From combat boots to running shoes: The role of military service in shaping masculine identity in Israeli long-distance running groups

Participants

The study employs a multi-sited ethnography conducted over a duration of more than 2 years, focusing on two distinct distance running groups located in the metropolis of Tel Aviv—one situated in the city center and the other in the northern region. Each running group was comprised of between 30 and 50 members, displaying an equitable gender distribution among males and females. While the running groups welcomed participants of all age groups, the majority consisted of Israeli citizens aged between 40 and 50, encompassing both novice and experienced distance runners who regularly engaged in Israeli and international marathons. The running routes encompassed city streets, the beach boardwalk, and parks within the city limits. Membership in one running group required a monthly fee, whereas the other group operated free of charge. Predominantly, the running community consisted of socio-economically upper middle-class individuals, reflecting the broader demographic composition in the northern region of Tel Aviv.

Some of the runners in the northern region group had previously trained in the sports center in which I worked as a sports therapist; therefore, I chose to study this group due to my pre-established familiarity with the participants. This made the integration process relatively smooth. As the city center group was chosen simply due to its proximity to my place of residence, I had no prior connections with any of the participants and needed to establish new relationships from scratch. Before joining this group, I reached out to the group's trainer, expressing my desire to join as a running researcher and ensuring that informed consent was obtained. Subsequently, I gradually immersed myself in the role and culture by running with the group, participating in social events, and becoming an active part of the group's social network.

Instrumentation

The materials from the field were collected using a multi-focal ethnography approach (Marcus, 1995) that defines and studies the field in several locations. Data were primarily gathered during the researcher's participation in running sessions within the running groups and during social activities in which the runners engaged, such as post-run gatherings at coffee shops. These contexts provided opportunities for the researcher to observe and listen to various interactions among the runners. These encounters complemented the overall data collected and were an important addition to the study. In addition, semi-structured interviews were conducted with 17 long-distance runners, consisting of 10 men and 7 women. Here, I adopted an approach of “ethnographic interviewing” (Davies, 2008), which applies special attention to the interview context and the relationship between the participants beyond simply verbal communication. The duration of each interview ranged from 45 to 75 min. The selection of participants was based on their close running relationship with the researcher, as well as their willingness to serve as key informants and share their firsthand experiences. Prior to each interview, the participants were informed about the study's intentions and methods. The interviews were conducted in Hebrew and translated into English by the researcher.

In addition to my own field materials, I incorporated data from online running websites to offer a more comprehensive perspective on the runners’ social world. Over a 3-year period, I subscribed to several prominent online running websites, the primary and most widely read of which being Shvoong. These online running websites were integrated in tandem with my field materials and served as valuable supplements to both participant observations and interviews. On these websites, I had the opportunity to delve deeper into content contributed by runners and trainers who regularly published weekly articles and opinion columns pertaining to the running social world. This included narratives and humoristic elements related to the running group.

All in all, I diligently recorded notes on my smartphone immediately after each running session. Some of these notes were typed, while others were initially recorded using the phone's voice recording feature and later transcribed on my computer. However, it is essential to acknowledge the limitations in documenting information during running sessions. Frequently, my memory had to be relied upon to recall conversations with the runners that were documented in writing after the encounters occurred. Furthermore, it is worth emphasizing that in terms of observations, the running group was aware of my role as an anthropologist, and every participant was fully informed about the data collection process.

Data analysis

The present study employed the thematic analysis method to comprehensively examine the data and identify prominent themes within a dataset. The purpose of this analysis was to elucidate and interpret the underlying meaning and significance of these themes (Braun et al., 2016). The data analysis commenced immediately from the initial field experience. An inductive approach was adopted, whereby themes and patterns emerged from the data itself. Additionally, the analysis engaged with the data on a latent level, focusing on underlying ideas, assumptions, or perspectives that were not explicitly expressed. While most thematic analyses encompass both latent and semantic coding (Braun et al., 2016), the latter was occasionally employed in this study to decode explicit concepts, ideas, or patterns directly evident in the data.

For the observational data, I employed a systematic line-by-line coding process to discern recurring themes and patterns within the behaviors observed in runners. I immersed myself in the raw observational data, encompassing periods before, during, and after running sessions, generating initial codes. These codes underwent refinement through an iterative process of comparison and consolidation. Regular reflection and review sessions were conducted to ensure the robustness of the coding process. Derived from the coded data, themes were formulated, providing a comprehensive understanding of the observed phenomena. Additionally, the analysis of interview data followed a comprehensive approach to unveil in-depth insights into the perspectives of distance runners. Transcripts were coded using an inductive approach, allowing themes to emerge directly from the data. Furthermore, the examination of media content involved multiple steps to reveal significant themes from diverse sources. I coded the data to identify key topics and sentiments within the media corpus. Specific criteria, such as examining military discourse within running groups, were established to determine the inclusion of posts. Subsequently, I systematically analyzed the coded data to discern patterns, facilitating the interpretation of overarching trends and subtle nuances present in online running websites.

The resulting overarching themes were identified as follows: the military background as a catalyst for camaraderie, pain and physical exertion as a means of exclusion, and running as a corrective experience. Subsequently, the analysis progressed to establishing coherent explanations among these categories. This involved exploring the relationships among the themes and comprehending how they interconnected to form a broader understanding of the data. As these themes were described and contemplated, relevant literature was employed to establish connections between the themes and the societal experiences of military and physical activity within the Israeli sociocultural context, thus encompassing the findings.

Assurance of quality

To ensure the trustworthiness of the study, the criteria of credibility, dependability, and confirmability, as outlined by Lincoln and Guba (1985), were followed. Credibility was established using triangulation, employing methodological data and environmental triangulation. This process involved identifying consistent patterns across various data sources. Furthermore, prolonged engagement in the field for a period of over 2 years allowed for a comprehensive and detailed understanding of the social and cultural contexts, providing a “thick description” (Geertz, 1973) of the phenomena under investigation. To ensure dependability and minimize bias in the findings, peer scrutiny was employed. Three researchers, one of whom was a veteran distance-runner, were invited to review the field notes and provide feedback on the interpretations presented. This external review helped to enhance the reliability and trustworthiness of the findings. Finally, confirmability was demonstrated by maintaining an audit trail that documented each stage of the data analysis process. This trail served to ensure that the findings were not influenced by conscious or unconscious biases and accurately reflected the participants’ responses.

Ethical requirements

The study adhered to ethical requirements through several steps. First, approval was obtained from the institutional review board. The participants provided signed consent, using common pseudonyms to protect their identities and to clarify the gender of each participant for readers. Additionally, consent was obtained from the founders and directors of the running groups.

The military past as a point of departure

As part of joining the running group, runners, both male and female, often share their backgrounds with other runners, including novices and veterans, to foster a sense of familiarity and camaraderie. While occupational, residential, and familial status are commonly discussed among all runners, the topic of military service tends to be prevalent among male runners. Consequently, experiences from military service often dissolve the barriers between novices and veterans within the running group. For example, during running sessions or social events, runners often realize that they had served in the same combat unit. In such instances, a unique bond and camaraderie are formed. However, it is important to acknowledge that this dynamic often does not include female runners participating in the discourse. Gil, aged 62, a veteran distance-runner recounted:

Military experiences stay with discharged soldiers for many years. The army creates lasting bonds and friendships. The military stories I hear among males within the running group are endless. The moment someone new arrives, I hear someone saying, “Hey, I heard you were in that unit, and so-and-so was in another unit.” Inevitably, the dominant conversation in the running group revolves around the IDF. It creates bonds and a sense of national pride [within the running group]. This conversation primarily involves men, predominantly due to their longer duration of service in the army. Additionally, the lesser involvement of women in the conversations is partly attributed to the perception that men's military service holds greater significance.

From the description above, in is evident that while military service represents a major component in blurring boundaries between the individual, society, and the nation (Sasson-Levy, 2006), it is also manifested in the running social world, constituting an “ice breaker” that enables male novice runners to feel a sense of belonging. After all, the militaristic habitus that includes the physical and psychological demands of Israeli combat units is deep-seated in recreational sport activities (Hertzog and Lev, 2019).

According to Goffman (1959), when individuals join a social world and introduce themselves to the members, their initial presentation is likely to reflect and embody the widely accepted values of the group and society at large. Moreover, their introductory behavior may closely align with the established norms and values of the community, often more so than their overall behavior in everyday life. Accordingly, the process through which male runners are socialized and adapted to meet the expectations of their running group is, to a significant extent, reminiscent of military-style impression management. Additionally, the common characteristics among the general group members can often overcome the estrangement of novice runners in times of “betwixt and between” (Lev, 2022). In this manner, the transitional phase involved in incorporating into the group can be viewed as a collective experience with minimal social constraints. However, in this reference, female runners do not have the same “privilege” of leveraging their military capital as an icebreaker during their initial weeks of joining the running group. In a reality where the IDF organization upholds a strict hierarchical structure and implements a gender policy that, despite some degree of flexibility, exhibits resistance to change (Sasson-Levy, 2006), the running group operates in a comparable manner. David's statements, “there is nothing you can do about it” and “it's quite natural,” reflect an essentialist viewpoint that perceives gender inequality as inherent and unquestionable. As will be exemplified in the subsequent theme, this attitude towards women can extend beyond the realm of early socialization.

Physical exertion discourses as a mean of (female) exclusion

Pain and physical discomfort are critical elements in the construction of long-distance runners’ identities (Lev, 2019; 2020). These elements are considered routine aspects of the runners’ lives and part of the price they are compelled to pay to adopt and maintain their identity as marathon runners (Allen-Collinson and Hockey, 2007; Lev, 2022, 2020; Lev and Zach, 2018). During my participation in the running groups, I was witness to the significant role that military service experiences of the male runners played in their intense physical activities and training. When runners were physically challenged and when they experienced pain and suffering, the male runners in these groups tended to recount experiences from their military service and use military jargon to reinforce the group's social cohesion and motivate themselves and their groups to better perform. Sharing their military experiences aided them in coping with the challenges of long-distance running. For example, Joe, aged 60, a veteran distance-runner explained:

Every time I experience physical discomfort or encounter mental obstacles while running, I conjure up the image of my former officer from my service in Golani (an Israeli combat unit). Despite the passage of many years, his voice still resonates within me, shouting encouraging words such as “you can do it” and “never give up.”

The group members’ military experiences also served to establish a sense of affiliation and commitment in times of bodily discomfort. In other words, military experiences forge “a bond of reciprocal dependence linking teammates to one another” consequently giving rise to what Goffman referred to as “the privilege of familiarity” (p. 82, 83). This is also evident from the following example:

Danny requested the attention of everyone around the table in the café where the group typically met after every training session. He took out his mobile phone and started to read a speech that he had written for the group after he and David completed a marathon in Europe. The speech began with “an interpretation of the concept of loyalty.” Danny spoke to the group about the challenging milestones of his life: wealth, loss of assets, regained wealth, difficult military service, and loss of friends on the battlefield. He also said that he had never met a person with as great a sense of loyalty and sacrifice as David, who carried Danny throughout the marathon after Danny injured himself and experienced excruciating pain—not even in his military service. David massaged his leg during the marathon and did everything possible to ensure that Danny wouldn’t give up. Danny told the group that, because of his agonizing pain, he would never have been able to complete the route without David's sacrifice. As Danny finished his speech, the atmosphere in the room among the men was that of male camaraderie and the men all stood to high five and slap each other on the back, employing typical Israeli military phrases, such as “achi” (brother) and “I salute you” as the women stayed sitting and laughing while observing the men.

The following statement by Shifra, aged 52, a veteran distance-runner, clarified the degree to which she adopted this military discourse, including a reference to sanctions and punishments taken from military life:

Listen, in this group it's unheard of to “give up.” [raises her voice] The running group is like a military unit, we use military slang, the dumb kind. When a training session is hard, the runners always use slogans like “train hard, fight easy,” “Commando unit,” “Some are strong, some are stronger, and some are the strongest.” You see, people bitch but they do it. Nobody gives up when we train! For example, if someone grumbles when we do lunges, the entire group gets a punishment of an additional 20 s. It's military practice—the entire group gets the punishment.

Often, I was witness to various occasions in which gendered military discourse emerged. In one group training session, the group's trainer, a former officer in an elite IDF unit, briefed the group before they began their run. He spoke authoritatively on the challenge of completing the run on such a hot day and explained “Giving up is not an option.” After one of the runners commented that he hoped that the heat would not affect his injured knee, the trainer retorted unhesitatingly, “Do me a favor, don’t act like a pussy.” As they began the long run, two group members saluted the trainer, half in jest. The trainer seemed pleased with the runners’ attitude toward him.

Moreover, the military discourse, replete with gendered masculine stereotypes, is also prevalent in other settings outside running groups. The author of the following post proceeded to note in one of the most well-known running blogs among the running community:

Gilad stands like a military commander, and the trainees [are] like highly disciplined soldiers who are about to receive their orders for the training session. “I want four kilometers as a warmup and then I want 400 meters times 12 at a fast pace. Do you want a translation of “fast”? It means that when you finish the 400 meters you really want to curse me and if you don’t want to curse me that's a sign that you didn’t run fast enough.” At this point, the runners’ smiles and laughter turned into a choir of complaints: “I’m on antibiotics,” said one runner. “This place in my leg really hurts,” said another. “Just a minute, I ran strong yesterday, does that mean it's okay to do it again today?” asked a third “soldier”. […] From the sidelines I see how Gilad listens to all the whines and complaints staunchly. Just like a real military commander, he shoots out his orders that you can’t argue with him, and the run begins. (Hadad, 2011)

Additionally, the term “pussy” is a vulgar compliment but also used as a derogatory term for women, conveying the inability to do anything constructive other than maintain a sexy appearance. The (frequent) use of the term “pussy” is consistent with the argument that in a machismo culture, masculinity is conceived as the opposite of feminine sexuality, as noted by de Beauvoir (1956). Female runners who overcome the same physical challenges as their male counterparts threaten the latter's masculine self-identity and are consequently disparaged. These descriptions illustrate the runners’ use of Israeli militarism as an organizing metaphor and the connections they make between running and the military, either by using military jargon (“Train hard, fight easy!”) or by comparing their grueling running sessions to the marches and runs they performed in their military service (“If you end strong, that means you didn’t make an effort!). Samimian-Darash (2013) argued that soldiers’ physical abilities are not transitory—they are embedded in their bodies and souls, where they remain even after completing military service. The experience of military service is imprinted on them as second nature. In this context, Sasson-Levy (2006) linked the perceived centrality of war and the regime of identities in Israel and argued that “in a society where war is considered to be so necessary and essential, the military is one of the collective's key symbols and is considered a manifestation of pure patriotism” (pp. 38–39).

Further, the argued influence of military service on long-distance runners’ conduct and coping with physical challenges is derived from this interpretive direction. The runners’ statements illustrate how experiences from their military service (or the memories of these experiences) are appropriated as a means of coping with the physical challenges of crossing the finish line; in this setting, the group is conceptualized as a combat unit. Against the advanced age of most of the long-distance runners in this study, and the fact that most had served in the military, and some completed their service in a combat unit, their military gestures and speech can be suggested as a strategy to prevent aging and physical decline (Spector-Marzel, 2008). In this reference, it is suggested that the narratives of Greg's military training that he recounted during the run, and Yoel's service as the commander of an elite unit who ordered numerous military operations, serve to enable the male runners to delay a decline in their physical performance and to gain social and physical capital in the group.

Running as a corrective experience

In the following lines, I will illustrate how participation in running sessions might potentially “compensate” male runners with no military or combat background or experience in arduous forced marches as part of their military service. For some runners, participation in the running teams allowed them to reproduce and reaffirm the principles of physical readiness and combat brotherhood. For others, participation in a challenging running group seemed to compensate for poor physical performance in one's military service or for weak identification with military objectives.

For example, on especially hot days, the runners were proud of themselves for not giving up and contrasted their performance on this physical challenge with their experiences in their military service where they “never moved their asses.” In one training session, one runner joked that for him, “the group is an experience to do-over the pushing papers and the candy [I ate] during my military service.” Furthermore, after completing the New York Marathon, Talmor, aged 57, a veteran distance-runner spoke of the sense of “rectification” that he had after crossing the finishing line:

I, Talmor, am talking to you from beneath the CNN building. I want to tell you something. I, a Lt. Col. Res., who went to the Armored Corps for one reason only—not to run, who brought a doctor's slip at every rank test, who hid behind the bushes in every physical fitness class — It's me, it's me! I am standing here on Fifth Avenue and 98th Street, I finished the fucking New York Marathon. And the amazing thing is that in the first 30 kilometers I enjoyed the run and deliberated with myself whether to do the London [marathon] or to do the New York once again, and I decided that I would do both London and New York. Thank you.