Learning to get drunk: The importance of drinking in Japanese university sports clubs

Introduction ¹

There can be little doubt that alcohol production and consumption are huge industries in Japan. From the mega production companies such as Suntory, Kirin, Asahi, to the smaller, regional sake breweries, to the wider array of local drinking places, bars, clubs, restaurants, etc., drinking is important business (Moeran, 2005). Drinking as big business in Japan is supported by the fact that alcohol has ‘never been regarded as a major social problem, and few measures against its production or use have ever been taken’ (Partanen, 2006: 177). This unproblematic relationship with alcohol is underpinned by its centrality to religious events, rituals and festivals, and social interaction (Ben-Ari, 1989; Moeran, 2005; Partanen, 2006). For example a quantitative study of over 5000 Japanese high school students found that by the age of 12 almost 75% had tried alcohol, usually in the context of ceremonial occasions or family gatherings (Wada et al., 1998).

Moeran (2005) suggests that drinking provides the ‘wet’ relations of the night necessary to balance the ‘dry’ relations of the day. In this way drinking is seen to create an inner (uchi) space where people can express themselves more openly and freely, juxtaposed with the outer (soto) space that is governed by various formal manners (reigi) and honorific language (keigo). According to Hendry (1994: 179–180) ‘drinking in Japan has some vital applications in everyday life’. In particular, the knowledge of others gained through the drinking experience is seen to be ‘important for the communication of non-verbal messages; for smooth running of the group; and for the general well being of colleagues’. Drinking is one of few accepted ways of ‘unwrapping’ formal social relations whose end goal is to provide the opportunity for a more direct form of communication (Partanen, 2006: 189).

Formal drinking practices in Japan follow the logic of the gift, that is, a ritualized and indeed automatic process of giving and receiving. The ‘graduated progression of acts of exchange’ (Ben-Ari, 1989: 57) begins with the pouring of one another’s drink, usually based on a pre-existing hierarchical relationship, and then continues through various stages of pouring, cup exchange, toasting, singing karaoke, dancing, each stage peeling back another layer of formality toward greater intimacy. Drinking and getting drunk is, however, dependent on ‘socially defined rules’, which vary from situation and ‘dictate how drunk one should appear’ (Befu, 1986 in Partanen, 2006: 194). The successful negotiation of drinking in Japanese society therefore calls upon a particular habitus, one that understands the rules of the drinking ‘game’ and, more importantly, one that possesses the reflexive capacity to play the game to the best of one’s ability. In other words knowing one’s limit or drinking strength is important in ensuring one can be part of the ‘temporary group’ (Ben-Ari, 1989: 55) formed around the drinking moment.

If drinking is an important social space in Japanese society that requires certain cultural and embodied knowledge, then where and how does one acquire these skills? This paper examines the drinking practices that occur in Japanese university bukatsu (sports clubs) and considers how the drinking events that punctuate the sports calendar operate as a space of intense social learning. In this sense members enter their bukatsu as 18 year olds (the legal age for drinking in Japan is 20) with limited experience of alcohol and graduate four years later with the requisite knowledge to successfully negotiate drinking as full members of society (shakaijin). Alcohol and its use must be understood within the cultural framework that exists and, therefore, before continuing with drinking in the bukatsu, it is necessary to outline some aspects of sport in Japanese education.

Japanese university sports clubs

The bukatsu is a major feature of the Japanese education system. The bukatsu system originated after the Meiji restoration (1868) and was essentially a Japanese adaptation of the sports model that was borrowed along with the education system that was prevalent in Western countries at that time (for example, Guttmann and Thompson, 2001; Inoue, 1998; Kusaka, 2006). The bukatsu encourages student autonomy, learning through observation, and the development of effective hierarchical relationships (jōge kankei) and human relationships (ningen kankei) (for example, McDonald, 2009; McDonald and Hallinan, 2005). It can be argued that the most important outcome from the bukatsu is not sport performance, but rather social and moral development (Cave, 2004; McDonald and Komuku, 2008; Nakazawa, 2011). Membership is underpinned by the logic of self-cultivation, that is, improving oneself as a human being and contributing positively to society, through a process of committing to a singular pursuit that will require one to develop the ability to work in groups, endure various forms of suffering and demonstrate discipline and sacrifice. Training is typically six days a week, often twice a day, for 10 or 11 months of the year.

After the pressure of high school, university is relatively more relaxed for students, and provides a ‘welcome pause before entering the pressured environment of employment or married life’ (Hayes, 1997: 199). University life offers the opportunity to experience things ‘forbidden up to this age like alcohol, sex and gambling’ (Linhart and Frühstück, 1998: 8). However, many students become involved in diversions including bukatsu ‘which appropriately emphasize group loyalty and personal discipline’ and often have ‘little to do with academics’ (Hayes, 1997: 199). Joining a university bukatsu is perceived by students as an opportunity to develop social and cultural capital that will be transferrable to other fields after graduation (Cave, 2004; Lee-Cunin, 2004; McDonald and Hallinan, 2005). The bukatsu ‘is thus seen as a socializing agency, offering many more opportunities than the classroom for students to learn basic social skills through practical experience’ (Cave, 2004: 396).

We are especially interested in the bukatsu because they are empowered with the delivery of a particular social and moral curriculum (McDonald and Komuku, 2008). The bukatsu also provides something of a ‘total’ experience for students due to the enormous amounts of time and particularly strict adherence to hierarchy that membership demands. These experiences are embodied through the frequency and repetition not only of training, but also day-to-day living, social interactions and indeed official drinking parties. Finally, it has been suggested previously that bukatsu represent a particularly conservative form of identity, one that is more likely to adhere to so called ‘traditional’ notions of being and social interaction (for example, Chapman, 2004; Light, 2000; McDonald, 2009).

University sport and drinking

The sport/alcohol nexus offers a range of areas for sociological research and inquiry (Palmer, 2011). This paper examines the sport/alcohol nexus in relation to social practices and cultural identities as they are formed and negotiated within Japanese university sport. Research conducted in university sports settings from the United Kingdom and America has highlighted several problematic aspects about the relationship between being a sports club member and alcohol. Lisha and Sussman’s (2010) examination of research on American college athletics found that, whilst the use of illicit drugs and tobacco was lower for athletes compared with other students, college athletes reported higher levels of drinking. Further college athletes’ drinking was found to more commonly be of the binge drinking variety. Research also points to a strong relationship between sport, alcohol and initiation or hazing rituals (Clayton, 2012; Clayton and Harris, 2008; Donnelly and Young, 1988; Groves et al., 2012). Much of the research has focused on the relationship between alcohol consumption, the production of masculine identity (Anderson et al., 2012; Donnelly and Young, 1988; Peralta, 2007) and over conformity, sexual abuse and violence (Hughes and Coakley, 1991; Kirby and Wintrup, 2002).

In the context of Japanese universities, students frequently hold nomikai (organized drinking parties) as they are considered to facilitate opportunities to release inhibitions, relax and socialize (Brender, 2003; Nagata-Kobayashi et al., 2010). Often the nomikai provides a relatively safe space where students, under the influence of alcohol, can speak honestly and feel that they will not be held accountable for what they say (Brender, 2003; Suchan, 2007). Coaches willingly break the law by ignoring the legal drinking age as they encourage drinking as a way to develop group solidarity (Miller, 2013).

It is important, however, to observe that the types of drinking behavior often advocated within the bukatsu can and sometimes do result in serious problems, including personal injury, and even death. Such outcomes from student drinking are documented on websites such as those sponsored by alcohol and drug prevention agencies (ASK, 2013). The ASK (2013) website records that between 2008 and 2013 there have been 20 deaths related to drinking parties in student sports clubs in Japanese universities and colleges, and there have been several high-profile cases of alcohol-related deaths in the national newspapers (for example, Asahi Shimbun, 2013a; Japan Today, 2009, 2013). In recent years, universities have attempted to rein in student drinking practices, especially those related to underage drinking (Asahi Shimbun, 2013b). Other research in Japan into drinking and universities has tended to focus on the relationship between alcohol and sexual assaults at student drinking parties (Brender, 2003; Nagata-Kobayashi et al., 2010).

Method

The findings in this paper are drawn from field notes, semi structured interviews, informal conversations and reflexive observations based on two ethnographic projects, one in a rowing club and the other in a kendo (Japanese fencing) club, within two separate Japanese universities. Contrary to other qualitative research on sport and drinking (for example, Clayton, 2012; Palmer, 2010; Palmer and Thompson, 2007), the intention of our research was not to investigate drinking practices per se. Rather we were both interested in the experiences and identities that were formed through being a member of the bukatsu. In the necessity to provide some appropriate reflexivity, our engagement with and interest in Japanese sport was long standing and personal.

The first author played amateur rugby in Japan from 1994 to 1996, and it was this experience that lead to the desire to ‘make sense’ of his often incongruous experiences of the sport. After ‘discovering’ sociology he embarked on an ethnographic project at the fictionalized Biwa Rowing Club (BRC) where he utilized his 15-year experience of the sport to gain access to the club, in the various capacities of rower, coach and adviser. This project occurred over five visits to the club, ranging from two weeks to two months, over a six-year period (2000–2006). During each visit he lived in the boathouse with the other members, following the same schedule and routine, eating the same meals. The physical capital of being able to row, coupled with the symbolic capital of being a professional rowing coach, was duly recognized as to allow him access to the significant social spaces, not only the boat, the dormitory, the training rooms, the regattas and camps, but also the formal and informal drinking events that shaped the rowing calendar.

The second author started kendo in 1991 whilst on exchange at a Japanese high school. Since then she has represented Australia at five World Kendo Championships, won several national titles, and trained in Japan on several occasions. Kendo has been a major part of her identity and, similar to the primary author, she sought to make sense of her initial experiences of kendo by undertaking field research as a participant observer at a high-level Japanese sports university kendo bukatsu (fictionalized as KKU). Her ethnographic field research focuses on the negotiation and construction of identity by female club (joshi-bu) members. Over a 15-month period beginning in 2010 she became part of KKU, attending and partaking in daily trainings (sometimes up to nine times per week), and also taking part in many of the club’s other activities, including the various nomikai occurring throughout the year.

What emerged from the ethnographic process was the importance of drinking to one’s identity in the respective bukatsu. As we were both members of the club, joining in with the drinking events such as the freshmen’s induction, post competition parties and other informal drinking sessions was an important part of that membership, and, just as pulling the oar handle or swinging the bamboo sword were necessary for our participant observation, so too was the ability to drink. This meant being able to fully partake in the various drinking practices, not only in the sense of consuming beer or sake, but in having enough cultural knowledge to understand how to. Pouring custom and drinking manners, participation in related activities such as singing karaoke, making a speech, finishing one’s drink in ‘one shot’, and making the effort to talk to all members, are all important aspects of drinking in Japanese settings.

Palmer (2010) notes the potential risks of ethnographic research of this kind, particularly in relation to ‘over-participation’. However, as we both were to learn in relation to other members, being part of the formal drinking session does not necessarily mean one has to get drunk, rather one needs to behave in a way that demonstrates some degree of ‘social nudity’ (Ben-Ari, 1989: 54). In this way we were able to negotiate a form of impression management. That is not to say that this type of research is a sober affair, rather that as researchers we were cognizant of the risks and managed the consumption of alcohol so as to be able to write accurate field notes at the end of the drinking event. Further it is important to recognize that our accounts of these events are neither an attempt to condone or condemn the practices that we are witnessing. Rather, as researchers embedded in the field, we have attempted to supply a deeper description and interpretation of the meaning of such drinking practices and how the pedagogical processes involved come to shape members’ relationships with alcohol and each other.

Drinking in the bukatsu

Utilizing Hendry’s (1994) metaphorical description of Japanese culture as being one of layers of wrapping, our analysis of drinking in the bukatsu focuses on the stages or layers of drinking that occurs in relation to the formal and semi-formal events that shape membership. Each of these stages requires a variety of responses to the logic of the field, the successful negotiation of which gives one access to the next stage of the event. Ben-Ari (1989: 57) observes that such ‘gradual or graduated progression of acts of exchange’, that is drinking and related behaviors, serves as the basis for the ‘creation or demonstration of trust’. As each stage is ‘unwrapped’ so too are the normal social rules relaxed (Moeran, 2005). This is not to say that students did not drink privately or informally as part of their leisure or as calculated hedonism (Stebbins, 1997) (there is little doubt that this sort of drinking is common), rather our investigation is interested in the officially sanctioned and therefore compulsory drinking sessions that members must attend.

The learning that occurs during the bukatsu drinking parties is grounded in the fact that the format of such an event, that is the manners, timing, personal and group expectations of behavior, are somewhat transposable to other social situations, such as working in a company or belonging to a community group. In other words the drinking ‘skills’ acquired from the bukatsu are useful, one may even suggest essential, in negotiating future social fields.

Getting drunk

Both BRC and KKU hold several nomikai throughout the year. These take place at the end of a training camp (gasshuku), at the end of the school semesters in July and December, for a welcome party for the freshmen (shinnyūsei kangeikai) and a farewell party (oidashikonpa) for the fourth year graduates. These nomikai follow a strict time limit and are nearly always concluded within two to three hours. Commonly, the purpose of a nomikai is explained as an opportunity to put aside rank (bureikō). The nomikai provides an opportunity for the tiers of hierarchy to be temporarily leveled and is achieved progressively over the course of the nomikai through the observance of the various drinking protocols and etiquette. As the nomikai grants a temporary space to freely express oneself, it is acceptable to be drunk (yet comprehensible) to enable a release of inhibitions so that sempai (seniors) and kōhai (juniors) can share their real feelings. Such emotional self-expression is not appropriate in the club members’ day-to-day bukatsu life, and through its concealment one demonstrates inner strength, restraint (gaman) and thoughtfulness toward the group by maintaining the atmosphere (fun iki) and harmony (wa). The nomikai, as a space for expressing oneself, encourages the strengthening of interpersonal relationships and group solidarity within the bukatsu.

The following field note captures the first hour of the freshmen’s nomikai at BRC. The use of time, performance of members and styles of alcohol consumption followed a similar pattern at other official BRC drinking events.

We enter a building at 7.00pm and go into a second storey room. The space is a large tatami (Japanese straw floor) mat room with low tables around the walls. The orientation of the tables is toward a small area nearer to the front wall of the room. Three tables, pushed together and running perpendicular along a wall nearest to this space is made up of OBs (bukatsu old boys – some as old as 60), the coach and captains. Other than this there are no other formal seating arrangements. Each table is decorated with various plates of food, small beer glasses and bottles of Kirin beer. As everyone takes their seats and positions, first year students (men and women) move around the room introducing themselves to the other members and, at the same time pouring them a glass of beer. This involves the recipient holding their glass up to receive. The pourer holds the bottle with both hands, one at the base, the other further up the neck, almost as if cradling the beer, the label is clearly visible. The pourer concentrates intently on the job at hand, making sure that the glass is filled properly (the right ratio of beer to foam). Within a few minutes everyone has a full glass, but no one drinks nor does anyone touch the food. The Head OB stands up to officially begin the evening by making a short speech. He mentions the proud history and tradition of BRC and of the subsequent responsibilities of the new members to continue this tradition and finishes by making a group toast (kanpai), everyone drains their glass, and the evening is officially underway. Neighbours then turn to each other again and refill each other’s glasses, and with mumbled pre-meal prayer (itadakimasu) begin eating some of the food. Shortly after the freshmen move around to the OB table and pour each OB a beer and have one poured in return, whilst engaging in polite conversation.

The rest of the room is becoming lively as the beer starts flowing. More food is brought out to accompany the beer. At 7.30pm, H, a second year student who is responsible for ‘hosting’ the evening, calls up all the freshmen, first the men and then the women. Each member introduces himself or herself and then H asks a series of questions about their hometown, past school and other information. In doing so those in the room who share similar demographic history stand up with the freshmen and, on the host’s cue, chug their beers to the chanting of the rest of the room. In this way everyone, including all the OBs, men’s and women’s captains, head manager and myself, chug at least once. Many of the freshmen are particularly inexperienced drinkers and the beer is having a rapid effect judging by some very red cheeks.

The freshmen’s nomikai is the first formal drinking event of the season and provides the new members an opportunity to officially be welcomed to the club. It is also an opportunity for the freshmen to expose themselves, not only to currently members, but also to OBs, coaches and university officials. The event impresses on the freshmen that they now belong to a social nexus that is much bigger than just those living at the boathouse. The formal drinking protocols allow the freshmen to form relationships with older members and especially OBs that would otherwise be difficult to achieve. Through acts of reciprocity, such as pouring and receiving beer, bonds of trust and mutual cooperation can be formed. The freshmen’s invitation to OBs and others to join them in their chugging ensures that all such nomikai are inclusive events.

During formal club nomikai at KKU, members are expected to speak with sensei (teachers) and sempai to form closer bonds or to gain valuable feedback about their kendo progress. A student who had the intention of speaking with a particular sensei or sempai at the nomikai would have had to first approach them at training that day for individual practice (keiko). Performing KKU’s nomikai etiquette facilitates communication with sensei and sempai. The performance of nomikai etiquette between student and sensei proceeds as follows. The student, holding a bottle of beer and glass, will approach a sensei in hope of receiving feedback about their progress. The student sits in a polite kneeling position (seiza) with the intention to fill the sensei’s glass first, but the sensei almost always takes the bottle and will say ‘you did well today’ or ‘you are doing well’. The student will modestly and appreciatively receive a pour from the sensei. As a student you must hold your glass with two hands when receiving a pour and, before taking a sip, return the gesture and fill the sensei’s glass. The beer bottle must be poured with both hands with the label facing upwards. The student must touch their glass below the sensei’s and then they drink together. The beer glasses are small, encouraging the constant exchanging of pours, which allows a more open, or in-depth, communication where the sensei may give the student feedback about their kendo progress. After the interaction has run its natural course the next student holding a glass and bottle of beer will be waiting to move into place.

The nomikai provides club members an opportunity to learn and practice ‘real life’ situations, which they may encounter in the future as ‘full members of society’. The social structure of the bukatsu, especially the hierarchical relationships based on rank, can mirror similar relationships found in employment, community organizations and other social groups. Nomikai will often hold an important place in these social fields. The pouring of beer is a highly symbolic action as it creates the sense of egalitarianism. As a result the freshmen feel very welcomed, as a BRC member explained; ‘there is a much greater fondness for the sempai at university than at high school. I was moved by the gesture of my sempai pouring my drink’.

Getting really drunk

The following is a continuation of the field note above from the BRC freshmen nomikai.

The introductions are finished by 8.00pm and the freshmen return to their places. Members are now pouring their own drinks rather than worrying about their neighbour’s. H calls each freshman to return to the front of the room individually or in pairs and asks them to provide a small performance. Some have clearly rehearsed this performance, for example 2 members do a comic routine as gorillas grooming each other, which is met by raucous applause and laughter from the crowd. Other performances are not so assured, and some are clearly uncomfortable, however each freshman provides something and the rest of the room is supportive, clapping and laughing regardless of the quality of the joke or act.

This section of the nomikai is finished by 8.30pm, H ensuring that the evening’s format adheres to the time allowance, however this is done through co-ordination with the captain, who whilst sitting, makes a range of gestures and approving or disapproving nods and movements that the host reads and responds to. From 8.30pm until the finish at 9.00pm the room gets considerably livelier. Drunkenness or the caricature of drunkenness takes over. Smaller drinking circles form around the room, drinking songs break out and the speed of consumption increases rapidly. A couple of members look like they might pass out. But before they can hit the floor, two other members catch them under the arms and lead them from the room. This is done without ceremony or the attention of others. The OBs, university representative, coaches, and myself are now sitting together, poking around at the last pieces of food, drinking slowly and making quiet conversation. In juxtaposition the volume from the rest of the room continues to increase. A freshman, who only a few minutes ago was helped from the room, returns to collective applause, chugs a glass of beer and then, melodramatically collapses backwards as if she has lost control of her entire body. The two supporters return again to whisk her outside. At 9pm the freshmen’s party concludes. The room goes quiet as the captain makes a closing speech, and with a single, unified clap from all, the event is over. Several members get to their feet clearly inebriated and stagger or lean on other members in order to get out the door.

Y and a couple of others, who 5 minutes earlier were surely very drunk are suddenly sober and in clean up mode. It turns out Y was drinking barley tea (it has the same colour as beer) all night. He actually doesn’t like drinking. In order to fit in he has acted drunk for the past two hours. His role of clean up man was designated from the beginning. H pays the bill, the money for which was collected well before, and the members disperse en masse into the night to a pre-arranged karaoke bar to continue drinking. A small slip of paper that everyone has been given explains the duration (9.30-11.30pm) of the nijikai (the second party after the formal nomikai), where the venue is, and the train timetable in order to get back to the boathouse. The nijikai is for active members and the rest of the party (OBs, coaches, university people) make their way home.

Ben-Ari (1989) suggests that drinking in Japan has the positive effect of acting as a form of conflict management within groups. Central to his premise is the necessity for those engaged in a formal drinking session to expose themselves to the more intimate groups that are formed as the stages of drinking progress. As the layers of formality are peeled back ‘social nudity is exhibited in what are often deliberate violations of conventional manners and etiquette: bragging, infantility, stupidity, boisterousness, highly emotional expressions, lying on the floor, or in female-male impersonations’ (Ben-Ari, 1989: 54). This form of social nudity is made possible by the sympathetic responses from other members of the group. Exposing oneself is not intended to be a form of humiliation as it might be in some of the Western drinking research (e.g. Clayton, 2012), rather it is another act of giving that is received accordingly, and in being so creates moments for genuine inner expression and feeling. These feelings are often expressed more openly at the nijikai. Members, who are either dōkyūsei (same rank) or kōhai, are invited by sempai to form smaller drinking groups to increase the level of intimacy. The nijikai can play a similar role to the nomikai and it provides an opportunity for club members to get very drunk and enjoy unrestricted environments. Often the nijikai concludes the next morning in the change rooms by the telling of stories from the night before with heroic theatrical confessions of ‘I passed out’ or ‘I can’t remember a thing’, although usually the exact number of beverages consumed is nearly always valiantly recalled. After a training camp nomikai it is acceptable to be hung-over (futsukayoi) from the over-consumption of alcohol as this demonstrates one’s full participation in the nomikai and willingness to suffer the next day with the other club members.

Whilst the nomikai is a sanctioned event, students at BRC and KKU do not limit their drinking to only such events. As BRC member T suggests, ‘so far I have lost consciousness 3 times. University students drink a lot more than at high school’. During such drinking sessions there were instances where members passed out, vomited or injured themselves. At one such event K, after being cajoled into chugging his fourth beer, vomited, apologized and disappeared. About an hour later he returned and continued drinking. This effort was highly praised by his sempai as a demonstration of spirit and toughness. Prior to this event his position in the club was very marginal and he spent little time interacting with the other members; however, after it his position in the club was definitely enhanced and the older members actually began speaking with him. On the same night M severely burnt his hand after attempting to perform a joke that backfired. The injury caused him to miss the next week of training, a result that did little to impress his fellow crewmembers.

Although it is not acceptable to injure yourself to the point of non-participation in practice, often drinking sessions result in bumps and bruises. This type of alcohol consumption equates with what Partanen (2006: 195) terms ‘heroic drinking’, which is characterized by ‘a strong sense of togetherness, and by the absence of self-reflection and instrumental considerations, self-control or concern for the consequences’. Drinking with selected dōkyūsei or kōhai often takes place in safe environments enabling ‘letting go’ and free expression of oneself. There is a sense of trust that the members will look after each other in their drunkenness. Before a night of drinking club members excitingly anticipate ‘letting go’ as this is an opportunity to be released from the everyday inhibitions and having to be considerate to others (ki wo tsukau). Such drinking opportunities may contribute to the bonding process in the bukatsu (Rohlen, 1989). Heroic drinking is recognized only in so much as that one still makes it to training the next day. This form of stoicism is grounded in the notion of letting go but also not letting anyone down. Failure to make it to training the next day, perhaps because one got too drunk, would be a major problem and would result in the loss of any potential capital one may have gained from the performance the night before.

Drinking capital

‘Heroic drinking’ is expressed through a range of ‘behavioural repertoires and theatrical uses’ (Partanen, 2006: 195). Thus getting drunk is not necessarily required to achieve heroic drinking; rather, possessing the correct repertoire becomes a form of drinking capital. Once one possesses the embodied knowledge of one’s capacity for drinking (whether you can hold your drink) then it is possible to negotiate the drinking scene with the required skill. The behavioral repertoire is not automatic as demonstrated in the following example of misrecognition from KKU.

During a formal club nomikai after a training camp a few of female club members were behaving in a disrespectful manner as the result of consuming too much alcohol. They were speaking during speeches and behaving too drunk in front of the sensei and sempai. One sensei (who is a non drinker) suggested banning the drinking of alcohol at the next club nomikai. Another sensei, although disappointed in their behavior (they were subsequently disciplined with extra hard training), did not completely ban drinking because of the important role it plays in allowing communication between sempai and kōhai. As K, a kōhai, elaborated, ‘if we cannot drink we cannot talk with our sempai openly’.

This is a case of inappropriate drinking, as these members have not followed the drinking format properly. Getting too drunk is not the issue; rather, it is a case of getting to this point of drunkenness without observing the correct process. Indeed they have got too far ahead of the game and therefore made the nomikai uncomfortable for all.

Drinking capital is found in specifically being able to drink beer and sake. At these formal drinking events there is a sameness of food and beverage that creates a sense of equalization. Beer and sake are almost exclusively the fluid of choice at these events, and whilst informal drinking will include other spirits (especially shōchū, Japanese liquor similar to vodka) and even wine, group drinking events will involve only beer or sake. The following field note represents an informal drinking party at KKU and highlights the importance of what one drinks.

A tray of large bottled beer arrived at our table. X and B asked me why I liked beer – ‘it tastes great, especially after practice’ I replied. A few of the members said they don’t understand how it can taste nice, ‘it is bitter’. I suggested that they order something else, something sweet and that they don’t need to drink beer. ‘No we can’t, we need to get used to the taste of beer and be able drink beer socially - it is a KKU thing, we drink beer. We need to drink beer as often as we can and become used to it, especially now as we are sempai we need to encourage the kōhai to drink beer also’.

The drinking of beer at the nomikai is considered to be an essential component of participating in the club culture at KKU. The ability to drink beer is considered to be the social way of drinking (tsukiai ga nomikata) and therefore a form of club etiquette. The reciprocal nature of drinking beer creates a collective experience enabling open communication between sensei, sempai and kōhai. If one is unable to drink as an adult it can be considered to be antisocial (tsukiai ga warui). Learning how to drink enables members to communicate with sensei and sempai. As such it is important for members to build their beer drinking tolerance, as the bukatsu is a learning environment in preparation for adult society. Many of the female members do not like beer but will drink beer to socialize and show their commitment to the club culture. For many young Japanese, university is the first time heavy drinking is sanctioned and encouraged. Therefore, the bukatsu is a site where members learn to drink. This knowledge is accrued in two forms. The first form is in an embodied sense, or more specifically in learning about one’s capacity for drink. This embodied sensibility involves several facets. First is developing a taste for, or at least tolerance to the taste of, beer and sake. Second is knowledge of one’s capacity both in terms of volume and duration. Learning to manage one’s drinking over the course of an official event or ceremony or a nomikai is significant, that is one learns how best they can complete the session. First-year students who pass out or vomit during the official drinking time frame quickly work to readjust their performance. The predictability of the format and duration of such events provides a regulated structure within which students learn appropriate drinking management. Once a student becomes aware of their capacity for alcohol this can be used either outwardly as a signifier of strength, or inconspicuously in a manner of impression management. The ability to hold one’s drink is a valued trait linked to the strength of one’s character. In many ways the ability to consume above average quantities of alcohol and remain coherent is perceived as an extension of one’s spiritual strength (seishin ryoku), as one member of BRC affirmed; ‘Real men drink sake like water!’ However, whilst this may seem to represent a form of hegemonic masculinity, the drinking occurring within the bukatsu nomikai is genderless. Members (women and men) at BRC and KKU who could consume large quantities of beer to little personal effect were held in high regard and this capacity was something that other members would openly express admiration for.

Bukatsu events, in most cases, provide a relatively safe, albeit compulsory, venue to learn to drink. The enclosed nature of the venue means that drinking (good or bad) occurs only within the confines of the bukatsu and not in the broader public gaze. The presence of older, relatively sober, members in the room provides support for the younger ones who over indulge without exposing them to ostracism or ridicule. Someone will clean up the mess and get you home. Finally the relatively short, and specific, duration of events (exactly two or three hours) provides a certainty that the experience will soon end and be over.

The second form of knowledge, which is more important, is in a performative sense. The drinking habitus, that is the layers of giving and receiving and the attention to detail required for the drinking event to operate smoothly, is developed through the repetition of such events over the course of each member’s four years in the club. To successfully accrue this form of capital requires each member to possess the right level of embodied knowledge. Thus, competent drinking habitus is not necessarily found in the consumption of alcohol, rather in the performance of drinking behavior. The learning that occurs is how to behave during a drinking event in a way that makes those around you comfortable and allows the individuals involved to open themselves up. One does not have to be drunk to do this, but it helps if one can pretend to be drunk, or at least expose oneself in a public sense (making a speech, singing a song, loosening up). Several members of BRC and KKU did not like drinking yet could still be part of the drinking event, nursing a drink or inconspicuously pouring some out, drinking barley tea or one of the large range of zero alcohol beers that are available. The social structures governing the bukatsu we examined ensure the development of practical knowledge specific to negotiating hierarchical and human relationships, and within the context of Japanese society this knowledge requires one to be able to negotiate these relationships whilst drinking.

Conclusion

Moeran (2005: 26) suggests that in Japan, drinking takes on ‘a social life in which participants talk about, negotiate and reclassify their respective positions in a social world’. In organizational settings, drinking is often initiated through official nomikai that occur at various times of the year. The repetitive participation in these compulsory drinking events over one’s four-year membership of the bukatsu results in the development of the drinking habitus, the embodied sense of how to drink in a particular social situation. In other words the practical efficiency to deploy oneself effectively in the company or community nomikai is first negotiated in the relatively safe and nurturing environment of the bukatsu. The knowledge of one’s capacity for alcohol and the related performances that accompany drinking (manners, etiquette, displays of social nudity, functional actions, etc.) stand to represent a form of symbolic capital, as the ability to drink ‘properly’ is recognized as having value in social fields outside the bukatsu.

The key learning is to be able to drink in a way that allows others to share the drinking experience. This involves a peeling back of various layers of reciprocal action of giving and receiving. Whilst there is little doubt that those who are heroic drinkers are held in high esteem, even those who are teetotal can accrue some form of drinking capital if they have the capacity to engage in the ‘drinking game’. The predictability of official bukatsu drinking events, especially in relation to duration and format, allows participants to manage themselves and others. As one becomes a full member of society the practical ability to engage in drinking events is important in confirming one’s place in the new social nexus of the office, company, club or community group. In this way the drinking in the bukatsu is about much more than just getting drunk.