Assessing the sociology of sport: On the Latin American Association of Sociocultural Studies in Sport and research development in Latin America

Reflections on the trajectory of the sociology of sport in Latin America

The national formations of Latin America often serve to mask social and cultural complexities. Latin America is divided, but not simply in two or three regions. Rather it is divided into multiple parts that represent distinct ethnic groups and cultures. To try to generalize about national or social identities is an intellectual absurdity that often fails to respect the realities of daily living. Nevertheless, the arrival of modern sport to Latin America, brought by immigrants, provoked important social transformations within Latin American society as sport was adopted and adapted by social groups depending on their origin, social status, and priorities.

The history of sport in Latin America and its transformations through social, political, and economic processes are closely connected with the histories and development of social classes. Indeed, understandings of sport, physical exercise, and/or school physical education drive policies about behaviors and practice about the role of the human body in education and in cultural practice. Even so, social classes may be distinguished and united through sport by adopting new practices that can be viewed as symbols of unique cultural characteristics. In this context, the sociology of sport as a sub-discipline of sociology allows for the analysis of such complex cultural dynamics, changes in social structures, patterns of group engagement, and organizational action in sport (Coakley, 2009).

Emerging in the 1960s, the sociology of sport has a relatively short history as a scholarly discipline. In addition, socio-cultural inquiry about sport received relatively slow and tardy institutional and academic recognition across Latin America. Pioneering works by Eduardo Archetti (1985) in Argentina, writing from Norway, analyzed soccer/football from a cultural historical perspective. Similarly, Brazilian anthropologist Da Matta’s (1982) study of football and Brazilian society fueled interest in studying sport with a social scientific lens (e.g., Lopes, 1988). Studies such as these competed with popular journalistic accounts that were often based on passion rather than rationality or critical reflection.

Today, much research on sport in Latin America focuses on understanding sporting behaviors in social context. Here, exploring the social conditions, cultural influences, and group and organizational forces that drive sensibilities and action in sport are central. Much current research is keyed to understanding relationships, culture, social classes, sexuality, change, inclusion, social stratification, sport subcultures, economy, politics, media, body and emotions, violence, and globalization. Influences from sociological theory and their application in the International, European, and North American sociology of sport associations have facilitated new study groups, seminars, and congresses across Latin America. In such settings, sport, as the object of study, has increasingly gained scholarly legitimacy.

Nevertheless, considerable weaknesses in the region remain as there are few specialist and postgraduate programs in the sociology of sport. Study is situated within graduate programs in physical education, recreation, and sport. Occasionally, sport may be given minor attention in graduate programs in sociology, journalism, and even anthropology. Undergraduate programs in physical education, sport, and sociology generally feature only an elective course. Until the sociology of sport more clearly has its own academic space within the university, our knowledge base will be hindered.

Assessing the challenges of the sociology of sport: we have always been on the receiving end of the globalized tendencies

The sociology of sport, as a new discipline, tries to study, analyze and explain the phenomena of sport in its diverse forms. It recognizes that sport touches across social strata to diverse cultures within Latin America. Economic growth in some countries combined with the processes of globalization and media have fueled interest in new forms of physical activity.

Much change in Latin America has accelerated the growth of modern industrialized societies. Situated thusly, the dynamic of sport plays an important role and can be studied through variant theoretical lenses. Sport offers researchers an entry point through which to examine, interpret, and explain how society operates and evolves over time. Along the way, it demands that researchers consider and compare the unique regional features of sport and its practice.

From figurative sociology, the work of Norbert Elias, Pierre Bourdieu, and Eric Dunning is often featured in Brazilian and Argentine sociology of sport research. Published in both Portuguese and Spanish, there is focus on the sport process and the role of sport and leisure in the civilization process (Gebara, 2005; Marchi, 2011; Proni and Lucena, 2002). There have also been contributions from the functionalist view, conflict theory, symbolic interactionism, and structuralism, demonstrating the diversity of theories being used to study sport. Work from the functionalist vantage point often focuses on group integration, community building, the relationship between amateurism and professionalism, and marketing applications. Conflict theory often drives ethnographic studies of the of athlete and spectator experiences. Studies seated in a symbolic view of sport as a social and cultural phenomenon in South American countries often reference Bourdieu’s work.

Although initiated from diverse theoretical vantage points, much research has practical links. Research is clearly trying to understand the behavior of both athletes and spectators in fueling violence and demonstrations of social unrest. Such work is undergirded by research on how fan identities take shape and play a role in everyday lives. Increasingly, it is recognized that even if one is not a sports fan, the participation of a child or relative in a school or national competition may shape national or regional identities, and thus play important roles in educational and democratic processes.

Future directions for the sociology of sport: on empowering Latin American academics and ALESDE

It is important to note that the sociology of sport is no longer a marginalized topic despite its limited space for academic development across Latin America. If there is one aspect that has been awakened in the new millennium, it a sense across the region of the need for mutual support in our community of scholars. Indeed, internationally, there are a wide range of sociology of sport organizations and publications such as the International Sociology of Sport Association (ISSA) and its publication the International Review for the Sociology of Sport, the North American Society for the Sociology of Sport (NASSS) and its Sociology of Sport Journal, La Société de Sociologie du sport de Langue Francaise, and the European Association for the Sociology of Sport (EASS). While historically these associations have been North American or European, important organizational developments are emerging, such as KSSS (Korean Sociology of Sport Society), JSSS (Japanese Sociology of Sport Society), TSSS (Taiwan Society for the Sociology of Sport) and, more recently, ALESDE. These developments emphasize how understanding the culture and social dynamic of sport has become more broadly valued across the globe.

Still, English as the dominant language in our scholarly community presents ongoing challenges. Some Latin American scholars, seeking a voice of their own, have joined more established sociology of sport professional associations, but their numbers have been limited primarily due to the language issue. Recognizing that the European and North American experience often has driven the corpus of knowledge about sport as a social phenomenon, there was a clear need to develop a sociology of sport group in Latin America.

Thus, in 2008, ALESDE was formally created as a space and vehicle through which researchers and professionals of social science could exchange ideas and experiences related to the broad area of sport, physical education, recreation, and physical activities in general (Schausteck et al., 2011). As mentioned earlier, ALESDE has thus far organized four international, presently bi-annual, congresses. The efforts here have been important. They have allowed participants from eight Latin American countries to network and bring shared, individual, efforts scattered across the region. ALESDE’s strategic efforts have gained recognition in the more longstanding sociology of sport professional societies. ALESDE is progressing toward its goal of becoming central to the development sociology of sport in Latin America. Its commitment to diversity and inclusiveness is evident on its web page, its free electronic refereed journal, and making full conference proceedings available in three languages: Spanish, Portuguese, and English (Cornejo and Marchi, 2008; López de D’Amico et al., 2011; Marchi et al., 2008).

In Latin America, due to the significant economic and social contrasts between rich and poor people, sport and physical activity occupy an important space in local society. Providing not only recreation and leisure, it can facilitate social inclusion. As modernity comes, the artifacts of a sedentary life and obesity are increasing seen in most vulnerable groups of society, often in the course of importing models from the so-called “first world countries”. These social effects are important areas of study and the diverse theories that are involved in sociology of sport can contribute to understanding and combating these phenomena. Future studies should not only understand of the impact of sport in society, but also help to frame public policies aimed at improving the quality of life in Latin America.