Abstract
On the 50th anniversary of the ISSA and IRSS, a leading figure in the sociology of sport in Denmark, Gertrud Pfister, considers an important line of research on women and football (soccer). The analysis uses a diverse set of theoretical lenses to examine women’s participation and reception in football. Constructivist understandings of gender are combined with notions of ‘leaky hegemony’, socialization, habitus, taste and social fields. The trajectory of inquiry on women and football necessarily builds from recognition of ‘leaks’ in hegemonic masculinity and the entrenched naturalization of football as a male social field. Women’s football gained hold in scholarly inquiry with comparative studies of participation, experiences, and policies in diverse national settings. Challenges in the area of women’s participation and legitimacy in football are rooted in persistent stereotyping and a related paucity of resources. Key questions remain in explaining women’s growing involvement in football and in understanding key areas, such as media coverage, where equity would contribute to legitimizing women’s achievements and advancing public acceptance. In looking to the future, a key role for the sociology of sport will be in stimulating understandings of women and football that can lead to policy change and more equitable allocation of resources to support and encourage participation.
The considerations in this assessment of women’s football (soccer) are based on a framework which integrates diverse theoretical approaches: a constructivist understanding of gender as proposed by Lorber (2005) and Connell (2002), Bourdieu’s (1984, 1997) concept of habitus and taste, social fields and struggles for hegemony, Ann Hall’s (2002) considerations about men’s ‘leaky hegemony’ and Heinemann’s (1998) concept of socialization.
Trajectories of the sociology of sport on women and football
There is an abundance of studies on football. Research has focused on the development of the game, teams and players, politics and policies or the role of football in the creation of national or regional identities. It goes without saying that men’s football has been and continues to be the centre of public and scientific interest (Eisenberg, 2006). Football was ‘invented’ by men for men at the beginning of the 19th century and since then the football ground has been a space where ‘the serious games of competition are played among men’ (Bourdieu, 1997: 203). Football offered the opportunity to gain and demonstrate hegemonic masculinity and male superiority – on the football field and in the stands for spectators (Marschik, 2003).
Accessing ‘leaks’ in men’s hegemony, women began to play football at the beginning of the 20th century. However, it was not until 1970 that women’s football was accepted by national football federations (Pfister et al., 1999; Scraton et al., 1999). Since then, women’s teams have emerged in many countries, although female players were more often tolerated than appreciated (Fan and Mangan, 2003).
In 1991 the FIFA Women’s World Cup was established and in 1996 women’s football became an Olympic sport. Currently, there are 1.2 million female players and 25,000 teams registered in Europe. 1 However, information provided by UEFA also reveals large differences between European countries with regard to the number and the status of female players. Whereas in Sweden (9.1 million inhabitants) 165,300 female players are registered by the football federation, among them 438 professionals, in Spain (47.4 million inhabitants) only 28,254 women are registered and only four are reported to play professionally. 2
As participation increased, the women’s game became a target of scholarly inquiry. Here, attention was given to the development of female players and women’s teams and playing conditions in different countries. Some important early studies on women’s football appeared in a special 2003 issue of the journal Soccer and Society. 3 Studies in this issue focused on the emergence of women’s football in 14 countries, including China, Brazil and the US. Researchers analysed opportunities and challenges for female football players in light of the gender order in diverse national settings. Drawing on constructivist gender concepts of scholars such as Lorber (2005) and Connell (2002), sport historians and sociologists identified barriers, such as traditional notions of femininity and prejudices about women’s abilities, and explored driving forces, particularly grass roots initiatives, the politics of federations and their impact on the development of the game (Pfister, 2006).
Despite striking differences between countries, in both gender arrangements and sport cultures, there was overarching evidence that women’s football had become a symbol of and a driving force for gender equality in sport and beyond (see Fan and Mangan, 2003; Magee, 2007; Pfister et al., 1999; Williams, 2007). In 2011, a second special issue of Soccer and Society focused on current research on women’s football in the UK. Here, particular attention was given to the opportunities and challenges of women in ‘non-playing football roles’, such as those of coaches. In addition, studies focused on the intersection of gender with other identities, such as ethnicity and sexuality, to provide a deeper understanding of women’s experiences with the game (e.g. Caudwell, 2012).
The rise of studies across the globe in the sociology of sport demonstrated that women’s football was firmly established (e.g. Sinning, 2012, Sobiech, 2012; Williams, 2013). Still, these studies also provide ready evidence that hegemonic gender relations remain a dominant logic in the various ‘fields’ of the game. Heterosexuality, masculinity and football serve as a powerful force in the popular imagination and are reinforced by the media as a ‘natural combination’ (e.g. Marschik, 2003). Such tendencies reinforce the rendering of women’s football as a different sport than the men’s game (see Keddie, 2003; Magee, 2007; Williams, 2007).
Differences in economics and the public attention given to women’s football have been noted by many scholars (see Pfister et al., 2014). For example, studies in Sweden make it clear that women’s football thrives most notably in cities that do not sponsor men’s football teams (Hjelm and Olofsson, 2003).
Challenges: What are the current and future challenges related to a sociological understanding of football and women?
Depending on region, country and (football) culture, women’s football and its players face diverse challenges. Many of these are basic, stemming from stereotypes and a lack of resources that contribute to unsafe playing conditions. 4 As most ‘football scholars’ are white, middle class men who live in Western countries, they may not be sensitive to such issues or have the expertise to advance remedies.
The rapidly increasing number of girls playing football (UEFA, 2013/2014) also raises questions about the causes and consequences of a potential ‘feminization’ of the game (Markovits and Rensmann, 2010). How do we best explain women’s growing involvement in football? Which theoretical concepts best provide understandings of the complex dynamics between gender and football involvement?
Drawing on socialization theories such as those advanced by Heinemann (1998) and Bourdieu (1984), scholars have explored how girls ‘appropriate’ sports and how their experiences influence their sport ‘tastes’, abilities and practices. However, there is still a need for investigations on the impact of the growing numbers of women in all ‘football roles’ and how to improve the status of women’s football at amateur and professional levels.
Despite the increasing number of female players, women’s football plays only a marginal role in media and public discourses. Research has shown that media coverage has little interest in women’s football leagues, games and players and that sexualization of ‘attractive’ players is a key feature in media coverage of women’s football mega-events (Schaaf, 2011). As the media have the power to set the agenda about women’s football and frame contests as worthy, the amount and form of media coverage of women’s football remains a key issue for those seeking to advance the game.
‘Real’ football is still men’s football. There remains little awareness by the general public, as well as the majority of football scholars, that the game is an arena for the social construction and presentation of hegemonic masculinities. Compounding this is the perception of ‘women’s football’ as ‘different’, a game that seems to lack the essentials of ‘real football’. But what exactly are the differences in games played by men and those played by women? The reasons for the disinterest in women’s football should be explored not least because those investigations could also provide insights into the reasons behind fascination with the men’s game.
It has to be taken into consideration, however, that a focus on male–female comparisons may result in a fixation on gender dichotomies, thereby preventing scholars from approaching women’s football in its own right. Important work needs to compare the interest in and support of women’s football in different countries and to compare the situations of female football players to those of women in other team sports. Assertions about the lack of quality of the games or charisma of the players can be refuted by referring to contexts, such as in Sweden, where women’s teams and female players have become increasingly popular in light of waning interest in men’s football (Hjelm and Olofsson, 2003).
Besides examining the development of media coverage of women’s football, sociological inquiry has examined the gender hierarchies in football federations with particular focus on the paucity of female leaders and opportunities for female coaches (Pfister, 2013a, 2013b). 5 A related recent line of inquiry has begun to examine women’s football as a labour market and to consider the migration patterns of female players. This area of research has advanced quickly through funded research and a strategic agenda dedicated to labour questions (Agergaard and Tiesler, 2014).
An overarching challenge for women in football has been the dominance of men in all areas including positions of power. 6 Too often, it is considered ‘natural’ that football organizations be governed by ‘old boy’s networks’ with women seen populating ‘alibi positions’ on organizational boards. At the bottom line, there remains a pressing need for gender awareness in football research and policies. This is true, not only with regard to media representation, sponsorship and financial resources, but also with regard to talent identification, leadership, coaching and professionalization.
Future directions for sociological research/activism on football and gender/women
Early studies on women’s football provided baseline information about the development of the game and the status of players and teams in different countries. In particular, the documentation of stereotypes and prejudice was at the centre of scholarly attention. Today, many publications on women and football are available that focus on ‘facts and figures’ or tell ‘success stories’ about the increasing number of female players and the increasing quality of the game (Schiffer, 2011). 7
Despite these positive developments, women’s football still faces challenges that impede or prevent progress. Although we know much about the weak interest in and consequent lack of resources for the women’s game (Pfister et al., 2014), we do not know the exact reasons about how the continued indifference seems to be deeply rooted in habits and tastes of football consumers. Growing up with men’s football in the mass media and thus adopting a specific football taste, many get used to regarding men’s matches as the norm and see women’s football as deviant.
Research about female players, teams and competitions in countries where men’s football is not the dominant sport, such as is the case with ‘soccer’ in the US, may reveal how different evaluations of women’s football may come to the fore. In this light, there is need for more cross-cultural comparisons to provide new insights about sport cultures, gender arrangements and the status of women’s football. In the Scandinavian countries a large percentage of girls play football at a grass roots level, but only in Sweden do matches between top women’s teams gain considerable media attention and audiences. New studies are needed to provide insight into the similarities and differences in women’s football in different countries as well as the reasons for and effects of different football policies and politics.
Understanding women’s football requires careful theoretical conceptualization to shape hypotheses and contextualize explanations. Besides the already mentioned constructivist approaches to gender, socialization theories may be used to understand participant involvement in and cultural appropriation of the game (Heinemann, 1998). Theory-driven cross-cultural comparisons may offer insights and explanations that contribute to the exchange of ‘best practices’. Diverse theoretical approaches and reliable data about authentic experiences will generate in-depth knowledge about the opportunities and barriers of women in diverse football-related roles and positions. In studying women’s football cultures in different countries, interdisciplinary research can help reveal how received gender roles and ideals that shape the conditions for women’s lives affect the gendered nature of sport cultures and consequently the politics of football federations. Currently, the power in the world of football lies in the hands of men, male leaders, coaches and journalists as well as male players and fans. To change this gender imbalance, women must have access to all areas of football, most particularly to sport journalism and decision-making boards in football organizations.
Although girls and women have the opportunity to play football in many countries, female players do not receive the same prestige and resources as boys and men do. While aiming to remedy this, many football initiatives targeting girls, such as large campaigns in Germany, are often temporary projects and studies about the long-term outcome of well-meaning interventions can be elusive. Research-based knowledge, collections of best practices and the exchange of experiences are essential in facilitating the advance of women and girls in diverse football-related roles and positions. As the situation of women’s football is changing, the sociology of sport has an essential charge to encourage new understandings about women and football. With the consideration of diverse perspectives about gender, ethnicities, leadership and the consequences of male domination comes the potential for attitudinal, behavioural and policy change. This can aid football in becoming a game that is accessible to all, irrespective of gender, age, class and ethnicity.
Footnotes
Funding
This research received no specific grant from any funding agency in the public, commercial, or not-for-profit sectors.
