Between lookism and bodily capital: Understanding female personal trainers’ appearance in occupational socialization

Research participants

This study applied Goetz and LeCompte’s (1984) criterion sampling method to establish participants’ criteria. Thus, we convened an expert meeting with three sociology PhDs to establish the criteria for eligibility, which included teaching experience in women's fitness or Pilates, a minimum of five years of experience, relevance to the research topic, and willingness to participate in the study. As displayed in Table 1, the participants comprise five female trainers or Pilates instructors and three male fitness trainers, two of whom currently manage fitness centers. Research participants ranged in age from 32 to 52 years, with coaching experience ranging from 5 to 26 years.

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Table 1.

Characteristics of research participants.

Name	Gender	Age	Field	Year of career
Mina Kim	Female	52	Fitness	10
Jimin Yang	Female	37	Pilates	5
Dasoo Lee	Female	32	Pilates	7
Minji Kang	Female	25	Fitness	6
Jisu Kim	Female	46	Pilates	26
Soomin Huh	Male	38	Fitness/Center CEO	15
Jingoo Choi	Male	41	Fitness	14
Youmin Kim	Male	46	Fitness/Center CEO	20

Note: We used pseudonyms for each participant to maintain confidentiality.

Interview questions

We conducted a pilot study to identify the general status of the research topic and obtain relevant information. Before the pilot study, we developed primary interview questions based on the research outcomes related to lookism, bodily capital, and occupational socialization in the professional field of female workers and female sports instructors (e.g. Cavico et al., 2013; Hutson, 2013; Kim et al., 2015a, 2015b; Lavin and Cash, 2001; Lawson, 1986; Templin and Richards, 2014). Next, using these interview questions, we conducted a 60-min pilot study with one individual who had a thorough understanding and experience regarding the influence of female trainers’ appearance on the occupational socialization process. After considering the initial interview questions and the findings from the preliminary research, we formulated revised interview questions. We then reviewed and verified these questions during a meeting with three sociology PhDs, subsequently completing the final interview questions.

Data collection

Before data collection, this study obtained final approval from the Institutional Review Board of the researcher's university (Approval #: KUIRB-2023-0120-01).

To collect data, we conducted an open-ended, semi-structured individual interview lasting 90 to 120 min with one eligible participant whom an acquaintance introduced. Subsequently, we recruited seven additional participants through snowball sampling. According to You (2004), “The criterion to determine the number of participants for interviewing is whether the interview has reached saturation, at which point it no longer provides new insights” (p. 78). We terminated data collection after interviewing the eighth participant as the information collected had reached a saturation point.

Before the interview, the researcher explained the study's purpose and the participant's rights, and the participant signed an informed consent form. We recorded the interview and transcribed and analyzed all recorded files with the participant's consent.

Data analysis and the trustworthiness of the study

The study utilized grounded theory analysis, developed by Corbin (1990) and proposed by Creswell and Poth (2016). We conducted data analysis in three phases: open, axial, and selective coding. The open coding phase generally produces categories that emerge from the data. This study adopted the four periods of occupational socialization (preparatory, adaptation, conflict, and maturity) as the main categories to explore the impact of female trainers’ appearance on occupational socialization as a result of open coding. We conducted axial coding within each category, revising the data to identify specific categories describing the central phenomenon. During the process, we identified the causal conditions that influence the central phenomenon, the strategies that explain the phenomenon, the contextual and mediating conditions that shape the strategies, and the outcomes of implementing the strategies. In the last stage, selective coding, we pinpointed propositions or statements that linked the categories of the coding paradigm.

In addition, verifying the data's trustworthiness is crucial in mitigating researcher subjectivity in qualitative research (Creswell and Poth, 2016). In this study, we conducted a member check, which Lincoln and Guba (1985) proposed as the most effective technique for establishing credibility. Accordingly, we asked research participants to verify the accuracy and credibility of their narratives throughout the data collection, analysis, interpretation, and conclusion stages.

Preparatory period: higher value in good appearance than teaching career

During the occupational socialization of sports instructors, the preparatory period refers to when they are pursuing qualifications or preparing for employment (Kim and Kim, 2003). Typically, individuals in this phase focus on obtaining the necessary qualifications to enhance their competitiveness in the labor market. This study discovered that physical appearance is the most crucial qualification for female trainers, even more so than teaching experience and ability. For example, two participants said:

The image of Pilates itself is very important, so I tried to get in shape when preparing for a job. It's important for me to have a slim image as a Pilates instructor, so physical appearance is a big part of getting a job. (Dasoo)

On the other hand, as the demand for physical attributes is considerably higher in the PT recruitment market compared to other professions, the process can include discrimination based on appearance or lookism. Two participants commented on this topic:

It doesn’t matter how good you are or what you teach; if you’re fat, they won’t hire you. Even if you’re good at teaching and lucky enough to get a job, there are cases where you have to quit because of client complaints, or you don’t get a job at all. (Jimin)

Consequently, female trainers may put significant effort into enhancing their physical appearance through plastic surgery and dieting. This process, referred to as the “embodied state” by Bourdieu (1986), involves the development of long-lasting dispositions of the body. Ultimately, the interpretation of a female fitness trainer's appearance in the industry extends beyond social definitions of beauty and involves her skill and professionalism as a trainer. This understanding is crucial for the marketing and branding of fitness centers, attracting clients, and for employment decisions.

Adaptation period: good appearance is money

After the preparatory period, sports instructors enter the adaptation period. This period focuses on enhancing a trainer's professionalism, expanding awareness, and achieving revenue growth (Kim and Kim, 2003). At this point, female trainers continue to engage in grooming behaviors to develop their professionalism or grow as personal training professionals, allowing them to convert their enhanced bodily capital into economic capital. Female trainers develop their bodily capital to strengthen their expertise, and their improved bodies become a promotional tool that entices clients to invest in their fitness and health. Additionally, this builds trust and authority with clients and can create opportunities to convert bodily capital into other forms of capital. One participant made the following comments:

They do a lot of plastic surgery. Anyway, social media is basically a personal tool to let people know about yourself, but it's also a professional tool to promote yourself to potential clients, so I try to make my appearance more appealing… Anyway, it's inevitable that I have to show my body, and I think it's a skill and a process of building trust with clients because I can make them expect “if I keep doing this exercise, I can become like that,” and I can fulfill those expectations with my body. (Dasoo)

High physical credibility or bodily capital cultivates clients’ trust and belief in the trainer's health knowledge, which leads to better economic capital for the trainer. For instance, one participant said:

I worked at a fitness center with 50 trainers, and there were two female trainers; one was a team leader with 30 years of experience, and the other was in her 20 s with a much better appearance. Usually, when clients get PT, they should be trained by someone with a higher position and experience, but when I checked PT sales, the trainer in her 20 s with a better appearance was always higher. (Youmin)

In his work “The Forms of Capital,” Bourdieu (1986) defined economic capital as the financial resources and assets owned by an individual or organization, such as money, property, and other material assets. Bourdieu (1986) also distinguishes between several types of economic capital, including liquid capital, fixed capital, and human capital. This study discovered that bodily capital, specifically of female trainers, can be considered another form of economic capital that can be directly converted into economic benefits. As mentioned earlier, this concept also applies to actors, fashion models, professional athletes, and others where physical superiority is directly linked to income.

Conflict period: “appearance” as the cause of the fall

The conflict period involves experiencing conflicts during or after the adaptation process as a sports instructor. These conflicts can potentially result in trainer turnover and exit (Kim and Kim, 2003). In this study, we examined the experiences of female trainers during the conflict period by categorizing them into (1) the stress of maintaining bodily capital and career break, (2) the impact of marriage and childbirth on bodily capital, and (3) uncomfortable relationships with male clients.

Maturity period: only a few remain

During the maturity period of their careers, sports instructors advance to administrative managers, including managers and team leaders, rather than remaining in rank-and-file roles (Kim and Kim, 2003). However, declining bodily capital and career breaks have negatively impacted the promotion of female trainers over 30. Additionally, only a limited number of female trainers with exceptional teaching skills progress to the maturity period. One participant summarized the situation:

The retirement age for female trainers is too early. You get older, you get married, you have kids, and then you’re in your 30 s, and I think female trainers in their 30 s are very rare; it is even hard to see them at 29 or so. The ones who are really good at teaching skills or who have successfully gotten back into shape after having kids can build on their experience and get into a stable zone. (Mina)

Female trainers in their 30s who have completed the required process and sustained their careers are eligible for promotion to manager or team leader, depending on the center. However, the promotion evaluation may be negatively influenced by the overall image of female trainers being judged predominantly on their physical appearance. One participant commented:

Until now, female trainers have been doing this job because they look better than their skills and certifications, so they are less professional in teaching. However, as they age, the tendency to rely on appearance becomes a ‘boomerang’ for female trainers. Naturally, they lose out to male trainers in work evaluations and don’t have the opportunity for promotion. (Mina)

Good appearance is money: understanding female trainers’ appearance as economic capital

The physical appearance of female fitness trainers is more than just a superficial concern. Clients often infer a relationship between a female trainer's appearance and their overall health and well-being. In particular, a fit physical appearance can enhance their credibility, professionalism, and competitiveness as fitness professionals (Hutson, 2013). Practically, Hutson (2013) argued that trainers must market themselves and that if a female trainer is out of shape or considered “fat”, she can tell clients, “‘I can train you to get in shape; I can get you right,’ and they will respond, ‘What? You can’t even get yourself right!’” (p. 68). Thus, trainers must be in shape if they want recognition as professionals. Furthermore, female trainers’ physical appearance correlates with various material and symbolic benefits. According to Kim (2014), a female trainer's physique is crucial in clients’ choosing a personal trainer. Kim (2014) also discovered that clients are more likely to purchase personal training services when their female trainer has a well-toned body.

In fact, the bodily capital of female trainers is more akin to cultural capital in its formation and form. Bourdieu (1986) described the embodied state of cultural capital and mentioned its connection to the body, saying, “most of the properties of cultural capital can be deduced from the fact that, in its fundamental state, it is linked to the body (p. 17).” He also stated

The accumulation of cultural capital in the embodied state presupposes a process of embodiment, incorporation, which, insofar as it implies a labor of inculcation and assimilation, costs time, time which must be invested personally by the investor. Like the acquisitions of a muscular physique or a suntan, it cannot be done at second hand. (p. 18)

However, bodily transformation as cultural capital differs from economic capital, which can be directly monetized, in that it is a bodily habitus that belongs to a particular social class and is not an instrument for the direct pursuit of economic benefits (although it can be indirectly transformed into economic benefits). Therefore, the bodily capital of female trainers would be considered a concept of economic capital rather than cultural capital, since the “field” in which it operates is the fitness industry.

The fitness center owners acknowledge the significance of the physical appearance of female trainers for augmenting personal training sales. In a business context, employers base hiring decisions on the appearance and appeal of job candidates. In contemporary society, appearance holds significant value for employers when making employment decisions, as Corbett (2007) observed. He further elaborated that some employers base their hiring choices, at least partly, on their employees’ and applicants’ physical appearances. Supporting this, Mahajan (2007) argued that employers have an economic incentive to make hiring decisions based on physical appearance. Indeed, numerous corporations—such as Abercrombie & Fitch, the Gap, L’Oreal, and the W hotel chain—adopt an assertive recruitment strategy to employ an attractive workforce, actively seeking the employment of pretty, handsome, and seductive employees (Cavico et al., 2013).

In South Korea, there is no legal system to prevent discrimination in employment based on an applicant's appearance. At one time, there was an attempt to enact legislation, such as the Anti-Discrimination Act of 2007, which would have prohibited all forms of discrimination in all areas of life, including politics, economics, society, and culture (National Legal Information Center, 2024). However, the bill included sexual orientation as a class of discrimination, which was strongly opposed by conservative Christian groups opposed to homosexuality, and the anti-discrimination bill was subsequently abandoned. Therefore, it is disappointing that there are no laws preventing employment discrimination based on appearance, which means that it is not illegal to discriminate against female trainers based on their appearance in the Korean labor market.

Short-term gain, long-term loss: understanding female trainers’ appearance from a sociological standpoint

Although discriminating against female trainers based on their body shape and appearance is not illegal, this behavior and culture pose social issues. This study discovered that female trainers who overly rely on their appearance encounter various social issues. These include experiencing stress due to managing their appearance and eventually facing voluntary or involuntary turnover or resignation and reinstatement restrictions. Additionally, male clients may sexually harass and molest them. Female trainers operate in a highly biased culture where one evaluates their social skills based on their appearance. This emphasis on physical attractiveness motivates individuals to adopt various appearance management practices, heavily influenced by socio-cultural norms toward appearance (Lavin and Cash, 2001). Indeed, one perceives a favorable physical appearance to increase an individual's worth by eliciting a positive evaluation. Therefore, individuals internalize social values and beliefs regarding appearance and engage in various appearance management behaviors (Lennon et al., 1999).

In the case of female trainers, socio-cultural attitudes and standards evaluate them based on peripheral attributes such as body shape, figure, attractive appearance, age, style, and body parts instead of their main attributes as “exercise leaders” responsible for planning and leading exercise programs (Lee and Nam, 2013). Consequently, they face painful appearance management behaviors and severe stress to comply with these standards. Additionally, the physiques of popular female trainers who have gained fame through the media have generated expectations among clients that ordinary female trainers will possess identical body types. Therefore, female trainers emphasize managing specific body areas, such as hips and breasts, and sometimes resort to cosmetic treatments and plastic surgery to meet these expectations (Yoo, 2017).

If the dependency on and the significance of appearance becomes socially accepted, it can result in the internalization of an excessive concern with appearance. In turn, this can lead to low self-esteem of the body and the use of abnormal eating behaviors, such as anorexia or bulimia (Dotti et al., 2002). Additionally, individuals’ aspirations to overcome negative body image may result in developing addictions to extreme weight control behaviors like engaging female trainers and appearance-enhancing procedures such as plastic surgery. Furthermore, an excessive emphasis on appearance can lead to mental disorders like psychological obsessions (Song, 2004).

This study demonstrates that female trainers face similar challenges as women participating in economic activities. Typically, female trainers enter marriage and parenthood in their late 20s and early 30s, leading to a career break due to childcare responsibilities. Like women in general, female trainers experience similar career turning points before and after marriage, but accelerated declines in bodily capital characterize their career breaks. Female trainers’ bodies serve as manuals for exercise instruction (Yoo, 2017), but during pregnancy, their body shape changes, thus losing their ability to demonstrate certain postures or Pilates routines. This limitation affects their role as demonstrators, and they become trainers who cannot risk endangering their health or that of their unborn child by performing excessive movements with their pregnant bodies.

Appearance is also a hindrance for female trainers returning to work after a career break or seeking a new job. When women attempt to re-enter the workforce after a hiatus, they confront obstacles such as difficulty with childcare, lack of support from family, imbalance of household responsibilities, absence of work knowledge and background, and societal prejudice (e.g. age, gender, and educational level). However, physical factors like changes in body shape and the challenge of regaining fitness make it particularly difficult for female trainers to return to work. Once they resume work, they face the additional challenge of competing for PT service sales with younger female trainers in their early to mid-20s. Societal norms dictating gender roles in contemporary families that prioritize women's family duties over their careers exacerbate challenges that women face in entering and maintaining a presence in the workforce (Bittman and Wajcman, 2000). Many must rely on their husbands for economic support in a society discouraging women from working. Consequently, their decision-making and social mobility are restricted, perpetuating household gender-based subordination and giving rise to various additional issues (Kim, 2016).

As previously noted, famous female trainers in the media have become a benchmark for physical appearance among female trainers. This benchmark has resulted in a preoccupation with their physique, leading to increased personal attention and offensive sexual remarks from male clients. Mikula et al. (1990) and Karatepe et al. (2009) defined it as “customer disrespect” for service encounters. They warned that it varies in type and intensity, occurs at any time and place, and is independent of the provider's service level. This behavior encompasses verbal and non-verbal actions, including speaking impolitely and cursing, and can escalate to severe forms such as violence and sexual harassment. The consequences include severe mental and psychological exhaustion and stress in the short term, and in severe cases, skepticism about one's role and sentiments of disappointment and regret with work and career paths. Over time, the cumulative impact of these damages can trigger depression and disinterest in life, and in severe instances, the contemplation of leaving the organization or even suicide (Harris and Ogbonna, 2002).

The current employment status of female trainers has made them susceptible to sexual harassment by male clients. When examining the employment of Korean trainers, they are initially associated with a fitness center. However, all income-related statuses are typically self-employed. This classification indicates that most of their salary, apart from a minimal base salary provided by the center, is based on the number of PT sessions they teach. As a result of being in a vulnerable position in their relationships with clients, female trainers may experience psychological distress as they attempt to navigate appropriate responses to sexual harassment by male clients rather than seeking legal recourse (Yoo, 2017). For reference, South Korea's Equal Employment Opportunity Act of 2007 guarantees equal opportunities and treatment for men and women in employment and protects the human rights of female workers, including gender as a class of discrimination. In particular, Article 14.2 (Prevention of sexual harassment by clients, etc.), which is relevant to this study, states that “if a person closely related to the work, such as a customer, makes an employee feel sexually humiliated or disgusted by sexual behavior in the course of performing work, and the employee requests to resolve the grievance, the employer shall take appropriate measures, such as changing the place of work, changing the assignment” and “the employer shall not dismiss or take any other adverse action against the employee because the employee complains of such harm or refuses to comply with sexual requests from customers or others” (National Legal Information Center, 2024). The law provides legal protection for female trainers from uncomfortable situations with male clients.