Informant: Faneendra Kaur)

It is undeniable that if opportunities are given, women can demonstrate their commitment to fulfill their religious obligations. The reality is, women have the ability and credibility to sing hymns, perform sermons and be involved in public discourse, but the scripture reader (Granthi Sahib) due to reasons of financial gains, often sidelines the women in order to line his own pocket (Kaur, 2012). Parineet Kaur stated that the root of the problem is the Sikh community itself:

They want the most popular religious groups (ragi jatha) from overseas to come and perform their religious engagements (kirtan and katha) in Malaysia. Due to time limitation of each religious programme in the gurdwara (approximate 2.5 hours), the local passionate individuals—either male or female—are usually denied opportunities to perform. Even if the GMC gave them time, it will be less than 20 minutes and at the end of the event. I saw most of the time, the congregation will leave the hall—either for food or home. If this situation continues, I don’t think the locals especially women are interested in this matter.

(Informant: Parineet Kaur)

Waryam Singh also shared his experiences when facilitating the visit of an American Sikh woman to Malaysia and Singapore:

In the 1990s, there was one American lady name Ramdass Kaur who came down and I was given a duty to bring her to the gurdwara all over in Malaysia. She is quite talented and able to do kirtan (sing the verses) as well as katha (religious sermons). However, there is a difference perception between the white woman and the local Sikh community. Ramdass Kaur personally is convinced that as a ‘Maam’ (white woman) she could be easily honoured in the congregation as she is attached to the gurbani, so no one will question her ability. Interestingly enough, as I brought her from one gurdwara to another throughout Malaysia, people often question me—‘Can this Maam teach us?’ and ‘Is she capable?’

(Informant: Waryam Singh)

A majority of the Sikh women refuse to speak out and exercise their rights. They have accepted this subordinate status by allowing the other gender to be more active to continue to serve the society in the religious domain. Even so, more women are attending religious classes held at gurdwaras. Some of them are mothers who are not working and are willing to spend time participating in religious learning activities. Interestingly, these women also teach their children and strive to gain knowledge and equip themselves with the correct understanding of gurbani. In short, they are prepared to educate their own children but not keen to share the knowledge with a wider audience due to the unwelcoming environment.

Gurdwara Management Committee

Each gurdwara is managed by a GMC which aims to ensure that the gurdwara is active and accessible to the community. Each GMC usually comprises a President, Vice President, Secretary, Assistant Secretary, Treasurer, Assistant Treasurer and several committee members. Often, the committee is elected but a few of the executive members are appointed. The manifest function of a gurdwara is to preserve the religious identity and serve the Sikh community in various aspects of life (Singh, 2005). The discussion in this segment of the study comprises three important elements: membership, position and decision-making.

Generally speaking, anyone who calls her/himself a Sikh and wishes to serve the community can be a GMC member. According to Akal Nivas Singh, a senior GMC member:

If anyone is interested to be a GMC member, they must be dedicated and committed to the task assigned. They must attend all the meetings, must give good input, able to work as a team and most importantly be humble—to learn from the senior. But sometimes I see, the new blood get angry easily and not able to communicate well with the rest of the members.

(Informant: Akal Nivas Singh)

For Waryam Singh:

A GMC candidate should have enough time to carry out the assigned responsibilities and most importantly have the qualifications or skills to do it properly. It is necessary and utmost important to have constant dedication. However, it is very sad to see that now the political form of gurdwara is influenced by selfishness and nepotism. That’s why other Sikhs do not want to intervene in the affairs of the gurdwara and rather be passive. They alienate themselves from the religious institution by choice due to the gurdwara politics.

(Informant: Waryam Singh)

Manchet Kaur was not interested in joining any GMCs:

I simply not interested because I want to avoid a fuss. Naturally, the GMC should be sincere in giving service to the community but most of them taking advantage and use this platform to increase their influence. Most of the members are male gender and chauvinist. I don’t think they are sincerely welcoming females in this committee.

(Informant: Manchet Kaur)

Utamroop Singh, who became the Vice Chairman for four consecutive years, said:

Many (individuals) wanted to continue the family tradition by becoming a GMC member. There are also many individuals who want to contribute to the welfare of the Sikhs as their family heredity. However, most of them who are interested to be a GMC member are men while women are not stepping forward to serve but blame that GMC is been monopolized by men. That’s not true.

(Informant: Utamroop Singh)

According to Zorawar Singh:

The reality is women do not want to step forward and work together with men. However, at the same time I do admit that there are some gurdwara that limit the participation of women. Women are not welcome to give suggestions, always being sidelined in the decision-making and not given a chance to hold position in the GMC. Rather, they are asked not to interfere and be comfortable with their female zone—kitchen domain to prepare food for the congregation.

(Informant: Zorawar Singh)

What was shared by Zorawar Singh is indeed true as there are a few gurdwaras that have denied the membership for females as stated in their Gurdwara Constitution (Kaur, 2012). This is a direct discrimination to the Sikh women as the constitutions of these gurdwaras only accept male membership. Faneendra Kaur is of the opinion that:

Young women are not keen to waste energy arguing with the GMC. This is because they know the behaviour of men who are mostly ill-tempered and consumed by their ego. That’s why I had declined twice the invitations to join the GMC. I don’t think I can tolerate with their showing off attitudes. I prefer to go to gurdwara and perform my duty according to my capability.

(Informant: Faneendra Kaur)

However, for older women, Parineet Kaur prefers to contribute her service through Guru Ka Langar (community kitchen), just like her less-educated peers. However, there are also some older women who take the opportunity to become members of GMC. They are full-time housewives and have more time to visit the gurdwara. Despite being highly educated, Jasman Kaur would rather spend time with her husband and children:

I actually would love to contribute to our society through GMC. But, I don’t think I can commit. With my hectic work schedule and being a wife and mother, it won’t be easy for me or even any working woman too. It surely will be stressful to equally contribute and devote our time for family and gurdwara. That’s why I am not so keen to join the GMC.

(Informant: Jasman Kaur)

According to Gyani Dhianvir Singh, not all GMC members are sincere in this seva:

Most men take up positions with the idea of gaining power and the advantage to control others. They think that by becoming a President or a Secretary or even a member of GMC, they have special rights to give orders to others and control the management itself. I have seen many egoistic men and they felt like a Datuk18 with such positions. Not to mention that there are also certain individuals who are involved in the GMC with personal agenda—that is to get a Datukship.

(Informant: Gyani Dhianvir Singh)

Through our observation, we found that there were four male respondents who had been in the highest GMC positions. The three senior citizens who had volunteered to serve were Akal Nivas Singh (Secretary and Treasurer), Zorawar Singh and Waryam Singh (both as Assistant Secretary). As a senior GMC member, Utamroop Singh feels that a Chairman should be an amritdhari:

As a pillar of the gurdwara, it is very important that the President is an amritdhari. It reflects the Sikh identity and being an amritdhari, the person is more respectable and easily accepted by the community. However, I do not think that the other members in the GMC must or should be strict in their observance of the 5Ks. It is not necessarily. As long as they serve sincerely, that’s enough. In fact, the gurdwara membership is open to all Sikhs, and not limited to those with 5Ks only.

(Informant: Utamroop Singh)

However, Satparvan Kaur firmly disagrees:

A GMC member should be Sikh and an amrithdhari who follows the rules of the religion. These include abstaining from bad behaviour and four major prohibitions. Of course, if a job requires a certain skill, then one must have the ability and experience to take the role. For example, it would be good if the treasurer has a good accounting background.

(Informant: Satparvan Kaur)

Waryam Singh recalled that:

Once, there is a woman who was elected as a President of Gurdwara Sungai Petani in the mid-1990s. The Sikh community gave her respect as she was capable in accomplishing her task and responsibilities. There was no issue about her gender at all. But now, women are not interested in coming forward. Most of them are more comfortable joining the women’s wing and become women’s representatives.

(Informant: Waryam Singh)

Livleen Kaur, meanwhile confidently states:

Of course, women can also be a gurdwara President. When I studied in London in the late 1980s, there was a Sikh woman who became a President in one of the gurdwaras in London. It is a matter of fact and proud moment when Mrs Jagir Kaur became the first woman President of SGPC, the highest governing body based in Amritsar, Punjab, in 1999. It all depends on the social dynamics between the genders and I’m optimistic that men and women can serve GMC equality and actively.

(Informant: Livleen Kaur)

Faneendra Kaur is of the opinion that the congregation (sadh sangat) should be involved in any decision-making for the benefit of the Sikh community and to ensure that decisions are more acceptable. However, most of the gurdwaras restrict decision-making to the GMC members only. ‘Who is in power?’ asked Utamroop Singh in a puzzled tone. In his 10-year experience attending the AGMs, he has seen the ‘louder voice winning the game’. Zorawar Singh said during an AGM:

I’ve seen people cursing and condemning, as well as allowing hate and anger to prevail. Most GMC members do not seem to care to improve the community, but rather indulge in power and popularity. Women are not involved in decision-making as there is no room available for them. Generally speaking, women only make decisions for their separate personal programmes called Istri Satsang.

(Informant: Zorawar Singh)

According to Waryam Singh, women should be given opportunities to be involved in the GMC decision-making process. As a Gurdwara Manager, Nirvair Kaur is aware that many people do not like her. She explained:

A handful of Sikhs do not like me maybe because I am a woman wearing a dastaar (turban) and a Manager of the largest gurdwara organization in Kuala Lumpur. Some of the GMC members have embarrassed me by reviewing the qualification certificate even though I have been working as a Manager. In fact, some say that I am just good-looking but not capable of doing the assigned task. I am constantly being criticized for wanting to be a ‘man’ because of my position. Most annoying is that I have to fight for my rights, for example, to get a letter of confirmation and pay raise.

(Informant: Nirvair Kaur)

VII. Discussion

Do the altered circumstances and environment in a new land reinforce or loosen gender subordination among the Sikh diaspora? An important question has been posed by James Clifford in his chapter on ‘Diasporas’ (1997). He articulates how diasporic experiences are already gendered and how women occupy fraught positions in diasporic communities. In whichever situation, whether diasporic experiences reinforce gender subordination, or conversely weaken gender subordination, there is a prevailing undercurrent of powerlessness for women. Clifford (1997, p. 259) answers his own question this way:

On the one hand, maintaining connections with homelands, with kinship networks, and with religious and cultural traditions may renew patriarchal structure. On the other, new roles and demands, new political spaces are opened by diaspora interactions … Life for women in diasporic situations can be doubly painful—struggling with the material and spiritual insecurities of exile, with the demands of family work, and with the claims of old and new patriarchies … At the same time, women in the diaspora remain attached to, and empowered by, a ‘home’ culture and a tradition—selectively.

Based on the discussion, the first and second generations of Sikh women immigrants, as defined in this study, were very active and determined to serve the society without fear. They were united, determined and motivated to maintain the authenticity of the Sikh religion. They were clear about their status, rights and responsibilities. They also had good knowledge of gurbani thus rejecting discrimination and rituals that may encroach on their status and dignity. At the same time, the male gender was supportive and encouraged the women to contribute actively for the benefit of the Sikh community. Although they may practise a patriarchal system, it was egalitarian in practice, giving both genders same rights and status in daily life. This is the reason why there were had women organizations in almost all states in Malaysia—and they were active in protecting the teaching of Guru Granth Sahib.

On the other hand, despite being educated, connected with new social media and aware of human/women rights, the younger generation perceive the given status and rights in a peculiar manner, in that they selectively attach themselves to religious and cultural traditions. From our observation, today’s Sikh women prefer to attach themselves with different set of activities. They do come to the gurdwara to participate in selfless service (seva) but it is limited to what they normally do at home. Their actual roles seem to be still constrained, probably on their own accord, to the Guru Ka Langgar, Darbar Sahib and in the service of others. They are comfortable with their stereotype gender role and prefer to remain in safe and familiar ground by not interfering with their male counterparts in religious domain.

In the day-to-day activities of a Sikh family, however, Punjabi culture continues to assert itself in Malaysia. Gender roles continue to be defined by the patriarchal social structure prevalent in the Punjab. Even when a woman works full-time outside the house, she typically remains responsible for cooking and taking care of the children—roles that are reserved for women in Punjabi society. This generates stress in many families, and the tensions sometimes culminate in violence. Unfortunately, women who experience such problems often suffer alone and will not seek help for fear of hurting the family reputation, a cherished Punjabi cultural value. Some Sikh women are happy to get involved in unnecessary rituals19 which have nothing to do with Sikhism. Today’s women are also confused between cultural practices and religious teachings.

In short, we can conclude that both genders do have some knowledge of Guru Granth Sahib; however, in practice, there are other forces and influences that are driving them. The majority of today’s Sikh women not only allow themselves to be of a lower status than men, but do not see this as a problem. Based on the interviews, even they are aware of their inherent equal status and rights, but the majority of women choose not to be involved actively in GMC and work together with the men. However, there are a few dedicated ladies who have come forward to serve, and hold their ground even in the face of humiliation and harassment. Their situation is similar to Clifford’s concern—what happens when women are empowered but also marginalized by ‘new roles’ that combine both patriarchal and religious structures?

The philosophy of the Guru Granth Sahib clearly indicates that women are equal to men. The translation of the Sikh doctrine into practise can be seen in the active role women play in domestic and public domain. In gurdwara activities, gender distinctions do not play a significant role. Nevertheless, it would be inaccurate to say that this egalitarianism has filtered down to gender parity in all walks of Sikh life. Women may participate in gurdwara activities such as reciting scriptures but in the management of the institutions their voices are not always heard. Sikh men leave relatively little space for women in gurdwara administration. It is very strange and hurtful to see that despite the Guru Granth Sahib emphasizing gender equality, women still continue to be remain largely subordinated. They are labelled as the weaker gender, said to be unable to lead as they are too emotional and not welcomed by the men—especially by the GMC. With a few exceptions, most gurdwaras in Malaysia continue to be male-dominated until today. Instead of fighting for their rights, which are persistently denied them by the men in the GMCs, Sikh women generally have chosen to take the less controversial path and confine themselves to their traditional Istri satsang programmes in the gurdwaras.

VIII. Conclusion

Sikhs have been a minority community throughout their history and faced many challenges in Malaysia. Interestingly, they have also learnt to adapt to the local environment while retaining their distinctive identity, making them a proud community in the eyes of other members of the diverse society. Based on this brief discussion, we can conclude that there are some important institutions created or formed by Sikh Gurus to unite the various elements of society at that time. Most important, all of these institutions have an important role to reinforce the concept of gender equality. As discussed, the Sikh Gurus strongly opposed all practices and rituals that lowered the status of women, as well as members of communities from the lower castes.

Sikh practices need to be inclusive rather than exclusive of women. The Granthi Sahib and religious preachers (Ragi Jatha) also play an important role in educating Sikhs regarding gender equality as enshrined in the Guru Granth Sahib. They should emphasize this subject matter in their sermons and lectures in the gurdwaras and also relate this matter in the present situation, including in the public domain such as the family institution. Sadly, there are not many ‘religious specialists’ in the gurdwaras who would like to debate and share their views on the gender inequality being practised by the Sikh community in Malaysia.

The institution of gurdwara plays an important role, particularly in the promotion of gender equality as enshrined in the Guru Granth Sahib. The GMCs must be more proactive to encourage Sikh women to participate in the decision-making process. The political situation in the gurdwara which is slanted and biased towards the patriarchal ideology with males dominating the GMC must be revisited (Gill & Kaur, 2008, p. 251). The basic principle of Sikhism which focuses on gender equality must be upheld by the GMC. This is where the role of the Malaysian Gurdwara Council (MGC) needs to be highlighted in order to educate and advise GMC members on the importance of gender equality. The MGC thus has a vital role to play, to safeguard the interests of all Sikhs in Malaysia. Therefore, the MGC is advised to be more proactive in promoting gender equality in the Malaysian gurdwara, as they are the religious institutions which are registered under this body. The MGC should organize more seminars and forums on gender inequality issues which directly affect the Sikh community in various social institutions such as religion, family, education, economy and politics in Malaysia.

This article has shown that diasporic Sikh women in Malaysia have been sidelined in religious domain in their everyday life. The authors strongly believe Sikhs women in Punjab and the diaspora are experiencing the same gender inequality issue which requires some serious intervention from various stakeholders. The voice of the Sikh women needs to be heard and recognized, and it needs to be actualized by practising basic principles of gender equality, not only at home but also in religious domain. There is a saying, ‘To build a nation, educate its women’, thus a woman can, and does, educate and inspire whole generations.

The concept of soul-wife advocated by Guru Granth Sahib, holds immense potential to heal the rift between male and female members of not only the Sikh faith (as reflected in the comments from aforementioned informants) but of humanity as a whole. It needs to be understood that this concept emphasizes feminine traits such as gentleness, acceptance, nurturing and unconditional love; these are traits that are not exclusive to females as they are equally valid and essential to the male species as well. The expression, manifestation and combination may vary between males and females but in the absence of these virtues, the male has the potential to descend to develop violent, misogynistic tendencies. It needs to be pointed out that women in whom the Soul-bride attributes are deficient may likewise display similar violent forms of behaviour. The Soul-bride idea therefore has tremendous potential to heal aggressive, violent and warring tendencies in mankind. Given the turbulent and deplorable state of affairs the world finds itself in currently, the full understanding and practice of this concept, which is just one of the many pearls of wisdom in the Guru Granth Sahib, seriously needs to be activated among members of the Sikh community. It has been said by many that if women ruled the world, all wars would end as no mother would send her children to war. However, the Guru Granth Sahib, in its ageless wisdom, has put forth the truth that it is in the adoption of the Soul-bride concept (and all it stands for, such as peace, love, kindness) within the heart of each individual, irrespective of gender, that real peace and salvation for mankind can be found.

Footnotes

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