Black male athlete activism and the link to Michael Jordan: A transformational leadership and social cognitive theory analysis

Abstract

Have you ever thought about the potentialities coming about if Michael Jordan chose to emulate previous figures such as Muhammad Ali, John Carlos, and Tommie Smith regarding social activism? Michael Jordan has often been criticized for his failure to speak on social matters. Like Jordan, contemporary Black male athletes’ engagement in social activism has been minimal, unmatched to that of their predecessors of decades ago. The article employs transformational leadership principles and social cognitive theory (SCT) to analyze the link between Michael Jordan and the lack of Black male athlete activism in the current era. Implications for current and future generations of Black male athletes are discussed. Future research directions are also presented for scholars interested in Jordan’s impact on Black male athlete activism.

Keywords

activism Black athletes Michael Jordan racism social cognitive theory social issues transformational leadership

Michael Jordan is undoubtedly one of the preeminent athletes of all time. Accumulating six National Basketball Association (NBA) (Historical Players, 2009) titles, five ‘Most Valuable Player’ (MVP) awards, multiple All-Star game MVPs (Historical Players, 2009), the accolades speak for themselves. NBA great Earvin ‘Magic’ Johnson stated, ‘There’s Michael Jordan and then there’s the rest of us.’ Larry Bird added Jordan was ‘God disguised as Michael Jordan’ (Historical Players, 2009). Michael Jordan has accumulated countless followers, seen as a hero in the eyes of many. Adding further credence to Jordan’s hero status is the production of a film entitled Michael Jordan: An American Hero. It is unlikely a film would be created if Jordan were not considered a hero and revered figure.

Not only has Jordan been championed as a hero, but individuals endeavor to imitate him. For instance, take Gatorade’s ‘be like Mike’ commercial from the 1990s showcasing children attempting to emulate Jordan. The melody of the song is as follows:

Sometimes I dream that he is me. You’ve got to see that’s how I dream to be. I dream I move. I dream I groove. Like Mike. If I could be like Mike. Again I try. Just need to fly. For just one day if I could be that way. I dream I move. I dream I groove. Like Mike. If I could be like Mike. (Rovell, 2005)

Even more recent, Nike’s 2006 commercial depicted children recreating some of Jordan’s greatest moments (Real Clear Sports, 2008). One of the moments highlighted Marv Albert (NBA commentator) stating, ‘Oh a spectacular move by Michael Jordan’ while Jordan performed a layup in the 1991 NBA Finals (Gregory, 2009). Also depicted was Jordan’s infamous game winning shot against the Utah Jazz in 1998.

Melnick and Jackson (2002) found that the influence of heroes ‘extended well beyond simple admiration for some respondents to include impacts on beliefs, values, self-appraisals, and behaviors’ (p. 429). In fact, Jordan was deemed the most likely celebrity to influence the values of British students (Williams, 1994), while considered one of the greatest men in history according to Chinese school children. Lastly, New Zealand youth felt Jordan was more of a hero than New Zealand’s own living legend, Sir Edmund Hillary (Melnick and Jackson, 2002). Thus, Jordan can certainly be considered a sports hero. Although it may not be fair to say that Jordan is revered by all, these empirical studies reveal that he impacts a large group of individuals.

Jordan’s hero status transcends all races. The mural of Jordan at the 1992 Olympic Games in Barcelona, Spain exemplifies this notion. The Black population, however, especially has a connection with Jordan. Sailes (1986) commented the Black male athlete is immensely shaped by Black sports heroes. Sharp (2009: 1) added, figures such as Michael Jordan will ‘remain the most accessible examples of deliverance from childhood economic hardships because they’ll remain the most familiar’. With this in mind, along with the influence Black sports heroes have on Black male athletes, has one ever thought about Michael Jordan’s possible impact if he chose to speak on social issues? To be clear, examples of social issues include, but are not limited to, current military efforts (e.g. Iraq and Afghanistan), the Darfur situation in Sudan involving ethnic cleansing, and the exploitation of people of color in shoemaking factories. The following represent sport examples: Black underrepresentation in coaching and administration, student-athlete eligibility rules and retirement benefits for professional athletes (e.g. National Football League (NFL) players).

Numerous scholars have written about Black male athletes’ lack of activism (see Powell, 2008; Rhoden, 2006; Roach, 2002). Powell (2008) insisted that given the injustice, racism, and social ills afflicting urban America, it is unfortunate that today’s Black athlete is not as invested in activism. Due diligence, however, has not been afforded to Black male athletes’ lack of activism in academia. Thus, the purpose of this article is to employ transformational leadership and social cognitive theory to analyze and further illuminate on Michael Jordan’s influence on Black male athletes’ lack of activism. Through this article, I aim to provoke conversation and debate, while welcoming the thoughts and opinions of others concerning the matter.

The article also has intentions for Black male athletes. From a micro-perspective, the article seeks to challenge this important stakeholder group to critically reflect on their role in society. Black male athletes and future generations of Black male athletes do have a right to personal silence. However, given their stakeholder status and visibility, it could be argued they have a responsibility to continue the actions of their predecessors (e.g. Muhammad Ali, Tommie Smith, and John Carlos). From a macro- and meso-perspective, the article could assist in educating individuals of the injustices in sport and society.

It is worth mentioning the premise of this article is based upon the minimal number of contemporary Black male athlete activists. Examples of individuals who have spoken out are NBA players Craig Hodges (Chicago Bulls guard during the Michael Jordan era in the early 1990s) and Etan Thomas (current NBA player). The forthcoming Jordan effect does not apply to those individuals who have chosen to speak out, but rather those in the majority who have not.

Past deeds of activism

Groups such as the Southern Christian Leadership Conference (SCLC), Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee (SNCC), and the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People (NAACP) (Harris, 2008; Spivey, 1983) have engaged in activism to facilitate change, much of which came during the Civil Rights Movement. The Black male athlete also played an integral role in this process. These individuals successfully mobilized and voiced their opinions, addressing social ills that plagued American society.

Both amateur and professional Black male athletes were involved in activist feats. For example, after refusing to serve in Vietnam, Muhammad Ali boldly stated, ‘I ain’t got no quarrel with those Viet Cong, anyway. They never called me nigger’ (quoted in Jet, 1994). Fiercely criticized for these comments, Ali continued his defiant refusal to take part in the Vietnam War. He unleashed a series of verbal jabs at his naysayers, exemplified by the following selection:

Why should they ask me to put on a uniform and go ten thousand miles from home and drop bombs and bullets on brown people in Vietnam while so-called Negro people in Louisville are treated like dogs?. . . I have nothing to lose by standing up and following my beliefs. So I’ll go to jail. We’ve been in jail for four hundred years. (Marqusee, 1995: 18)

San Jose State University track athletes John Carlos and Tommie Smith’s Black power salute at the 1968 Summer Olympics in Mexico City is perhaps an even more recognizable Black male athlete activist gesture. Other known figures taking part in activism during this time period were Jim Brown, Kareem Abdul-Jabbar, and Bill Russell (Edwards, 1970). There were also less known actors. For instance, Kurt Flood criticized Major League Baseball’s (MLB) free agency clause (Rhoden, 2008). In addition, Black college athletes boycotted practice and team events, protested for the right to play, and called for fair hiring practices of Black coaches and administrators (Edwards, 1970; Spivey, 1983).

Current state of affairs

Since the era of Ali, Flood, and other Black male athletes, current Black male athletes have matriculated into mainstream sports. This is a luxury their predecessors did not possess. Harry Edwards, chief architect of the 1968 Olympic protest in Mexico City expressed the following in an interview with Color Lines Magazine:

Today’s black athlete is very different. If you asked them about the history of the black athlete, many couldn’t tell you much. They don’t find that history relevant to their world. Some even get angry when you ask them about it. One up-and-coming NBA star was asked about Oscar Robertson and he said, ‘Don’t know, don’t care, and don’t take me there.’ They don’t care about whose shoulders they stand on. They have no idea about who set the table at which they are feasting. And the worse part about it is not that they are ignorant of this history, but they are militantly ignorant. The sad part about it is that when people forget how things came about, they are almost certainly doomed to see them go. (Cited in Leonard, 1998: 3)

What makes Edwards’s statement interesting is the concluding chapter of his text, The Revolt of the Black Athlete. Titled The Future Direction of the Revolt, Edwards (1970) challenged future generations to ‘meet fire with fire’ (p. 119). Edwards (1970) contended future Black athletes should utilize their visible role in society to their advantage in order to pave the way for change. Edwards (1970), speaking to hegemonic power brokers, concluded with the following statement: ‘your ‘‘colored boy’’ in athletics is rapidly becoming a man, and he is determined to be respected and treated as such – by any means necessary’ (p. 120). At his recent induction into the African American Sports Hall of Fame, Edwards asked ‘who is going to stand up and analyze and project a vision of those challenges today?’ (Edwards, 2008). With numerous opportunities to do so, Michael Jordan has failed to follow the call Edwards prescribed years ago.

Lastly, there is also a need to touch on how economics play an integral role in the current state of affairs. In doing so, I believe it is important to point out what Piety (2004) characterized as ‘the triumph of short-term over long-term thinking’ during the latter part of the 20th century and the commencement of the 21st century (p. 103). Alluding to the United States’ capitalist ideals, Piety asserted the following:

We are increasingly a culture that looks neither to the past nor to the future, but only to the next ‘quarter’, or to the next Delphic pronouncement by Alan Greenspan. This cultural construction of time has given rise to social, political and personal problems of unprecedented magnitude. (p. 103)

The embodiment of a capitalist identity, Michael Jordan is certainly guilty of what Piety stated above. From his actions, it seems as if he is not concerned with the past such as the activism of his predecessors that facilitated Black male athlete participation in sport. The same holds true for the future. This is to say, Jordan does not realize the effect he could have on future generations if he took part in activism. Instead, he is concerned about what is happening in the present, as will be illustrated in the section entitled ‘Criticisms of Michael Jordan’. Interestingly, Piety’s statement is very similar to the aforementioned statement by Harry Edwards regarding how current Black male athletes do not take history into account.

Making the case for activism

Some may argue dilemmas no longer exist that call for activism to be taken by Michael Jordan and others. Such a claim is disproven by the previously stated dilemmas transpiring in sport and society. Even more, numerous scholars have documented issues worthy of athlete activism. Brooks and Althouse (1993) and Lapchick (2009) have maintained racial discrimination continues to be an issue in sport and society. Empirical studies have illustrated Black male athletes believe racism subsists in sports (Singer, 2005). Despite these claims, Michael Jordan was silent on a number of these issues. According to Powell (2008: 25), the contemporary Black male athlete (Michael Jordan included) has ‘a comfortable standard of living, a fair degree of fame, a healthy amount of respect from the public, and because he doesn’t want to jeopardize any of that, he also has a severe case of laryngitis’. Demonstrated by the following section, Michael Jordan typifies Powell’s proclamation.

Criticisms of Michael Jordan

There have been plenty of opportunities for Jordan to speak out on social issues. Jordan was criticized after declining to support Harvey Gantt (a Black Democrat) in North Carolina’s Senate race in 1990. Gantt was competing against Jesse Helms (a right-wing conservative), an individual known to be ‘a race baiting segregationist’ (Wickham, 2002: 1). After being asked why he declined to give Gantt an endorsement, Jordan asserted ‘republicans buy shoes, too’ (Wickham, 2002: 1). From this statement, it is apparent that Jordan did not want to offend any possible buyer of his shoes and decrease the demand of his products, thus embodying capitalist ideals as mentioned earlier.

Another situation took place during the 1992 NBA Finals. Los Angeles had recently been stricken with racial tension and violence. When asked about the circumstances, Jordan proclaimed he was not up to speed on the matter (Rhoden, 1992). Craig Hodges, who was Jordan’s teammate, scolded Jordan for being silent on the issue. His message to Jordan: ‘You Are Bailing Out’ (Rhoden, 1992: 1). An additional cause for concern over the years has been Nike’s alleged treatment of their Southeast Asia factory workers, individuals subjected to harsh working conditions, often working 60 to 80 hour work weeks (Clarke, 1998). Further complicating the issue, Nike, in the past, reportedly subcontracted their shops to overlords who physically and sexually abuse their workers. In response to criticism, Nike stated the following: ‘It’s not our fault if the contractor turns out to be rotten’ (Clark, 1998: 2). Given Jordan’s role with Nike, he would be the perfect individual to speak out against these practices. This did not occur, however, drawing commentators to remark, Jordan has ‘fumbled the ball’ (Clark, 1998: 1). Likewise, Jim Brown once stated, ‘[Jordan is] more interested in his image for his shoe deal than he is in helping his own people’ (Crowley, 1999: 4). Other prominent athletes have chided Jordan for his unwillingness to speak on social issues. These include Arthur Ashe, Jim Brown, and Hank Aaron (Crowley, 1999).

Harry Edwards, Bill Rhoden, Shaun Powell and others have offered noteworthy excerpts and opinions concerning Black male athletes’ lack of activism. Few scholars, if any, have attempted to relate this phenomenon to Michael Jordan. The use of theory to further illuminate on the issue has also been absent. This article offers a new perspective. To begin addressing Jordan’s influence on Black male athletes’ lack of activism, transformational leadership principles and social cognitive theory are employed.

Epistemological frameworks

Transformational leadership and social cognitive theory (SCT) are proper lenses to shed light on the link between Michael Jordan and Black male athletes’ lack of activism. Transformational leaders are thought to be the best for an organization because they retain charisma (Cunningham, 2007). SCT attempts to explain human behavior in various contexts (Verner et al., 1998). The primary goal of SCT is to illustrate how individuals are not shaped by inner or external stimuli, but rather by triadic reciprocality. This involves the interconnectedness of behavior, cognition, and the environment (Bandura, 1986). The following sections will provide further elaboration.

Transformational leadership

Transformational leadership is defined as ‘the process of influencing major changes in attitudes and assumptions of organizational members and building commitment for the organizations mission and objectives’ (Yukl, 1989: 204). Soucie (1994) added, ‘transformational leaders have the ability to influence followers by activating their higher-order needs, increasing their commitment, and transcending their own self-interest’ (p. 10). During the transformational process, those being transformed by the leader have a sense of inclusion and supportiveness, gain higher self-esteem, and have a willingness to commit themselves to the leader’s vision (Kent and Chelladurai, 2001). The leader’s intent is to incite action and raise the effort level beyond expectations (Bass, 1985).

Bass (1985) defined three tenets, two of which are especially pertinent to illustrate the link between Michael Jordan and current Black male athlete silence. First, charismatic leadership pertains to ‘the faith and respect in the leader and the inspiration and encouragement provided by his or her presence’ (p. 209). The second tenet is intellectual stimulation. This is defined as ‘the arousal and change in followers of problem solving, of thought and imagination, and of beliefs and values’ (p. 99). According to Kent and Chelladurai (2001), these transformational leadership tenets have a positive effect on individual commitment and motivation. This is to say, individuals possessing transformational leadership qualities have a positive influence on the commitment and motivation of others.

Successful transformational leadership is situated within multiple processes and qualities. The leader must initially engage in a three-level process: 1a) the leader expresses the vision they desire to implement, 1b) the leader must portray the vision as a pursuable end, and 1c) the leader details the achievability of the vision (Chelladurai, 1999). Changes originally occur in objectives and strategies. 2) Followers commit to the new objectives and strategies. 3) Outlooks and assumptions are changed (Chelladurai, 1999). Because transformational leadership establishes a link between a leader and its followers, it provides depth for understanding the role Michael Jordan has played in Black male athletes’ lack of activism. The following illustrates the recently discussed process.

highlight an expressed vision (i.e. silence pertaining to social issues);

commitment of followers (i.e. current Black male athletes commitment to the model set forth by Jordan);

change in outlook (i.e. a transformed Black male athlete compared to athletes of yesteryear).

Weese (1995) effectively captured the essence of transformational leadership by providing five qualities of a transformational leader. He coined this the Five ‘C’ model. This model combines the works of Bass (1985), Bennis (1984), and Shaskin (1986). Transformational leaders must exhibit the following: credible character, compelling vision, charismatic communication, contagious enthusiasm, and culture builder. Michael Jordan certainly possessed all these qualities on the court. However, his model for avoiding social issues has transformed Black male athletes equally, if not more, than his play did on the court. The article will now provide an overview of social cognitive theory in order to illumine the nature of learned behavior. This will serve to further illustrate the link between Michael Jordan and the lack of Black male athlete activism.

Social cognitive theory

Albert Bandura (1977) is credited with developing a theory concerning how people learn. This includes cognitive processes such as thinking, memory, and language (Malone, 2002). Crucial to the explanation of SCT are seven tenets. Two of these are particularly applicable to explaining the link between Michael Jordan and the lack activism among current Black male athletes. The first of these tenets involves learning vicariously through reinforcement. This includes modeling, imitation, and identification (Malone, 2002). Adding support to the principles of transformational leadership, SCT posits individuals learn by watching others’ actions. Bandura further emphasizes the role of the followers in molding the behavior of others.

Bandura (1986) also presented four necessary processes to imitate behavior: a) attending the model, b) retention of the behaviors that are to be emulated, c) the means to reproduce what one has witnessed, and d) motivation to replicate the behaviors. Worth noting here is that research has shown that children are more likely to be violent after observing likewise behavior on a Bobo doll (Plotnik, 1999). Furthermore, Plotnik (1999) also demonstrated that children were less likely to act in a violent manner after witnessing punishment for the violent behavior.

Bandura (1986) referred to the powerful nature of symbolic activities (i.e. language and gestures). Symbolic activities serve the purpose of creating images in an individual’s mind. In this case, Black male athletes centralize Michael Jordan as a revered figure they intend to model themselves after due to his success on and off court. From there, SCTs tenet of symbolic interaction would conclude that the Black male athlete would create an image in their mind of what it would entail to ‘be like Mike’. They would then proceed to act upon the image created.

Transformational leadership and SCT are employed as dovetailing frameworks because they are interrelated on many levels. Due to Jordan’s visibility to the public, name recognition, success on and off the court, Black male athletes endeavor to be ‘be like Mike’. Combining these two frameworks provide a better understanding of current Black male athletes ‘be like Mike’ mentality. While some may argue the argument is speculative, a study conducted by ESPN and Hart Research Association adds further credence to the argument put forth. Leading up to the Martin Luther King, Jr holiday, this study surveyed 100 current Black male athletes in the USA on racial opportunity. Speaking of Jordan and how he inspires him, one Black male athlete stated, ‘Maybe I need to think more like that’ (Fainaru-Wada, 2011). Furthermore, the participants also regarded Jordan as the most likely retired player they could imagine becoming President in 2024. It is evident by this that Jordan has power to evoke a lack of activism among Black male athletes. From this, it could very well be argued that current Black male athletes see Michael Jordan as the epitome of a leader and will model themselves after him to witness similar achievement.

Discussion

The purpose of this article was to draw upon the link between Michael Jordan and Black male athletes’ lack of activism. Making use of hero literature, transformational leadership principles and social cognitive theory, further insight is given concerning the aforementioned connection. These relationships are discussed below.

Previously mentioned was the ‘be like Mike’ Gatorade commercial. From there, the article illustrated the role of heroes (e.g. Michael Jordan), and how adolescents have a desire to emulate these individuals. For instance, Melnick and Jackson (2002) asserted adolescents identify with figures such as Michael Jordan. Melnick and Jackson (2002) further alluded to how adolescents’ values are shaped by these figures. Because Black male athletes are highly influenced by sports heroes (Sailes, 1986), they wish to carry out Jordan’s actions (i.e. ‘be like Mike’). Thus, Black male athletes’ actions reinforce the forthcoming discussion of the two epistemological frameworks. Take Bandura’s (1986) first tenet of SCT as an example. This tenet claims that people learn by watching other’s actions. In addition, transformational leadership’s contention that followers take on the beliefs of their leader adds further credence to the argument.

Michael Jordan possessed leadership qualities both on and off the court. In light of this, transformational leadership serves as a useful analytic tool to extend the discussion initiated by the hero literature. As stated earlier, transformational leadership illustrates how a leader (i.e. Michael Jordan) influences their followers (i.e. Black male athletes). Concepts such as charisma, vision, and transcending followers’ self-interest all correspond with Jordan’s impact on Black male athletes. Adding further credibility to the role of heroes, transformational leadership illustrates the link between Jordan’s behavior off the court (i.e. silence) and current Black male athletes’ lack of activism.

The transformational leadership definition included the term influence. Michael Jordan exerted influence not only on his teammates but the NBA as well. This permitted him to become a world renowned figure (e.g. mural of him in Spain) (MSN Encarta, n.d.). The way in which Jordan willed the Chicago Bulls to victory is a testament to his influence on his team (e.g. 1997 NBA Finals Game 5; 1998 NBA Finals Game 6) (nba.com). Jordan’s revolutionizing of Nike illustrates his influence off the court. In essence, Michael Jordan demonstrated all five levels of Weese’s (1995) Five ‘C’ model of transformational leadership.

The first of Weese’s (1995) Five ‘C’ model stated that transformational leaders must have credible character. They must also be perceived as trustworthy and reliable. Remember who had the basketball at the end of the game? Who did the ball go to whenever the team needed a crucial basket? Michael Jordan. The other teams knew Jordan was going to take the last shot. What does this mean? Jordan was deemed trustworthy and reliable in game-ending situations. Furthermore, Jordan’s teammates’ willingness to follow his lead exemplifies a compelling vision. Next, Jordan displayed charismatic communication and contagious enthusiasm by utilizing verbal and non-verbal communication patterns to will the team to victory. Due to Jordan’s communication patterns, his teammates followed his lead, fed off his enthusiasm, and implemented those same characteristics.

This ideal supports Bandura’s (1986) second tenet of symbolic activities (i.e. the use of language and gestures). Lastly, Jordan built a culture of winning. Earning six NBA titles, the Chicago Bulls of the 1990s were known as winners. In relation to SCT, Jordan’s teammates demonstrated the first tenet of Bandura’s (1986) way of learning through vicarious reinforcement. Jordan’s followers attended the model, retained the model, reproduced what was witnessed, and were motivated to replicate Jordan’s behavior.

Having mentioned Jordan’s influence in relation to basketball, the focus now moves to non-basketball matters. The article gives credit where it is due concerning Jordan’s transformational impact on basketball. His basketball accomplishments are inarguable. The article, however, contends Jordan’s transformational influence on Black male athletes has caused them to be silent in the current era. For one, Jordan successfully created a vision and model for current Black male athletes to follow. In relation to Weese’s (1995) Five ‘C’ model, Jordan’s compelling vision is demonstrated by his silence on social issues. Weese’s (1995) Five ‘C’ model later points to non-verbal actions as a form of charismatic communication. Through his non-verbal action (i.e. silence on social issues), it could be argued that Jordan created a sense among his followers that silence is the norm.

As illustrated above, Jordan’s communication corroborates Bandura’s (1986) symbolic activities tenet (e.g. language and gestures). This action has created a culture of silence among current Black male athletes. Weese (1995) asserted that cultivating a culture includes beliefs, values, and attitudes. Black male athletes duplicating Jordan’s silence confirms SCTs first tenet of vicarious reinforcement (i.e. attending the model, retention of the behaviors, the means to reproduce, and motivation to replicate the behaviors) (Bandura, 1986). Just like Jordan’s teammates illustrated how they could replicate his actions on the court, it could be argued Black male athletes have done the same as it relates to activism.

Implications

Black male athletes are overrepresented in basketball and American football (Lapchick, 2009). For this reason, they represent a viable pool of individuals who can address social matters occurring in sport and society. The current era, however, illustrates Black male athletes have a greater desire to rest on their predecessors’ success. They are more focused on furthering their individual careers and wallets rather than pursuing endeavors potentially leading to social change. Argued in this article, this silence can be attributed to Michael Jordan. It could further be contended that if silence from individuals in position to speak continues (i.e. those influenced by Jordan), future generations of Black male athletes will prolong this trend.

Sadly, these silent sentiments are prevalent among current Black male athletes. One can look to the 2008 summer Olympics for an example. Lebron James and Kobe Bryant were thought to use the Olympics as a foreground to speak out against the episodes occurring in Darfur, Sudan. Their tone later changed, however. Kobe Bryant uttered the following when asked about the situation:

No, not really . . . It’s just time to play basketball . . . I’m not a government official or politician. I’ll let them do that . . . If the politicians want to get paid to shoot jump shots, then they can come and do that. (Wetzel, 2008: 2–3)

Lebron James added the following commentary:

Basic human rights should always be protected . . . One thing you can’t do is confuse sports and politics. I think the political guys are going to do what they need to do, that’s their job . . . We are here to concentrate on a gold medal. Sports and politics just don’t match. (Wetzel, 2008: 2)

Both Bryant and James have become emblems of success and share much of the same praise Michael Jordan received. One must not forget Michael Jordan is the individual both of these Black male athletes grew up watching. James and Bryant have accumulated a number of fans who desire to emulate them. It could be argued their silence will be imitated by Black male athletes desiring to follow in their footsteps. Hence, the Michael Jordan trend continues.

Conclusion

This article utilizes transformational leadership and social cognitive theory as epistemological frameworks to further expound on the relation between Michael Jordan and Black male athletes’ lack of activism. The article points to previous activist feats, while illuminating the decline in activism among current Black male athletes. With the assistance of two epistemological frameworks, the article links Black male athletes’ lack of activism to Michael Jordan. Boyce Watkins (2009) has repeatedly stated that Black men continue to get pimped by the National Collegiate Athletic Association (NCAA). Would it not be nice to witness a current Black male athlete to speak on this issue?

The 1960s possessed figures such as Muhammad Ali, very much the embodiment of social justice and change. Black male athletes in the current era have typified apathy and a drive for commercialization (Crowley, 1999). Those who have followed Jordan’s lead have continued this apathy and drive for commercialization. Due to Jordan’s success, others have decided to follow his model rather than go through the trials and tribulations faced by their predecessors of yesteryear.

Future considerations

One of the main purposes of the article was to provoke conversation and debate, welcoming the thoughts and opinions of others. It is with optimism that scholars show interest in this matter and further investigate this phenomenon. Given the nature of the current article, there are surely associated limitations. For instance, it could be argued the use of the two frameworks to illustrate the impact of Michael Jordan is speculative. Thus, because the current article is not empirical, scholars interested in this issue should utilize empirical study designs to further understand the argument presented.

For one, scholars may want to employ qualitative inquiry to gather the thoughts and perceptions of Black male athletes regarding Michael Jordan’s influence. For example, scholars could utilize case study research in which they would purposefully sample (Patton, 2002) Black male athletes as their unit of analysis. This type of design would elicit rich data from this stakeholder group of athletes. It would also allow researchers to develop a better understanding of Black male athlete activism. Lastly, this method could make use of Black male athletes from different levels of sport (e.g. interscholastic sport, intercollegiate athletics, and professional sport).

This article is gender specific, only referencing Black male athletes. Being a person of color presents its own issues, but intersected with gender adds an extra layer to the equation. For this reason, investigating the influence of Michael Jordan on females warrants its own examination. Future empirical studies could obtain the perspective of Black female athletes utilizing the aforementioned case study approach.

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