Abstract
Crises are times of social innovation and transformation, particularly with regard to employment relations and the labour market. They are also moments of academic and scholarly effervescence, reflecting on existing theories and interpretative frameworks. However, the increase in empirical evidence and analysis does not necessarily translate into theoretical improvements or advancements in the analytical tools. Collections of case studies are very abundant these days, but very often they have little or no impact on theory making. This book is certainly an exception for three main reasons. First, it is characterised by its strict conceptual definition and use of very often overstretched terms like class, globalisation and agency. Secondly, the extremely rich evidence presented on labour transnational agency is structured in very coherent thematic sections addressing all the important research questions and objectives posed by the book. Finally, the book provides innovative insights into existing theories on labour agency and transnational action.
The book contains not only very detailed and well-documented accounts of transnational labour action, but also uses a clearly defined analytical framework on the role of agency. This is probably the volume’s strongest point, as reflected in the introductory chapter which goes well beyond a mere presentation of its objectives and structure, discussing the role of structure vs agency in relation to globalisation, and its impact on the labour movement. By emphasising the importance of class agency even in this period of neoliberal globalisation, the book aims to highlight opportunities for the labour movement to develop new strategies, acquire new power resources and ultimately act as a countervailing force to neoliberal globalisation.
The volume is structured in four parts, each dealing with the key issues addressed in the book. The first part discusses the idea of class formation. All four chapters in this section emphasise the role of agency as a necessary ingredient for generating solidarity and transforming a ‘class in itself’ into a ‘class for itself’. Examples of this process focus on the EU, where recent developments in the context of the crisis have made it clear that the future of the labour movement must be transnational. Similarly, the analysis of general strikes with similar motives, processes and objectives in three different continents confirms the potential to develop strong transnational solidarity when adequate communication between labour movements exists.
Part two analyses transnational union action. Recent European experience serves first to highlight how current structures are not sufficient to develop new forms of transnational solidarity. Only through agency can strong ties between workers in different national contexts be created. Without agency, supranational organisations end up being empty shells. Secondly, it is shown how – prior to the acceleration of international migration flows – the inclusion of migrant workers into the life and structures of trade unions is set to play a key role in developing forms of transnational solidarity.
The relationship between agency and power is analysed in part three. In line with other recent contributions in the field of industrial relations, the chapters agree on the need for trade unions in particular and labour movements more generally to develop new power resources. In the case of transnational action, associational and institutional power resources are probably less important, while structural power remains strategic within global value chains. New power resources, including coalitional and communicative power, will play a fundamental role in forging transnational solidarity.
Finally, part four presents case studies looking at internationalism and the possibilities of labour to achieve it from different angles. More likely to contribute to cosmopolitan orientations, crises are times when a kind of grass-roots mobilizing internationalism gains momentum. Similarly, it is shown how workers with migrant backgrounds act as agents of solidarity within trade unions, pushing to maintain links with labour movements in their countries of origin. International organizations like the ILO may also become international agents of solidarity, as shown in the case of China where the weakness of independent unions and state opposition to external influence magnify the impact of actions strengthening the labour movement.
One of the strongest messages of the book is certainly that transnational labour solidarity is here to stay. The increase in agency discussed in the chapters clearly confirms that this is the case. Throughout the book we find in-depth discussions and examples of old and new trade union power resources as well as the mechanisms enabling transnational agency. The book accordingly provides a fertile ground for future discussions and studies on the conditions needed to develop transnational agency. In particular, additional research will be required on those factors making it resilient, allowing its expansion, and empowering workers and labour movements in countries with weak organisations and less favourable contexts.
One of the paradoxes of the acceleration in labour transnationalisation is that it is happening precisely at a time where re-nationalisation trends are gaining momentum. Recent developments in the EU show very clearly how, in many Member States, governments are trying to regain control over their borders and economic policies. Whether the strategies to develop transnational solidarity will be undermined by these centripetal forces remains to be seen, though the tension surrounding these developments will pose additional obstacles to labour’s endeavour to act transnationally.
The book marks the beginning of a new era in studies on transnational employment relations and labour movements, for sure an area key to the future of unions.