Abstract
The political events of the last decade and the Arab Spring have made it more important than ever for Americans to understand the language, culture, and history of the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) region. Study abroad is one important method that can significantly increase American students’ understanding of the Arabic language and the culture of MENA. During the past decade, the number of U.S. undergraduate students in the MENA region has increased dramatically, but there is still a great need for growth and understanding in this area. This research analyzes data from a cross-sectional survey and focus groups of U.S. undergraduate study abroad students to investigate the motivations, attitudes, and aspects of human capital that influence study abroad destination choice. These findings provide insight for policy makers, faculty, and international educators who want to expand students’ options for study abroad and for students who are considering whether this avenue is right for them.
Significance
Study abroad is characterized as “an ongoing regular exchange of students; an organisational and educational infrastructure which supports the study experience; and provisions that successful study for some period abroad is at least partially recognized as a substitute for study at the home institution” (Teichler & Steube, 1991, p. 1). Studying outside of their home country presents students with learning opportunities that are extremely different from those at their home universities. Study abroad is generally “associated with increasing students’ cultural awareness, perceived acquisition of international knowledge, world-mindedness, and receptiveness to global perspectives on issues” (Garver & Divine, 2007, p. 191). Van Hoof and Verbeeten (2005) found that students felt the greatest benefit of study abroad was “that it had brought them a greater understanding of other cultures, that it had helped them appreciate their own culture more, that it enabled them to learn more about themselves, and that it had enriched them personally” (p. 56). Furthermore, Chieffo and Griffiths (2004) report that study abroad students can acquire global awareness in both long- and short-term programs. Even programs as short a duration as 1 month demonstrated “significant self-perceived impacts on students’ intellectual and personal lives” (p. 174).
Recent research shows that students who study abroad have many significant outcomes. Students themselves believe that participation in study abroad programs will help them find employment after graduation (Albers-Miller, Prenshaw, & Straughan, 1999). They tend to perform well academically once they return to their home campus and they are more likely to graduate than their non–study abroad peers. They also show increased knowledge of other cultures. In particular, time spent speaking and interacting in another language was found to be correlated with intercultural learning (Redden, 2010).
Nowhere is the need for intercultural learning more relevant today than between the United States and the Middle East/North Africa (MENA) region. 1 The public agenda in the United States has focused heavily on the MENA region since the events of September 11, 2001, and the start of U.S. military involvement in Iraq in 2003 (Baumgartner, Francia, & Morris, 2008; Stewart, 2005). The relationship between the United States and the Middle East has become increasingly important to policy makers, academics, business people, and the general population. The U.S. government and academics have acknowledged a need for a deepening of American understanding of the people, languages, and cultures of the MENA region. The Institute of International Education (IIE) emphasizes the significance of studying abroad, by arguing that students studying abroad in the Arab world “seek to gain language skills and regional experience that they see as useful for future employment particularly in the fields of national security, foreign policy, and business” (IIE, 2009, p. 13). As Rachid Benmokhtar Benabdallah, President of al-Akhawayn University in Morocco, noted, this knowledge has the potential to “help avoid misunderstanding and aggressive attitudes” (IIE, 2009, p. 5).
Language is a significant part of this equation. Arabic is one of the critical-need languages targeted by the National Security Language Initiative (NSLI; U.S. Department of Education, 2008). These critical-need languages were chosen because they are “essential for engaging foreign governments and peoples, especially in critical world regions, and for promoting understanding, conveying respect for other cultures, and encouraging reform. These skills are also fundamental to the economic competitiveness and security interests of the nation” (U.S. Department of Education, 2008, p. 1). Through the NSLI, the U.S. Departments of Education, State, Defense, and the Office of the Director of National Intelligence support various programs, including overseas language institutes and study abroad scholarships, to meet the needs of America’s businesses, foreign affairs, and military operations.
Arabic language experts believe that since the events of September 11, 2001, Arabic has been transformed “to become the number-one desideratum of the American government and its various agencies” (Allen, 2007, p. 258). In the late 1950s, U.S. language educators referred to growing interest in foreign languages as “the Sputnik Moment” and al Batal argues that “the post-9/11 era represents the Sputnik Moment for Arabic” (al Batal, 2007, p. 271). The Arabic language is important not only because it is spoken throughout the Arab world but also because it is the language of the Qur’an. 2 Therefore, the Arabic language is becoming an important language in areas far beyond the Middle East given the increasing numbers of Muslims in Asia and Africa. Study of the Arabic language serves not only a practical purpose of communication but also allows learners to better understand a text that is the basis for belief of nearly 22% of the world’s population. In essence, Arabic has come to be seen “as a language vital to national interest and security” (al Batal, 2007, p. 268).
This need for language experts has spurred growth in the number of Arabic offerings and enrollment at U.S. universities. A 2007 survey by the Modern Language Association showed “Arabic enrollment in U.S. colleges and universities has increased by 127 percent since 2002 and is now among the 10 most popular foreign languages taught in U.S. colleges and universities” (IIE, 2009, p. 19). There are now more than 24,000 students taking Arabic courses at more than 450 universities in the United States (“IIE Networker,” 2009, p. 37). Since many universities only offer beginning and intermediate levels of Arabic, students often choose to go to the Middle East to obtain more advanced language education. It is likely that many students make the connection between learning Arabic and potential employment with the U.S. government. In a small 2007 survey (n = 142) at one American university, Taha found that most American students “were of the opinion that learning Arabic would increase the chances of getting a good job,” such as one with the State Department, military, or United Nations (Taha, 2007, p. 155).
The difficulty of Arabic is significant, in addition to its importance. The Federal Interagency Language Roundtable has developed a timetable that estimates the amount of time necessary for federal employees to obtain the skills necessary for professional work in different languages. For languages such as Arabic, Chinese, Japanese, and Korean, learners average “88 weeks, or 2,200 hours (with the second year of instruction taking place in the country) [where the language is spoken] . . . as compared to the 23-24 weeks and 575-500 hours for languages close to English-Romance Languages” (O’Connell & Norwood, 2007, p. 45).
Data from the IIE show the number of U.S. undergraduate 3 students studying abroad in the Middle East is increasing at the same time that the region is growing in strategic importance for the United States (Open Doors, 2011). However, even this increased number includes only 1% to 2% of the entire U.S. study abroad population, and there is little research to describe why students choose to study in this area.
A greater understanding of the factors that contribute to growth in interest in study abroad in this region will help faculty, study abroad programs, and nongovernmental organizations. Furthermore, in light of the revolutions and uprisings that the MENA region has experienced in 2011, universities and study abroad programs alike will likely encounter increasing numbers of students who desire to understand a region undergoing significant political change (Pettulla, 2011). Currently, the literature addressing student choices in relation to study abroad is limited. To our knowledge, there is no literature specifically addressing how U.S. students choose their study abroad destinations.
It is hypothesized that the decision to study abroad in the MENA region is influenced by experiences accumulated during the first years of undergraduate education, personal career goals, and other individual interests that draw students to a specific region (Wells, 2006). Given the complexity of the factors involved in this choice, this study employs a theoretical model that combines expectancy, student choice, and human capital theories in order to identify the multiple factors that may influence a student’s decision to study in the MENA region. This research aims to better explain how specific social, cultural, and economic experiences in college influence student educational choices. Furthermore, this study accounts for current attitudes and future motivations that are also seen to influence choices students make during their college careers.
This study analyzes data collected from a cross-sectional survey and focus groups with current U.S. undergraduate study abroad students in order to (a) characterize students who study in the MENA region, and (b) assess the factors that cause some study abroad students to choose this region rather than the destinations historically chosen by study abroad students, that is, Western Europe (Wells, 2006). Ultimately, this research examines the question: Which factors influence students to choose to study abroad in the MENA region rather than more traditional destinations?
History
In the late 1990s there were fewer than 100,000 American students studying abroad (Goodman, 2009). By the 2009-2010 school year, however, 270,604 students gained credit for studying abroad (Open Doors, 2011). Most of these students chose to study in common destinations 4 in Western Europe. There has been little change in the top 10 destinations for study for many years with countries such as the United Kingdom, Italy, Spain, France, and Australia ranking within the top ten during the past three decades (IIE, 2009).
Although most students continue to study in common destinations, an increasing number are traveling to destinations outside of Western Europe. In the 2007-2008 school year, several less common destinations experienced 20% increases in study abroad student populations, including China, Argentina, South Africa, Ecuador, and India (Goodman, 2009).
The MENA region in particular has experienced remarkable growth in study abroad. The number of students studying in MENA has risen from 890 in 2000-2001 to 5,133 in 2009-2010: a 403% increase (Open Doors, 2011). The Arab world destinations with the greatest number of study abroad students in the 2009-2010 academic year included Egypt (1,923), Morocco (1,257), and Jordan (745; Open Doors, 2011). Although this increase is considerable, the overall percentage of U.S. students coming to this region remains relatively small, hovering around 1% to 2% of the larger study abroad population.
Literature Review
Study abroad research often focuses on the effectiveness and best practices of study abroad programs and outcomes for study abroad students, including factors such as personal development and global awareness (Bradshaw-Durrant & Dorius, 2007; Chieffo & Griffiths, 2004; Daly & Barker, 2005; Garver & Divine, 2007; Van Hoof & Verbeeten, 2005; Williams, 2005). A small body of research is emerging that addresses alternative subjects, including the motivation for students to study abroad, outcomes of programs with varying duration, and the benefit of study in less common versus common destinations (Albers-Miller, 1999; Eder, 2010; Garver & Divine, 2007; Goldstein & Kim, 2006; Relyea, Cocchiara, & Studdard, 2008; Salisbury, Umbach, Paulsen, & Pascerella, 2008; Sanchez, Fornerino, & Zhang, 2006; Wells, 2006). Although current research serves a practical purpose for many international educators who are interested in improving their programs, there is a need for the study abroad literature to broaden in scope to better understand new trends in study abroad destination choice (e.g., growth of the number of students choosing less traditional destinations).
There continues to be a large gap in the literature explaining precisely how American undergraduate students choose their particular study abroad destinations. Particularly, little research has examined a growing trend of American students selecting more nontraditional, or less common, destinations outside of Europe. The available literature addressing these less common destinations has so far focused only on outcomes of study abroad experiences (see Wells, 2006).
Literature related to study abroad in MENA is particularly sparse: Little research addresses study abroad trends, programs, student influences, or outcomes for the region. Most research on study abroad addresses the most popular destinations in Europe or Australia, ignoring the subtle growth in other geopolitically important regions. An extensive review of the literature regarding study abroad in the MENA region yielded only a white paper discussing the growing number of U.S. students opting to study in the Arab world (IIE, 2009) and an examination of language courses in the Middle East (Ferguson, 1964). Several recent newspaper articles have addressed this issue, showing its increasing importance (Conlin, 2010; Petulla, 2011). A lack of information regarding what factors influence choice to study in this particular region persists. Particularly given the stunning growth of study abroad students in the MENA region (more than 400%) in the last 10 years, a better understanding of this issue is needed.
Theoretical Framework
Given the complexity of choosing a study abroad destination, the research discussed as follows takes into account the many factors that influence student decision making (see Figure 1). This study employs a conceptual model of study abroad destination choice, which combines expectancy, student choice, and human capital theories. Building on previous literature (Bourdieu, 1986; Calhoun, LiPuma, & Postone, 1993; DesJardins & Toutkoushian, 2005; Manski, 1993; Perna, 2006; Salisbury et al., 2008; Sanchez et al., 2006; Vroom, 1964), this research examines how certain experiences, which are defined as adding to a student’s cultural and social capital, affect the choice of study abroad destination. Earlier studies have found that economic, social, and cultural capital all influence decisions about whether or not one should study abroad. Thus, it is likely that specific aspects of capital, in addition to attitudes and motivations, will also influence a student to study in the MENA region rather than a more common locale.

Conceptual model of study abroad destination choiceg.
In order to look at accumulated economic capital influences, the survey collected information regarding scholarship support for study abroad opportunities. Two contributors to a student’s cultural capital, language, and travel are also considered. Specifically, cultural capital is examined in terms of the amount of language a student has studied at their home university and the amount and type of previous international travel experience. Furthermore, this study examines students’ social capital through the amount of exposure to international issues through courses, professors, and international students on their home campus.
One of the hypothesized motivations that influence study abroad destination choice is career intentions. This study uses quantitative data to determine career-related motivations, such as intended career field, graduate school aspirations, and type of organization one hopes to work for. This information is used to better understand whether students see the experience of study abroad in the MENA region as an investment that will help them pursue a career in the U.S. government. In addition, through the use of focus groups this study gathered qualitative data regarding other possible motivations that students who went to the MENA region note as having influenced their choice to study in this region. Last, this research looks at how certain attitudes influence study abroad destination choice. Through the use of a risk assessment scale, this research examines the relationship between a students’ risk propensity and their destination choice. Another attitude measured is concern about U.S. national security and its influence on students’ decisions about where to study abroad. By employing this integrated model of human capital, expectancy, and student choice theory this research describes the multiple factors influencing U.S. undergraduates’ choice of study abroad destination and particularly those that are influencing students who choose the less common destination of the MENA region.
Method
Sample
This study included a sample of American study abroad students in the MENA region and in destinations in Western Europe and Australia during the fall of 2010. The students in the MENA region were participating primarily in programs in Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco because these countries attract nearly 80% of those who choose the Middle East as a destination (IIE, 2009).
Based on internet searches and contact with study abroad programs located in the MENA region a total of 13 study abroad programs in Egypt, Jordan, or Morocco were identified; 10 of these programs participated in the survey, focus groups, or both. In addition, the study abroad offices of 104 universities were contacted 5 ; 21 forwarded a link of the online version of the survey to all current study abroad students from their institution. No focus groups were conducted with these students (see Table 1 for a breakdown of the students included, their host countries, and the overall numbers of students in those countries).
Study Abroad Destinations of Survey Participants.
Open Doors (2010b) data for 2008-2009 school year.
Although the researcher originally intended to only examine Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco there was a small number of respondents in these countries who received the online survey from their home University and were included in analysis.
Students in Scotland are combined with England by Open Doors.
Measurement
A survey of 27 questions composed of multiple-choice, short-answer, and ordinal-scale formats was administered to the participating U.S. study abroad students. The survey was developed by the researchers and pilot tested with two groups: graduate students at the University of Cairo and online through Survey Monkey. The survey was distributed in two self-administered formats. Online surveys were available for those in common destinations. Both hard-copy and online surveys were administered to students in the MENA region.
In addition to the survey data, this research also collected information from students by using focus groups with several programs in the MENA region. An interview guide was used that contained questions about perceived influences on students’ decisions, such as opinions of family and friends, language experience, recent political conflicts, and career goals. These responses, combined with the quantitative data collected through the cross-sectional survey, provide a more holistic view of the process of study abroad destination choice.
Analysis and Limitations
Two descriptive statistics, frequency distributions, and cross-tabulations were used in the data analysis process. Independent variables were cross-tabulated with dependent variables (destination choice), and the chi-square test for independence was run for each cross-tabulation. Multiple regression was used to create a model of the ways multiple variables worked together, in order to explain study abroad destination.
The findings presented as follows are based only on students participating in programs in 10 programs in the MENA region and those in databases of 21 U.S. study abroad offices who chose to respond to the survey or attend a focus group. Given the nonrandom method of data collection, these results should be interpreted with caution. Despite this limitation, given the large number of respondents and the diversity of the geographic locations of their home school, the findings can begin to describe the general tendencies of U.S. students studying abroad.
Results
Survey
A total of 601 valid responses to the survey were received from online (65%) and hard copy (35%) versions. Responses to the survey were nearly equally divided between the two destination categories. Forty-six percent of the sample (n = 275) were studying in the MENA region and 54% (n = 326) were enrolled in programs in Western Europe or Australia. Respondents were studying abroad in 20 different countries, with large numbers of respondents indicating their study abroad destination as Egypt, Jordan, Morocco, England, Spain, France, Italy, or Australia (see Table 1). The gender composition of the final sample of respondents included the following: 70% female, 29% male, and less than 1% transgender, which is close enough to the composition for a larger U.S. study abroad population (Open Doors, 2010a). Similar to the greater U.S. study abroad population, a majority (78%) of this sample’s participants were Caucasian.
The two groups were asked several questions about their experiences before they studied abroad. One significant difference between the two groups was their exposure to international issues. Students studying in the MENA region watched, read, or listened to the news on international topics more often, χ2(3, N = 600) = 99.33, p < .001; had higher levels of contact with international students before they had studied abroad, χ2(3, N = 595) = 40.63, p < .001; and were more likely to participate in extracurricular activities such as clubs, organizations, internships, work, or workshops that focused on international issues prior to their study abroad experience, χ2(1, N = 598) = 52.91, p < .001. Students in the MENA region were also more likely to take classes in foreign languages before their departure, χ2(1, N = 597) = 23.13, p < .001; international issues or diverse cultures, χ2(1, N = 599) = 97.49, p < .001; and with professors who integrated their own international experience into the classroom, χ2(1, N = 600) = 30.95, p < .001. These six measures were recoded in order to develop a scale that would identify overall exposure to international issues. This scale divided exposure into three categories: low, moderate, and high. As discussed above, MENA students were very likely to have scored higher on each of the six individual variables. This tendency was mirrored in the final international exposure scale, with 50% (n = 136) of MENA study abroad students having a high level of international exposure in comparison with only 14% (n = 47) of students in common destinations, χ2(2, N = 601) = 106.60, p < .001. These results indicate that there is a relationship between previous international exposure and choice of study abroad destination.
Respondents were asked to indicate the amount of international travel they had done prior to studying abroad. Students’ travel ranged from none to visiting 30 countries. These responses were recoded into four categories: none, limited (1-5 countries), moderate (6-10 countries), and extensive (11 or more). A relationship between the amount of previous travel and study abroad destination choice was found, χ2(3, N = 601) = 20.96, p < .001. Thirty percent (n = 81) of MENA students had traveled to a moderate number of countries as compared to 19% (n = 61) of students in common destinations. In addition, 14% of MENA students had traveled extensively, compared with only 7% (n = 24) of students who were studying abroad in Western Europe or Australia. These data show those students who had moderate or extensive amounts of previous travel experience were more likely to study abroad in the MENA region.
In order to examine economic factors, students were asked to indicate whether they had received scholarship support for their study abroad experience. MENA students were somewhat more likely to have received scholarship support, χ2(1, N = 588) = 5.67, p = .017. This difference was small but statistically significant.
Students were asked to indicate which of the 10 listed possible reasons most influenced their decision to study abroad in a particular region of the world. Each of these factors was analyzed separately to identify differences between factors for students in common destinations and those in the MENA region. As can be seen in Table 2, there were noticeable differences between the two groups. The scores of eight factors— advancement of career goals, opportunity to improve foreign language skills, having fun, desire for an “out there” experience, opportunity to complete requirements for major, recommendation of family and friends, cost of living, and intention to live in the region in the future differed—differed significantly between the two groups (p < .001). There was no statistically significant relationship between two factors: ethnic ties to region (p = .14) or recommendation of professors or advisor (p = .48).
Self-Reported Factors Influencing Study Abroad Destination Choice.
Students could select multiple factors. This number represents the percentage of all students from these destinations who indicated a particular factor.
Student attitudes were assessed on several measures. In general, students who studied in MENA scored higher on scales of comfort with financial, social, psychological, physical, and performance risk-taking, χ2(1, N = 598) = 20.41, p < .001. They also agreed more strongly with a statement about the importance of foreign language studies for Americans, χ2(4, N = 566) = 85.59, p < .001, and were more likely to express concern about U.S. national security, χ2(2, N = 584) = 29.96, p ≤ .001.
Finally, multiple regression analysis was used to test which factors significantly predicted participants’ study abroad destination. The results of the regression indicated that three predictors explained 24.5% of the variance: adjusted R2 = .245, F(3, 581) = 64.191, p < .001. It was found that a desire to work for the government (β = .229, p < .001), willingness to experience risk (β =.138, p < .001), and previous exposure to international individuals and content (β = .363, p < .001) significantly predicted study abroad destination in the MENA region in this model.
Focus Groups
In addition to the survey data, information was collected from study abroad students in the MENA region through focus groups. A total of 76 students participated in 8 focus groups in Egypt, Jordan, and Morocco. Responses received during focus groups revealed more in-depth insight into factors playing a role in students’ decisions about study abroad in the MENA region. A content analysis of all focus group responses revealed several common themes and often mirrored the quantitative findings discussed earlier. These themes included language acquisition, wanting an “out there” experience, exposure to international issues, desire for cultural understanding, and career goals.
Language
Focus group participants frequently noted that they chose to study abroad in the MENA region because they wanted to learn Arabic. Students, particularly those in Jordan and Egypt, noted that the differences between modern standard Arabic (MSA) and colloquial dialects necessitated study in the region in order to become proficient in the language. When discussing language, some students commented on the connection between Arabic language acquisition and acquiring a better understanding of the culture. One student described how she initially became interested in learning the language: When I was in high school we had a speaker who was a conservative news anchor who was discussing Islam. I remember he was talking about the word SaHb and quoted it from the Qur’an. He tried to twist the word into making the Muslim religion sound aggressive and saying “don’t trust Muslims as your friend.” He was translating SaHb as “friend,” but the intention of the word in the Qur’an was “overload” and “owner,” not friend. My Muslim classmate got up (he was only 16 at the time) and stood up to this very well-known anchor and told him that he was wrong and that he was conceptualizing the culture in a completely and totally unfair way. I decided then that I needed to study this language.
Standing out
Many focus group participants also noted their desire for a different, challenging, and “out there” experience as being influential in their choice of the MENA region. Students frequently noted that their choice to come to this region was a result of wanting to do something different than their peers. One student in Jordan mentioned that “everyone in my major tends to go to Europe, and I didn’t want to do the same things they were doing, I wanted to branch out into something completely different.”
Students consistently emphasized that they were different from their colleagues who studied abroad in Europe. A common distinction for focus group participants was the idea that students went to Western Europe to “party” or “have fun” while they came to the MENA region because of an intense interest in the region. (It should be noted that these were the perceptions of the MENA students about their colleagues in Western Europe—no focus groups were held in Western Europe.) Some focus group participants reflected a desire to challenge themselves when they stated that they thought “studying abroad in Europe I don’t think would be hard” or that they would gain “hispster travel cred [credit] by coming to the Middle East because everyone goes to Europe.”
Risks
Some focus group participants also noted that the security risks associated with the region did not function as a deterrent to their decision to study abroad in the region, but in some cases these risks were in fact a draw. Students did not necessarily believe they were at risk by studying in the region, but rather it was the perception of others that it is a risky region, which made the region even more appealing. One student in Egypt said. “I think the fact that people think it is dangerous almost made me want to go.” When discussing risks, a student in Jordan noted, “One of the attractions of the region is the sense that anything can happen.”
Previous Exposure to International Issues
Focus group participants also noted that their previous exposure to international issues had influenced their choice to study abroad in the MENA region. Students talked at great length about the influence of political events such as September 11, 2001, and foreign wars on their decision to study abroad in the region. One student simply said, “Our generation is completely influenced by the geopolitical events of the past 10 years.” Many students pointed to the events of September 11, 2001, as the catalyst for their interest in the region and eventually their decision to study abroad in that area. For many students, the events of 9/11 seemed to turn Americans’ attention toward the Middle East. One student in Jordan noted one couldn’t “underestimate the effect that 9/11 had on me and everyone in my generation, it kind of forced us to open our eyes to the world.” She mentioned that after 9/11 she constantly followed the news related to the region and when she went to university she already knew that she would focus on the Middle East.
Media
Students who participated in focus groups frequently talked about how media coverage of the MENA has influenced their interest in studying abroad in this region. This topic often led to a fast-paced conversation where almost every student would mention their opinion of the media. A focus group participant in Jordan talked about the connection between distrust of media and desire to come to the region when he noted: At our age, half of our lives have been spent with our country at war in the Middle East. I remember being 12 years old and being able to talk about Iraq. We grew up and heard about the Iraq war and Afghanistan on the news every day. To me it makes sense that people want to come to this region and know more about what actually goes on.
Views of others
Multiple students mentioned they started focusing on the region as a result of interactions with professors that “sparked their interest” in MENA issues. Often these professors were from the MENA region or had spent extensive time in this area of the world and integrated that experience into the classroom.
Students often commented that the culture and people of the MENA region are misrepresented in the United States and as such many of them wanted to come here in order to obtain greater cultural understanding. Many students stated their feelings that, although the general U.S. population knew that the Middle East was an important region, there was a lot of confusion and lack of in-depth knowledge about the region. One student described his perception of the MENA region as seen by many in the United States: “the image is this big monolithic sandy blob full of angry peoples with camels.” Nearly every focus group discussed the generalizations, misunderstandings, or misinformation that they have heard at home, often with a high-energy atmosphere where students were eager to share the most ridiculous thing they had heard. Focus group participants further expressed it was their distrust for these types of generalizations that made them want to know more about this region of the world. One student in Jordan described this draw: I think people in our generation are really not willing to accept that the ME [Middle East] is foreign, dangerous and they all wear turbans and they are all crazy. I think that we hear these generalizations and don’t think they are true. One of the underlying matters is that we want to get to the heart of it ourselves.
Career goals
Participants also talked extensively about the relationship between their career goals and their choice to study in this region. Many students believed that their study abroad experience would make them stand out among their peers once they entered the job market. A student in Jordan noted, “This is such a marketable experience and means so much more than going abroad in Europe.” Another student succinctly described studying abroad in the MENA region as a “gateway to doing other things.”
Discussion
This research is based on a conceptual model that combines expectancy, student choice, and human capital theories. This model suggests that a student’s social capital, cultural capital, economic capital, motivation, and attitude influence study abroad destination choice. Statistically significant relationships were found between each of the seven variables investigated and study abroad destination choice, indicating that students who choose to study abroad in the MENA region are different from their colleagues who choose more common destinations.
Previous research by Salisbury et al. (2008) and Sanchez et al. (2006) has found that motivations, attitudes, and all three forms of capital (economic, social, and cultural) play a role in students’ decisions about whether or not one should study abroad. This research finds that the prior accumulation of capital, current attitudes, and future motivations further serve to influence whether a student will study in the MENA region rather than a more common locale. Notable findings of this research include the following.
Catalyst: Effect of September 11, 2001
As revealed through the focus groups, the impact of one particular international event on students’ decision to study abroad in the MENA region, September 11, 2001, was crucial. Students consistently mentioned September 11, 2001, as a point in which the Middle East first truly entered their consciousness. In the years following the attacks, students indicated that they increasingly wanted to understand the myriad issues surrounding the reasoning for such an act of terrorism. Yet they were unsatisfied with media coverage of Arabs, Muslims, Afghanistan, Iraq, Al-Qaeda, and the region as a whole.
Social Capital: Prior Exposure to International Issues
Although the data demonstrate a relationship between all measures of international exposure and destination choice, not all students are equally influenced by individual factors. Qualitative data from focus groups indicate that students’ decision to study abroad in the MENA region is commonly influenced by interactions with professors and by media representations of the region.
These results are not meant to imply that students who choose common destinations are ignorant of international issues, as many of them indicated moderate amounts of exposure to international issues. Previous research by Salibury et al. (2008) indicates that students who have more cultural capital are more likely to study abroad, which suggests that students in common destinations have higher levels of exposure to international issues than their colleagues who choose not to study abroad. The current findings indicate that students who are constantly exposed to international issues during their college career may be more likely to study abroad and, once the decision is made, to go to less common destinations. Given the growing number of university courses related to the Middle East, Islam, and Arabic and the prominence of issues related to the MENA region in the media, high exposure to international issues often corresponds to extensive contact with MENA issues.
Cultural Capital: Foreign Language and Travel
In comparison to students in common destinations, MENA students were not only more likely to have taken language classes prior to study abroad, they were also more likely to have taken a greater number of classes. Many students who studied in common destinations did not take language classes prior to studying abroad. Students studying in the United Kingdom or Australia commonly expressed the rationale for wanting to study in an English-speaking country when they said. “I wanted to experience another culture without the problem of a language barrier,” or “English is my first language, and since I am a science major, I did not take any language courses in college.”
Another group of students in common destinations had studied French and Spanish and chose to study in a European country that corresponded with the language they had learned. Notably, many students in common destinations indicated having studied only one language while students in the MENA region had frequently studied Arabic in addition to romance languages. One student described her interest in Arabic in this way: “In an ever expanding global market I feel that it is overwhelmingly important to learn about other cultures, their practices and languages and Arabic is a crucial one.”
The opportunity to improve foreign language skills was mentioned by more than 80% of MENA students as a motivation for study abroad. Although noticeable percentages of both groups of students chose their study abroad destination because of a desire to learn a foreign language, students who choose the MENA region seemed to see foreign language acquisition as a tool to open doors to future job opportunities.
The second measure of cultural capital in this study was previous travel. MENA students had more prior travel experience than their counterparts in common destinations and larger percentages had traveled to six or more countries outside of the United States or Canada prior to studying abroad. For students who have not traveled extensively, common destinations were seen as a good first step given cultural, religious, and linguistic similarities with the United States. Many MENA students who had traveled to Western Europe previously expressed a desire to do something “off the beaten path.”
MENA region students were eager to point out that they believed their rationales for travel differed from their colleagues in more common destinations; they hoped to attain cultural understanding while they saw their counterparts as only looking to have a good time. Their analysis may be correct: Nearly three quarters of students who studied in common destinations noted that one of the primary reasons for choosing their study abroad destination was to have fun, compared to approximately one third of MENA students.
Economic Capital: Scholarships
Students who chose the MENA region seemed both more concerned about the cost of living of their destination and were more likely to have received specific government support for their study abroad endeavors. MENA students were more than twice as likely (as their common destination counterparts) to cite this as a factor in their choice to study in their location. As the United States is struggling to recover from the economic crisis of recent years, students may be increasingly concerned about the financial cost of studying abroad. Scholarship funding was mentioned much more frequently by students who studied in the MENA region as being a key to their ability to study abroad. These two factors indicate that in some cases lower economic capital may lead students to consider studying in cheaper destinations while the receipt of scholarships adds economic capital, thereby encouraging study in particular regions.
Motivations: Career Goals, Unique Experience, and Cultural Understanding
Intentions to work for the U.S. government function as a primary motivation for students to choose the MENA region as a study abroad destination. In addition, two other less universal motivations were also identified among MENA students: desire to have a unique experience and to obtain cultural understanding. On the other hand, students in common destinations reported being motivated by a desire to complete requirements for their major and to have fun.
Both survey and focus group data reveal that students are primarily motivated to study abroad in the MENA region in order to fulfill their career goals. Many believed their efforts to learn about this region would be rewarded with opportunities to work for the U.S. government. Students in the MENA region were much more likely to want to work for a government agency, with nearly half of all students who indicated their choice of a specific type of organization of the government that they would like to for. In general, the career intentions of students who choose to study abroad in the MENA region were much more focused, whereas those who chose common destinations seem to have a much wider variety of intended fields. Students in the MENA region frequently mentioned choosing their study abroad destination in order to have an “out there” experience and to obtain cultural understanding. These sentiments were not repeated among students studying in more common destinations. For MENA region students there was almost a rebellious spirit of wanting to do something off the beaten path, extremely different than the majority of students, and outside of their comfort zone. When students were asked on the survey to describe why they chose their destination, a number of students who chose the MENA region mentioned their motivation for something different such as “It was something different than western culture. If I went to Europe or Australia, I feel it wouldn’t be a challenge.”
As the job market in the United States has become less stable in the past few years, many students intend to go to graduate school as a way to gain more qualifications and/or to delay entering the job market. Focus group participants indicated a concern about getting accepted into graduate school. Some students hoped that a study abroad experience in a less common destination would set their applications apart from other graduate school applicants. Toward the end of focus group sessions, the increasing numbers of study abroad students in the region would often be discussed and there was often a sense of disappointment among the students when this topic came up. It was as though this increase made their experience less unique, a quality that was such a draw for them.
In addition, MENA students indicated being motivated to study in this region in order to gain a better cultural understanding of the MENA region, an area that is often seen as being in conflict with the United States. For example, one student in Egypt stated, “I wanted to study in the Middle East to gain an understanding of what the region is actually like outside of the lens of media and politics.” Another student chose the region in order “to practice my Arabic language and to better understand the Muslim world.”
Although the motivations for study abroad in common destinations were not as thoroughly examined in this research, it is worth noting that students in those destinations often indicated that they chose their destinations in order to complete requirements for their major or to have fun. Students in Western Europe and Australia often noted that because of their major (i.e., science or engineering) their destination choice was limited. Other students in common destinations reported concern that study outside of an English-speaking country would delay graduation.
One motivation considered was that “heritage seeking” was a primary motivation for many students coming to the MENA region. Is part of the increase in study abroad in the region due to increasing numbers of Arab Americans wanting to visit the region to learn about their family background? This research did not find this to be a large influence on students in the region. Only 1 in 10 of all the MENA region students noted “ethnic ties to the region” as a reason for wanting to study abroad in the region, which is less than the number of students in common destinations noting this factor. Several first-generation Arab American students participated in the survey and focus groups, yet there is no evidence to suggest that this is a primary factor causing overall growth. Because specific data on Arab American participation in study abroad is not consistently collected, more information is needed to better understand this topic.
Attitudes: Risk Propensity, Concern for National Security, and Foreign Language Acquisition
Students in the MENA region were more likely to be classified as risk takers. For these students, common destinations seem less “risky” or “challenging” because of cultural, linguistic, or religious similarities to the United States. Choosing to study in a country that is strikingly different than one’s own produces a myriad of risks in addition to those experienced by all study abroad students (Relyea et al., 2008). Previous research has found that students who are willing to take risks are more likely to engage with people of diverse backgrounds (Garver & Divine, 2007). The openness to risk among MENA students may also correspond with a greater willingness to encounter cultures that are starkly different. As highlighted in focus groups, the security risks associated with the MENA region were not a deterrent for these students, but rather a draw to the region, partially because they dissuaded other participants and because it seemed more adventurous than what “everyone else” does by studying in common destinations.
The level of concern for national security also set students who chose the MENA region apart from their colleagues in more common destinations. One third of students in the MENA region reported being highly concerned about national security, as compared to less than one fifth of their colleagues in common destinations. The high level of concern expressed by MENA students also relates to their desire to work for the U.S. government and wanting to mitigate terrorism, all of which contribute to their desire to study and learn in this particular region.
Another example of an attitude that seems to play a role in influencing the choice of study abroad destination relates to foreign language acquisition. Students who chose to study in the MENA region were more likely to believe it was important for Americans to learn foreign languages. Given that a full quarter of students in common destinations had not previously studied a foreign language, it is perhaps not surprising that they do not think second-language skills are important for Americans. On another level, students who choose to study in the MENA region would sometimes mention the importance of increasing the number of Arabic speakers in the government and military as a way to lessen cultural misunderstandings.
Implications for Faculty and International Educators
Increasing study abroad in the MENA region can help to increase the number of Americans who are able to act competently in situations that require knowledge of the culture, language, and history of the region.
MENA study abroad may be an ideal alternative for a student who has already had some international exposure or travel experience and is looking for a way to explore international issues in a new way. Faculty and international education experts can look for students who fit this profile and who may be discouraged by study abroad experiences in traditional areas that seem to repeat experiences they have already had.
In addition, given that students who are more exposed to international issues and have more language experience were more likely to study in the MENA region, this study also may provide insights for faculty. Particularly Middle East studies and Arabic language faculty play an important role in the preparation of students prior to their foray abroad. The incorporation of cultural dialogue alongside language and area studies courses helps to both inspire students to study abroad and give those who do go abroad a solid background on which to begin their intercultural learning. In addition, language faculty should offer students a variety of ways to learn and use the language, such as experiential practice, dialect courses, and intensive programs over the summer. These varied approaches may prepare students for the dynamic experience of using the language with host-country nationals as well as inspiring life-long interest in learning and using the Arabic language.
Students who are already aware of international affairs are more likely to study in the MENA region. This is one of the many reasons that increasing global awareness among students can lead to a more educated public and workforce. Policy makers should look to decrease barriers and increase opportunities for students to study in the MENA region by creating programs that respond to their needs and considering the importance of scholarship and funding in making these opportunities available to all students.
It is important that overseas students understand the economic, logistical, and safety issues of studying in the MENA region. Students who may be interested in this area can be educated about the potential career options these experiences can open, such as opportunities with the foreign service, translation consulting firms, development organizations, intelligence agencies, and academia, as well as the scholarship and financial opportunities to help them through the process.
In addition, international educators should be cognizant of the specific concerns connected to study abroad in this area and should encourage students to learn about the current political and safety issues so that they and their families can make informed decisions.
Conclusion
Within the past decade, changing geopolitical events have brought much focus to both the Middle East and North Africa. One of the changes in this region is the increasing number of U.S. students choosing to study abroad in the region. Within the first decade of this century, the U.S. study abroad population in the MENA region has grown by more than 400%. This research has provided insights into a previously unstudied population and set the stage for research on the best practices, immediate outcomes, and long-term impacts of study abroad in an increasingly important region of our world.
Given this remarkable growth, there is an increasing need to understand who these students are and what factors are influencing them to choose this region over more common destinations. In this sample, MENA students were indeed different from their counterparts in Western Europe and Australia: They had more exposure to international issues, more language experience, more scholarships, were explicitly interested in working for the U.S. government, and were more concerned about the national security of the United States. In the aftermath of the events of September 11, 2001, this group of students began to seriously pay attention to the political, cultural, and religious aspects of the MENA region. These are exactly the kind of informed, engaged students who need to be nurtured by universities in order to create the future of international cooperation and interaction.
This analysis is particularly timely, given that the revolutions and uprisings of 2011 in the Middle East and North Africa may result in an increasing number of students eager to study in this region of the world. The events of 2011 have the potential to make the MENA region an even more attractive destination for students who are intending to work for the U.S. government, who desire an experience off the beaten path, and who want to understand a region that is experiencing significant political change.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: The corresponding author did receive a research grant from the American University in Cairo in order to support this research in the amount of $3,000.
