Abstract
Jules Boykoff’s Activism and the Olympics offers a critical analysis of the Olympic Games in Vancouver and London by examining the intersection of politics and sports. The Olympics always have important political implications for the hosting city. For example, an economic implication that almost invariably characterizes mega-sporting events is the escalation of the final cost beyond initial estimates, and the promise of future economic benefit that in reality never quite materializes. Overall, the book offers a critical overview of the role of the capitalist, corporatist, and political powers involved in the Olympic industry and the grassroots activists who oppose the Olympic machine.
In addition to the commercialization, corporate sponsorship, and the high price tag attached to the building and policing of the venues and facilities for the Games (which is predominantly taxpayer-funded), some of the other problematic aspects of the Olympics include amplified nationalism, environmental destruction and media coverage, as well as undemocratic practices such as the seizure of public space for Olympic purposes, and the suppression of dissent and activism. Activism and the Olympics provides a thorough discussion of each of these themes.
Boykoff argues that, during the duration of the Games, the social production of spaces can be a highly contentious and political issue. In critically examining the production of Olympic spaces through material and discursive practices, Boykoff argues that “space is not an empty apolitical parcel of turf waiting to be trodden upon by people and ideas” (p. 75). In order to facilitate the Games, Olympic authorities seize public spaces, and at times members of the community are forced to move elsewhere. Some activists see this as creating zones of exclusion, while others view it as a “forestate of the privatization feast to come” (p. 113). The ‘Assistance to Shelter Act’ during the Vancouver Winter Games is a prime example of this: a law that effectively criminalized homelessness by granting the police the legal authority to forcibly move the homeless into shelters. One form of protest for activists seeking spatial justice was the ‘Olympic Tent Village’, which involved the coalition of a number of different activist groups who, through public donations, were able to set up tents for the homeless. This protest was not merely a symbolic act of resistance but indeed had material implications, allowing approximately eighty-five people to secure housing.
The suppression of activist efforts is another theme that is discussed in depth in the book. While over time the Games have become increasingly and officially commercialized, the International Olympic Committee (IOC) still claims to operate on an ‘apolitical’ mandate and, as such, forbids political activity on Olympic grounds. Boykoff argues that, given the economic, social, and political implications of a mega-sporting event such as the Olympics, an ‘apolitical’ mandate is a paradoxical and impractical one.
The media can also play a significant role in framing and portraying, and thereby diminishing or enhancing, activist efforts. An essential chapter in the book offers discussions around the influential role of the media to act as a filter, allowing some voices into the conversation while blocking others. Here, Boykoff shares with us the findings from his research on the press coverage of the Vancouver and London Olympic Games. The US news coverage of the Vancouver games had adopted the ‘Olympic frame’: a kind of rosy depiction of the Olympics as a force for peace and prosperity. The portrayal of anti-Olympic activism, on the other hand, had been reduced to an image of angry protestors. And while the Canadian coverage of the games had been more complex, it, too, had ultimately reproduced the same narrative of the whining protestor. Boykoff’s findings on the press coverage of the London games differed considerably from previous research on activism, in that the coverage mainly acknowledged the legitimacy of activists’ claims.
The different types of strategies utilized by the activists are discussed to some extent in the book. These vary considerably, from peaceful activism to the more radical, direct-action, protest. While the former seeks to bring about incremental change, the latter seeks immediate change through forceful and, at times, violent means. In addition to strategic differences, activist groups may differ also in their representational approaches. Because of the serious issues that are addressed in political dissent, activism typically has (or is perceived to have) a somber tone. We are, however, told of other kinds of activism that are humor-based or that incorporate elements of creativity into their discourse and agenda in order to engage more effectively with the public and the media. Boykoff contends that “blending humour, creativity, and pluckiness” can be important assets to doing successful activism in terms of disseminating the message and recruiting new activists, as it is “important that the activists don’t set themselves up as anti-fun opposition” (pp. 105–106).
While the diversity of tactics among various activist groups and their efficacy are discussed, Boykoff does not explicitly evaluate the ethicality of some of these strategies. For example, we are told about the ‘Heart Attack March’ demonstration, during which the demonstrators caused property damage to the Hudson Bay Company – a company with a long history of colonialism. The descriptions offered in the book are neutral in tone and seem to deliberately sidestep from issuing judgment on the moral value of different activist strategies. Since the discussions of ethics, morality, virtue, and decency are inherent to activist endeavors, it is worthwhile to consider and assess the ethicality of activist strategies and behaviors.
Boykoff’s qualitative research methods included ethnography, one-on-one interviews with seventy activists at the London and Vancouver Olympic Games, investigative sociological research, and historiography. As such, much of the discussions in the book are grounded in the data gathered during fieldwork observations, interviews, and personal interactions. The numerous direct quotes that are contained within almost all of the chapters of the book were gathered through first-hand encounters, and thus can be considered an asset of the book.
The book is well-written, not only in its coherence and structural organization, but also in the engaging and, at times, witty style of prose that it utilizes to present mundane facts. Just as anti-Olympic activism can be seen as an anti-fun endeavor, academic writing, too, can be perceived as tedious and dry. It is suggested in the book that including humor and wit is a useful and important strategy when serious matters are concerned. Witty phrases such as “Andy Merrifield’s description of the modern-day cosmopolitan city fits Vancouver like a spandex speedskating suit” (p. 69) follow this recommendation and make the book more enjoyable. The book could be enhanced with the inclusion of more photos of the protests and demonstrations, as these would bring the observations of the author to life for the reader.
Activism and the Olympics is of use for undergraduate and graduate qualitative methods courses, particularly for its effective use of ethnography and media analysis. It is an important contribution to the ongoing discussion around the role of the Olympics and its political, social, and economic implications. This book is a useful read for anyone interested in learning about the under-exposed views of the activists protesting the Olympic Games, as well as for those who seek a more comprehensive grasp of the socio-political issues related to mega-sporting events.