Abstract
Localizing Global Sport for Development is an exceptional account of longitudinal sport for development (SfD) projects in the Zambian communities of Chawama and Lusaka, through the SfD organizations, EduSport, and Sport in Action. The book is a compilation of 10 studies between 2006 and 2013, with each study contributing to the research team’s understanding of their work in the local, Zambian context, as well as how it contributes to the broader context of SfD research. The emphasis on “the local” is the underpinning of the book and situates the research as a necessary addition to an understudied area of SfD. The introduction chapter provides a peek into the rigorous research agenda, setting the stage for the rest of the book. The tone is one of gratitude and humility for the impact the research project had on Lindsey, Kay, Jeanes, and Banda. The research team benefitted from having Davies Banda, a Zambian national, as an “insider” in the local Zambian communities. Specifically, the team acknowledged how their “collective ‘reach’ has been greatly enhanced by Davies’ proficiency in four local languages” and how his ability to “put interviewees at ease or to enable further elaboration of critical viewpoints” (p. 5) enhanced the overall project. At the same time, the research team reflected on how their social location shapes their relationship within the study.
From the outset, the book highlights the difference between sport development and SfD, which can be confused and blurred, “evident from the outset in Zambian SfD” (p. 72). Sport development addresses development of an individual sport (e.g., players, skills, facilities, leagues), where SfD addresses social issues (e.g., HIV/AIDs education or gender inequality), using sport as a vehicle.
Lindsey et al. deliver a comprehensive review of past and current SfD literature, bringing attention to the paradigmatic debate on whether SfD projects should be rooted in evidence-based, positivistic intentions, or on the other side of the spectrum, whether SfD programs ever meet developmental goals. Their intention is to show how their ‘wide lens’ perspective captures the varied, specific contexts within which community-level SfD activities and experiences can be understood. The actor-oriented, social constructionist framework allowed for the researchers to respect the complex nature of SfD and how multiple contexts affect program efforts. These contexts are often compromised with traditional global North planning and evaluation methods, which are often determined by the source of funding. The adverse effect of these methods (e.g., logic models) can result in ignoring the lived experience of the recipient. This, along with other decisions made in the process, raises the issue of “cultural appropriateness” in relation to evidence gained through monitoring and evaluation studies (p. 41). Although the philosophical stance of the authors is very clear, they are respectful in presenting the instrumentalist versus actor-oriented approach. This becomes evident in the conclusion of the book where a call for more mixed methods research is made. The actor-oriented approach used throughout the studies focuses on social heterogeneity with a “bottom-up, multilayered approach” (p. 49).
Chapter 2 serves as much-needed background for the reader on how the broader economic and political contexts have influenced Zambia in the colonial and post-independent era. A focus of resource distribution to Southern Rhodesia coupled with racial segregation and exploitation left indigenous Africans with limited opportunities. Following the first democratic elections in 1964, the process of “Zambianization” led to placement of natives into “positions that previously only their colonizers had been allowed to occupy” (p. 55) and reconstruction of sport associations. The history of SfD projects in Zambia is also addressed, noting the “minimal level of integration with national or local governmental policies” (p. 63). Another obstacle addressed is the homogeneity of SfD non-governmental organizations (NGOs) in Zambia and how singular sources of funding can sometimes lead to competition among NGOs for resources. By addressing the complexities of various moments and movements within Zambia, the authors paint a picture of historical complexities between local, state, and international factors and the show the dilemma created by the competing agendas of development of sport on the one hand and the SfD framework on the other. Local NGOs (e.g., EduSport and Sport in Action) surfaced in conjunction with indigenous efforts in response to the broader contextual issues at the time.
Chapter 3 begins with addressing partnerships in SfD and how the word is sometimes misleading in how true dynamics play out in international and domestic SfD organizational relationships. Lindsey et al. draw attention to an important reality that exists within global South and global North SfD partnerships. A lack of knowledge when applying for funding by Zambian organizations, coupled with a positivistic tendency in attempting to measure impact over minimal time periods, has led to situations where funds have been withdrawn when Zambian organizations had “inadequate” administration (p. 79). Partnerships notably contributed to organizations’ ability to diversify skills and training, particularly with SfD organizations and HIV/AIDS education. The inception of such partnerships was often attributed to personal connections, particularly between Zambian organizations. An important take away from the chapter is the significance of the researchers’ access to both Zambian and Northern donors to understand the relationships. Consistent with previous SfD research in Zimbabwe, Lindsey et al. recognized “the importance of localized data collection in order to deconstruct and refine the predominant representation of static hierarchies of Northern power in SfD” (p. 95).
The next chapter focuses on young people in Zambia—many within the community of Chawama—with the purpose of hearing their voices to understand how they experience life, family and social contexts, institutions and where SfD programs fit into these dynamics. Much of the data collection occurred through informal conversations, which emphasized the research team’s priority to understand young people’s lives organically. The struggles and hardships of young people living primarily in compounds—a “mass of tightly packed, small breeze-block homes, usually inhabited by a large number of family members” (p. 99) are discussed. The ability to send children to school is a common struggle, and youth attending school often find employment opportunities limited once they leave. According to the authors, expectations of children vary depending primarily on gender. Often if a family needs help, “the boy will go to school but the girls will have to look after the family at home” (p. 111). An unfortunate byproduct of the harsh conditions has resulted in young people turning to substance abuse and prostitution. “When a female has no activity, no employment, what do they do? They go into abuse of alcohol and, end result, they end up being prostituting [sic], which is not fair” (p. 118). This results in girls being the most affected by HIV/AIDS and even sexually abused “by relatives in the home” (p. 119). Although the number of people affected is in decline, the risk for young people, especially girls, is extremely high. The outlook can be seen as positive, though, as the research team notes many young people spoke optimistically and mentioned the support they receive from families and friends.
Chapters 5 and 6 reinforce and tie together the emphasis on a localized approach to SfD and how young people experience SfD. Together they may be the most powerful chapters in the book, which situate the importance of serving local needs in SfD programs in Lusaka and Chawama. The use of peer leaders in SfD programs “combines responsiveness to local needs with pragmatism” and allows for peer leaders to use “their local knowledge and networks” (p. 146). As first-hand accounts of young people on the receiving end of SfD programs have been grossly underdeveloped, Lindsey et al. contribute to a broader understanding of SfD. Overall, young people spoke of sport giving purpose and focus to everyday life while assisting in avoiding at-risk behaviors. “Football has changed my life: it kept me away from the streets, it has given me something to do and something I’m good at” (p. 153). Sport also served as family for those without, seen through a female peer leader in Chawama. “I don’t have parents any more, and the people at the ground are now my family. They now look after me and it is them I turn to when I need help” (p. 155). EduSport and Sport in Action served as safe spaces for young people to discuss sensitive issues like sex and HIV/AIDS when they did not feel comfortable doing so in other areas of life (e.g., school). Chapter 6 also revisits some of the issues girls face in these communities specifically, and how programs like Go Sisters provided educational opportunities and empowerment to females.
The concluding chapter of the book positions the contributions and outlook for the future in Zambia and SfD. The authors reiterate the complexity and diversity of the projects and how the localized approach differs from more traditional SfD movements. Working with the “wide lens” approach, the authors attempt to highlight the multilayered contextual intricacies of SfD. The authors critically reflect on their commitment to localizing methodologies and facilitating the decolonization process by supporting “peer leaders to conduct interviews” when their “language has no written form” (p. 200). A critical issue for future SfD researchers to address are the power relations between “global-North researchers working with global-South participants,” which (self-reportedly) affected the discussions and data in these studies (p. 201).