Abstract
The COVID-19 pandemic has led people to experience significant personal and professional challenges. Although many studies were carried out during the pandemic and in the short term, few of them have focused on medium-term impacts. This article raises awareness on the situation of vulnerable young people and discusses the role of contexts and psychological resources in mitigating the detrimental effects of this pandemic. Twenty-three young people aged 18 to 25 registered at a career center in France took part in a semistructured interview. Thematic content analysis reveals an impact on some psychological processes, leading to four types of coping strategies. It shows that biographical disruptions occur in three successive stages. The discussion refers to a career counseling intervention program with a focus on sustainability.
Keywords
Introduction
The COVID-19 pandemic disrupted the personal and professional lives of young people (Blustein et al., 2020; Mariot et al., 2021). Various short-term effects of the pandemic have been brought to light. A report carried out by the International Labour Organisation on young people aged 18 to 29 from 112 countries showed that the impact of this crisis on young people was “systematic, deep, and disproportionate” (ILO, 2020, p. 2). Indeed, 73% saw their studies or training interrupted by the pandemic, 42% experienced a drop in their income, and 21% had housing issues. The pandemic constituted a “career shock” for many of them, an experience defined as “a disruptive and extraordinary event that is at least to some degree caused by factors outside the focal individual's control and that triggers a deliberate thought process concerning one's career” (Akkermans et al., 2018, p. 4). This shock was particularly severe among disadvantaged young people (Blustein et al., 2022; Meraj & Makkar, 2022; Panteli et al., 2022). The short-term impact of the pandemic on employment, living conditions, education (Stanistreet et al., 2020), and health (Khlat et al., 2022) has been clearly identified. However, its medium-term effects have been less widely researched. This article aims to identify the medium-term impact of the pandemic on vulnerable young people. This objective is important because its short-term impacts were particularly strong on this population (Blustein & Guarino, 2020). But what is the situation 2 years later? Answering this question should help career counselors develop new practices and anticipate the consequences of the Anthropocene crises on the most vulnerable youth. It should also help identify the psychological resources mobilized by these young people and provide a better understanding of the variety of vulnerability processes at work in this context.
The first part of this article presents, on one hand, the characteristics of vulnerability and its factors among young people, and on the other hand, the role of contexts and personal resources that contribute to effectively reducing vulnerability in the face of crises. The second part presents the results of a qualitative research study on young people interviewed 2 years after the start of the pandemic. The discussion outlines possible career counseling intervention approaches with a focus on sustainability.
Assisting vulnerable individuals in confronting the crises of the Anthropocene 1
The objective is to identify the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on vulnerable young people 2 years later, focusing on the less easily identifiable and more insidious effects of this crisis on their life paths. Several dimensions of the subjective experience of young people since the end of the COVID-19 pandemic have emerged as important to study: their relationship to their family, to education and training, to work, and to the future.
Societal crises and vulnerability among young people
Vulnerability is a concept that has been employed within the context of an increasingly flexible job market and its consequences on careers (Urbanaviciute et al., 2019). It can be understood as the risk of harm, the varying probability of being affected by a threat, and lacking the necessary protection to cope with it (Castel, 1994). According to the model of social exclusion (de Gaulejac & Taboada-Leonetti, 1994), any social or personal event can lead to a state of vulnerability from a previously stable social inclusion situation. From this perspective, vulnerable individuals may find themselves accumulating difficulties, leading to a series of biographical disruptions. Three factors combine to make individuals vulnerable. Firstly, economic hardship and precariousness (job loss, drop in income, etc.). Secondly, the weakening of social ties; and finally, the loss of symbolic status (being perceived as useless to society and devoid of value). These factors form the backdrop for biographical disruptions, which are the first step in the process of social exclusion likely to lead to vulnerability. For young people, other factors may play a role. Belonging to a disadvantaged social background, lacking educational qualifications or training (Bonnard et al., 2020), and becoming NEET (Not in Employment, Education, or Training) are factors that contribute to vulnerability and present challenges in career progression (Bojadjieva et al., 2022). Other psychosocial factors such as family problems, social isolation, loneliness, and social and academic inactivity (Berthet & Longo, 2021) are also considered risk situations. Insufficient social capital and social networks contribute to the ineffectiveness of actions aimed at career building (Granovetter, 1973; Jokisaari & Nurmi, 2005; Lin, 1999). The accumulation of these difficulties and resulting stigmatization can disrupt the normal functioning of identity, particularly by altering the value attributed to certain dimensions of self (Breakwell, 2001), requiring the development of coping strategies (Breakwell, 1986). Vulnerable young people often experience a sense of powerlessness, suffer from dependence and cannot always make their own choices (Blustein et al., 2002). The sustainability model can provide a framework for assisting vulnerable individuals in building their careers during times of crisis.
The sustainability model to support vulnerable young people in building their careers during the crises of the Anthropocene
In 1987, the United Nations Brundtland Commission 2 (Brundtland Report, 1987) defined sustainability as “Meeting the needs of the present without compromising the ability of future generations to meet their own needs” (p.15). This overall objective implies an integrated approach that takes into account environmental, social, and economic aspects. The United Nations proposed 17 Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2015), which demonstrate that society must act on a variety of areas at the same time to become sustainable for future generations and the planet. The 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development (United Nations, 2015) specifically highlights the role of educational and vocational guidance focused on vulnerable individuals in contributing to the sustainable development of society. 3 The psychology of sustainability is based on the need to consider quality of life as a key issue for the future of individuals and organizations (Di Fabio, 2021; Di Fabio & Kenny, 2022; Di Fabio & Rosen, 2018). The concept of a sustainable career emphasizes the question of sustainability in the field of career development. According to Van der Heijden and De Vos (2015), sustainable careers refer to “sequences of career experiences reflected through a variety of patterns of continuity over time, thereby crossing several social spaces, characterised by individual agency, herewith providing meaning to the individual” (p. 7). The perspective of sustainability involves paying attention to interconnected life contexts (Bronfenbrenner, 2005) and conceptualizing the individual within a context (Vondracek et al., 2014). The importance of decent work in achieving sustainable development is highlighted in Goal 8 of the UN's Sustainable Development Goals (United Nations, 2015). The psychology-of-working model emphasizes that decent work is essential for individuals to fulfill their needs for survival, relationship (connectedness), and self-determination (Blustein, 2006). Masdonati et al. (2022) has also highlighted the role of personal and social factors, as well as identity processes, in developing a successful transition from school to work that enables individuals to access decent and meaningful work. Lastly, providing decent education (Duffy et al., 2022), which ensures physical and psychological safety, offers opportunities for social relationships, and provides an appropriate education program, is necessary to ensure the wellbeing of the most vulnerable young people. In addition to contexts, certain personal resources are believed to be essential in helping vulnerable individuals access sustainable careers (Urbanaviciute et al., 2019). Firstly, self-determination refers to autonomy and develops through certain contexts that stimulate intrinsic motivation. Secondly, psychological capital (Luthans et al., 2007), with its four dimensions (self-efficacy, optimism, hope, and resilience), is highlighted as a set of strengths that promote success and contribute to wellbeing in the workplace. Career adaptability is also identified as a resource that fosters the development of sustainable careers (Savickas, 2012). Its dimensions of Concern, Curiosity, Control, and Confidence are essential for overcoming challenges that arise in life contexts. Finally, identity capital (Coté, 2016) is a process that encompasses tangible resources such as financial resources, skills, abilities, and resources that can be exchanged for money or goods. It also includes intangible resources that cannot be exchanged (such as self-esteem, locus of control, and representations). These personal resources help in navigating one's affiliations and professional aspirations during critical situations. The presented qualitative research aims to identify the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on young people 2 years after its onset. The goal is to identify the social and psychological processes that have contributed to making these young people vulnerable. As observed, the COVID-19 crisis exposed most people in precarious situations to vulnerability (Meraj & Makkar, 2022; Panteli et al., 2022; Stanistreet et al., 2020). One research question is to identify the characteristics of the COVID-19 pandemic as a career shock (Akkermans et al., 2018) and to identify to what extent it has mobilized personal resources, particularly psychological capital (Luthans et al., 2007; Urbanaviciute et al., 2019), as well as coping strategies (Breakwell, 1986). The second research question is based on the model of social exclusion and suggests that the COVID-19 pandemic triggered a series of biographical disruptions contributing to the vulnerability of these young individuals (de Gaulejac & Taboada-Leonetti, 1994). Therefore, we expect to observe deterioration in the situation of these young individuals over the 2 years following the pandemic.
Methodology
Semistructured interviews were conducted with the objective of collecting narratives on the transition experience over the 2 years following the pandemic in 2020. The interview guide was developed based on literature concerning school to work transitions, along with preliminary discussions with career counselors working in youth career centers, all of whom were familiar with the experiences of young people during this period. The guide was intended to elicit both objective information and the subjective experience of individuals concerning their situations (Smith, 1995). It incorporated four main themes, each introduced by an open question. The first theme concerned the subject's education, work and family situation, and aimed to explore the role of their activity, and expectations regarding training before the start of the COVID-19 pandemic. The second theme focused on experience and specific difficulties they faced during the pandemic situation in 2020. The aim was to identify the characteristics of their situation during this period, their main activities and the people they were in contact with. The third theme served to identify the course of the transition at the end of the COVID-19 pandemic in 2021 and the evolution of their situation until 2022. The fourth theme focused on the situation 2 years after the start of the pandemic in 2022 their attitude toward the future and the prospects they have regarding their life. The interviews lasted between 25 and 50 min.
Recruitment
The sample included 23 young people (14 males and 9 females) aged 18 to 25 enrolled in a career center for young people (mean age: 21.8 years, and standard deviation = 2) in the suburbs of Paris. We chose to study their situation 1 year after the end of the pandemic in 2022. The recruitment of participants took place over the 3 days that we spent in the career services, meeting young people who had an appointment with their counselor and who agreed to meet us. We had an office to interview them. We were two researchers involved in the data collection and processing. There are 436 such career centers for 16 to 25 years old in France to enable the young people to overcome the difficulties that stand in the way of their professional and social integration. And 1.1 million young people are supported each year by these career centers. They deal with all integration difficulties: employment, training, orientation, mobility, housing, health, access to culture, and leisure.
Data processing and analysis
The interviews were recorded, transcribed, and processed by thematic content analysis inspired by Hill & Knox's (2021) consensual qualitative research. After full transcription of all 23 interviews, three complementary forms of data processing were successively applied based on the thematic content analysis procedure (Smith, 1995). This consisted of an analysis of each interview, a transversal analysis of the interviews, and a typology. First, the transcripts of collected data were carefully reviewed, followed by an initial thematic categorization. Subsequently, these categories were compared and discussed to reach at an exhaustive list of 21 thematic categories structuring the results section. The frequency of the categories evoked across all transcripts constitutes an important criterion (Fereday & Muir-Cochrane, 2006). In the first step, each interview was analyzed based on these categories. In the second step, a transversal analysis was realized. Here, the position of each of the interviewees in relation to the thematic categories was determined. The different interviewees were then regrouped based on their relative proximity. This step revealed the commonalities and differences in point of view of each participant concerning each category. Third, the discourses were processed in order to identify possible types of attitudes regarding this postpandemic period. This involved grouping profiles containing the same information or the same representations of the postpandemic situation. Such inductive information provides an approach for understanding the interviewees’ perceptions and attitudes regarding different aspects of their situation.
Results
Disruptions in life contexts
The vast majority of the young people interviewed mentioned the fact that the COVID-19 crisis had significantly disrupted their lives, their life paths, and their training trajectories (21 out of 23 people).
The first subcategory involved life disruptions due to remote learning (10 people). This situation gradually changed their relationship with the institution and the initial training course, which was centered on face-to-face learning. It led to a loss of interest in course content. Young people faced the issue of overcrowding and noise at home, which caused problems concentrating, as highlighted by Ilan: “Since I have a large family, I struggled to work at home. I couldn’t really keep up with the course because I couldn't concentrate due to the distractions at home. It was frustrating.” This situation sometimes led to a breakdown in the relationship and learning support with teachers, as expressed by one of the participants: “All the students, we were all left on our own, and we were no longer supported by our teachers. We finished our exams at home. If it weren’t for the pandemic, we could have talked with our teachers and been more supported. We found ourselves trying to set up a project without knowing what we wanted to do” (Line).
The second subcategory pertains to life disruptions due to the cancelation of study abroad experiences (three people). Charles was in Wales during COVID-19. He was doing a year of his Bachelor of Sciences degree and he had to go back to France for administrative purposes. Two other young people were forced to cancel planned work placements or experiences abroad. As Peter explains, “I was in high school, and I had plans to go to Canada to play basketball there in a sort of sports-study program (…). But unfortunately, with the closure of airports and everything, it completely disrupted everything.”
Family life under stress
The first subcategory includes disruptions related to having to stay at home (four people). This was due to health reasons for some, like Nora: “I contracted COVID in 2020, and it wasn’t easy. I infected my sister, her husband, and my older brother. I had to stay at home for 20 days, confined to my room. My aunt was the one bringing me food. It was in the middle of the exam period.” Another individual mentioned lack of transport, which forced him to stay at home. Louis arrived from Africa shortly before the COVID-19 outbreak and was unfamiliar with his new environment. He preferred to wait at home with his family and refrained from going out.
The second subcategory corresponds to disruptions due to COVID-19-related deaths (four people). This is the case for Karin, whose father passed away from COVID-19, as well as Peter, whose brother-in-law was taken by the disease, and Ilan, who lost a friend to suicide. Yan worked as a stretcher-bearer in a clinic and had to deal with death in that role.
Challenges faced in the post-COVID-19 period
The second category mentioned by all the young people refers to challenges faced during the post-COVID period, specifically within the 2 years following the onset of the pandemic and at the time of the interviews in June 2022.
The first subcategory relates to the long waiting period, without any training or structured activities (eight people). Several senior secondary students were unable to pursue higher education immediately after obtaining their Baccalaureat (high school graduation). This was the case for Peter, who had planned to enroll in an international business school. Some young people who had dropped out of tertiary education looked for jobs but couldn’t find any. This is the case of Ilan, who explains the discomfort caused by this situation. “I dropped out of my BTS (Bachelor’degree) and in the meantime, I tried to find work because I was tired of staying… physically speaking, I gained weight during the lockdown because there was nothing to do. Afterwards, I struggled to lose it, and I can’t seem to refocus.”
The second subcategory concerns mental health issues and the emotions triggered by this period (six people). Some young people talk about being depressed during the post-COVID period. Flore explains that she was unable to go out and had no motivation. “This has been going on for a year, since the first lockdown in March… since then, it has been very difficult because I didn’t have the strength to do anything anymore. I won’t claim that I had depression because I'm not a psychologist, but I was feeling down. At least, for a long time I didn’t go out (…) it was this feeling of total powerlessness towards things, it was tough just to go out and see friends. You don’t feel capable of going out, it's not that you don’t want to go out, but you can’t imagine yourself outside… really, you don’t feel capable of going out.” Two young people describe a disruption in their daily routine and the inability to resume a normal routine that could help them engage in activities. Line is worried because this post-COVID period also coincides with her transition from school to professional life and from youth to adulthood. “For me, transitioning from being a student to being a young adult is mentally very challenging. It's the transition between studying and entering the professional world, and we talked very little about it during COVID (…). It's very difficult to go from one status to another without knowing exactly how it all unfolds.”
The third subcategory refers to young people's experience of enrolling in educational programs that they did not choose (five people). For example, Killy explains that he did not have a clear idea of the higher education studies he wanted to pursue. Due to the pandemic, he couldn’t search for information about his career path. Another young person, Nora, explains that she was forced to enroll in a higher education program far away from her home that she wasn’t interested in. Lilly, after her internship abroad was canceled, searched for an internship in France and found one through her personal network in a slightly different sector.
The fourth subcategory refers to the impossibility of validating a training course or obtaining a diploma (four people). This is the case of young people who were undergoing apprenticeship training before the COVID-19 period and were laid off by their employers. They were unable to complete the training and validate the final diploma. They went from being apprentices in a company to lacking a recognized status. Charles, who was in Wales to study for a Bachelor's degree on a scholarship, had to abruptly return to France. He was unable to continue with the course. This problem is shared by those who were preparing for certifications such as a driving licence. Henri had also started the process of getting his driving licence when everything came to a halt.
Finally, the fifth subcategory refers to a lack of support in making their career choices. During the postpandemic period, this led individuals to have to seek employment when they wanted to pursue higher education (three people). Without postsecondary guidance, Kristine sought work in her field (electricity) and found a job, even though she wanted to pursue a BTS (bachelor's degree). However, she was not accepted by any institution. She believes that this situation was due to a lack of relationship with teachers to guide her in her higher education choices, as well as the fact that she was not able do an internship in a company due to the pandemic.
Reasons for meeting a career counselor at a career center
Young people come to the career center with various objectives, but primarily to seek assistance in finding employment.
The first subcategory corresponds to those seeking practical assistance (10 people): learning how to create CVs and cover letters, searching for information about the job market, and practizing for job interviews. “Coming here has helped me broaden my search areas and figure out what I want. A month ago, they gave us some tips on how to present ourselves effectively during interviews. It was very beneficial for me; it helped me during the interview.” (Ali)
The second subcategory related to the search for psychological and educational support, as well as assistance in defining a project (nine people). The reasons for coming to meet counselors are varied. For example, Ilan, who was struggling to regain a normal routine after COVID-19, tries to visit this career center regularly to help structure his time. He believes that this effort at socialization will help him to re-join a training program or a company later on. After the pandemic, counselors are assisting young people who want to change to another professional sector. This is the case of Tina, who was an apprentice with a pastry chef during the pandemic and was laid off. She meets with counselors to help her retrain in a different industry, as her experience in the bakery left her with a negative impression. Additionally, young people also come to the youth employment agency to access computers and seek assistance in finding housing.
The third subcategory addresses the need for contacts with professional networks and assistance in finding training programs in a specific field (seven people). These contacts allow young people to connect with a professional environment or a training course that motivates them. For example, Line, who has a degree in cinema, is seeking to connect with professionals in the cultural industry. Meddy hopes that the career center will help him find a training program and assist him in obtaining a lifting equipment operator licence, which he believes will enable him to secure stable employment. Karin came for help finding a casual job while waiting to start a marketing course.
Daily life in the postpandemic period: A waiting game
Two years after the end of the COVID pandemic, young people's daily lives are characterized by a lack of occupation and a lot of waiting and boredom. Some are willing to take any job to make use of their time while waiting for something else. They seem to be in a waiting line, hoping for a better situation to come.
The first subcategory corresponds to those waiting for professional integration through an internship or employment (10 people). These young people are seeking to find work quickly. Five of them are willing to accept almost any kind of employment. What they want above all is to work, as explained by Yan, who was previously a stretcher-bearer during the COVID pandemic and was then laid off. “If I find a job, I'll take it, whatever it is. I'm not going to stress about it, to tell you the truth.” Henri also expresses this sentiment, seeing training as a waste of time which delays entry into the job market. “I do temporary work now, only temporary work.” I am looking for a job in sales. Initially, I wanted to do a training program, but then I thought to myself, “It takes too long.”
The second subcategory includes those waiting to enroll in a training program (nine people). For some, training will start soon. For others, the start of training is more hypothetical. For example, Ali would like to train in game design, but the training courses are expensive, so he is looking for financial support. In the meantime however, he found a job at an airport through his stepfather. “Now I’ve found something in a completely different field (from game design). My father-in-law asked me to send my CV in to be a ramp agent. I attended an information session to be briefed about the job, and I had interviews. I received a positive response. It's a job while I wait to do something I really want (game designer)” (Ali).
The third subcategory relates to those waiting for a plan to emerge and the need to reflect on a career path (four people). Some are undecided between multiple training options. This is what Sia expresses: “I came here to figure out what I love, for self-discovery. Maybe what interests me is landscape design, but I don't know if I will be able to do a training course. I also love literature.” Kirsten comes to the career center to find out about professional sectors in which she could work with her electronics background.
Prospects identified for these young people
The pandemic has led to a re-evaluation of the projects in which young people were involved. Thus, 2 years after the crisis, most of them have only vague plans.
The first subcategory refers to unclear projects (15 people). The outline of a plan is often built upon an initial work experience, which they try to consolidate. These young people feel that they need to persevere in the same occupation because they believe they have a better chance of finding another job in the same field, rather than looking for a different path. Their first job, which is often found by chance, can have a strong impact on the trajectory that follows. Meddy mentions various sectors in which he would consider working. After working as an order picker during the COVID-19 pandemic, he was laid off by his employer due to a lack of work. He mentions the possibility of working in the restaurant or logistics industry. The project ideas they come up with are still very much tied to their recent direct experiences or those of their family members.
The second subcategory corresponds to the maintenance of an existing project (six people). Karin dropped out in 11th year of high school and then repeated the year. She obtained her Baccalaureat (high school graduation) but did not find a company with which to do an apprenticeship in the field of marketing. At the time of the interview, she explained that she had persisted in her plan to pursue a bachelor’s degree in luxury marketing, and she had found an institution that had accepted her. These young people take up the project they had before the pandemic and revisit it to make it achievable, which sometimes involves making concessions.
The third subcategory refers to situations involving a career change (two people). Peter, who had ambitions in basketball and was supposed to spend 2 months with a team in Canada before the pandemic, completely reconsidered his project. The pandemic, which he sees as an experience that has turned his life upside down, has led him to consider reorganizing his priorities. He is thinking about doing a course in international trade, but also devoting himself to a hobby that has become central in his life, theater. Tina underwent vocational training in patisserie but was dismissed by her employer while she was doing an apprenticeship to obtain a diploma. This experience was a shock for her, and she decided to switch to the beauty industry. She started by looking for an internship to check if this was the right area for her. Most young people do not have any specific plans. They seem to face significant challenges in regaining stability and finding a sense of direction for the future.
Discussion
The aim of this research was to identify the impact of the pandemic in the medium term, 2 years after its onset. Our first research question was to characterize the COVID-19 pandemic as a career shock (Akkermans et al., 2018) 2 years after its onset, that mobilized personal resources, including psychological capital (Urbanaviciute et al., 2019). The results confirm that the pandemic was a career shock, leading the young people to experience deterioration in their situation, involving more instability and uncertainty. The interviews demonstrate that this shock is having a gradual impact on young people. Some effects quickly became evident in the short term, while others occurred in the medium term. Initially, the young people emphasized the key role played by changes in their life contexts. These included the shift to remote learning, the constraints of limited mobility, the experience of illness, and increased proximity with family members. The young people also mentioned a lack of support from teachers and professionals during this initial period, in which they were left to manage the crisis on their own. Social networks were broken. These networks are very important for career development (Lin, 1999). Several statements from the young people have shown that their identity capital (Coté, 2016) was undermined, particularly in terms of intangible resources such as self-esteem (inability to act, self-devaluation, and feelings of failure) and self-concept (with the sense of powerlessness as characteristic of vulnerable young people, as noted by Berthet and Longo (2021)). Furthermore, psychological capital deteriorated, mainly in terms of self-efficacy, which the young people claim to lack (Luthans et al., 2007; Urbanaviciute et al., 2019). The results have also revealed a sense of emptiness and a feeling of waiting for something, that seems to inhabit their daily lives. This feeling can contribute to the distress experienced by young people who feel useless and are unable to explore different occupations. The context of the crisis does not promote individual agency and autonomy, which can be a source of suffering. These results show that these young people have experienced a major career shock that is particularly long-lasting and has serious consequences, and has been little studied (Akkermans et al., 2018). They provide information on the temporal evolution of this shock that begins with a change in the perception of context and moves on to impact psychological processes and identity (Breakwell, 2001). Understanding this chronology can help to develop interventions aimed at minimizing disruptions by compensating with programs focused on relationships, activities, and maintaining a positive self-concept.
The second research question was that certain young people would find themselves dealing with successive biographical disruptions, as suggested by de Gaulejac and Taboada-Leonetti (1994), with the risk of shifting from social integration to vulnerability. Table 1 shows that the 23 young people interviewed were in a stable situation just before the start of the pandemic, either in training (20 of them) or employment (3 of them). After the pandemic, the situation of 21 out of 23 young people deteriorated and became unstable. Two years after the end of the pandemic, we can see that their situation has not improved much. Four of them have stabilized in training and employment, while 19 are still searching for training or employment, and therefore experiencing a situation of uncertainty.
Changes in the situation of young people before and 2 years after the pandemic.
The first disruption is generally related to the transition to remote learning. This was followed by other disruptions such as unsuccessful attempts to enroll in other training programs, disappointments regarding canceled travel or internship plans, moving away from the family home, added to mental health issues. It is striking to note that most young people expressed a rejection of their studies, associated with the transition to remote learning, and they are more inclined to seek employment quickly. Work seems to offer them new and promising perspectives to build and envision their future. This is another unexpected result, but it reinforces the central role given to work by vulnerable young people (Berthet & Longo, 2021; Blustein, 2006) in constructing their identity and feeling a sense of belonging to the adult world.
A typology, presented below, has been identified grouping together young people who have shown similar coping strategies (Breakwell, 1986).
Waiting in diffuse anxiety (seven young people) corresponds to a life perceived as empty and characterized by constant waiting, a lack of rhythm of life that has not been regained, and a lack of perspective on a way out of the situation. Action in endless chaos (seven young people) relates to a life described as full of activities and situations, but without a stable reference point. It is marked by a sense of being adrift, driven by vague opportunities and unclear projects. Rationalized reorientation (seven young people) groups together young people who had a highly invested initial project that was abruptly disrupted due to the direct or indirect effects of the pandemic. They had to quickly find a new solution that may not fully align with their original aspirations. Different approach with downgrading (four young people) characterizes young people who have taken action to maintain their ambitious project at all costs, but the latter has lost some of its magnitude due to the events caused by the pandemic. These young people have “bounced back” while finding themselves in more difficult and less desirable situations than what they had aspired to.
These findings help to better understand the medium-term impacts of a pandemic on vulnerable young people and to envision career counseling interventions to address new situations. Many vulnerable young people find it difficult to enjoy a decent life and work. Anthropocene crises increase the risk of marginalization and even greater deterioration in their living conditions. To foster decent wok and decent lives, it seems crucial to encourage the development of action research and systemic approaches. This type of research design should make it possible to understand the dynamics of young people's living and working environments and their social interactions with different players in their local area.
Some suggestions can be outlined for a phased intervention program to be implemented after the onset of a pandemic crisis similar to the one experienced with COVID-19. Our results suggest that several forms of biographical disruptions can unfold successively. First, there is a break with institutions that alters the framework of young people's daily lives and limits their experiences. During this initial phase, interventions should focus on promoting experiences and the development of professional and domestic knowledge and skills (cookery, DIY, computing, management, caring) that can be pursued at home. The goal is to encourage young people to view their living space as a place for self-development and skill-building. During the second phase, relationship breakdown occurs, characterized by restrictions on contact with friends and relations. Interventions aimed at sustainability should contribute to reshaping distant socialization spaces. The aim would be for counselors to encourage the creation of small communities of young people who come together at specific times to exchange knowledge and services, support each other, develop shared projects, and foster solidarity. The third phase is characterized for some young people by a family breakup: the impossibility of continuing to live with their family due to tensions or even violence. Counselors should intervene to help manage housing transitions, offering material assistance or support such as family mediation. Finally, the last breakdown is psychological and can be likened to burnout, with various manifestations of psychological distress. Counselors should target psychological support, which has been observed to be insufficient in the postpandemic period. They can also focus their interventions on artistic activities that may be practised outdoors or remotely (such as theater, singing, photography, etc.) as a source of care and identity development. This program highlights the need for counselors to build partnerships not only with businesses and training centers, but also with artists and cultural venues, healthcare professionals, mediation experts, and housing providers.
Conclusion
This research aimed to identify the medium-term impact of the COVID-19 pandemic on vulnerable young people. It has highlighted the importance of temporality in the effects of such a crisis, as well as the most impacted psychological processes. In order to mitigate these impacts, career counseling intervention programs must be designed with a focus on sustainability, as outlined in this article. To create and implement such programs, counselors need to develop a new aspect of their professional skill set that could be described as “engineering for sustainable support in young people's self-development.” Sustainable support should be developed over the medium to long term with a variety of professional partners chosen for their specific skills. Further research is required on the medium-term psychological effects of Anthropocene crises in order to propose innovative and better-adapted interventions.
Ethical considerations
The procedures in the study followed the ethical standards of APA and have been submitted to the University's Data Protection Regulation Department. Informed consent was obtained from all the individuals participants included in the study. They were informed that they could withdraw at any point of the research process. All the first names of the participants mentioned in this paper are pseudonyms.
Footnotes
Declaration of conflicting interests
The author declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article
