“When You Choose to be a Gangbanger,You Deserve Everything You Get”: Victim Dichotomization,Fear,and the Problem Frame

Abstract

Media framing of an event can have a significant impact on both reader response and public opinion. Through an examination of the deadliest gang-related murder to ever occur in British Columbia, the current study extends previous research by analyzing the influence of victim characteristics on the development of a problem frame. We analyze all newspaper articles published in the Vancouver Sun mentioning at least one of the murder victims between October 19, 2007, and December 31, 2016 (N = 210). Results suggest that journalists use a number of techniques when creating a problem frame, including victim differentiation, purposeful inclusion of sources, and use of specific language. We argue that the extensive coverage of the murders provided an opportunity for the media to develop a problem frame that dichotomized victims, capitalized on societal fear of crime, and, consequently, affected calls for policy change.

Keywords

content analysis homicide gangs victims media presentation

On October 19, 2007, six people were murdered in the penthouse suite of the Balmoral Towers in Surrey, British Columbia (BC)—a suburban city located in Metro Vancouver. The shootings, dubbed the “Surrey Six Slayings” (S6S) by the media, represent the deadliest gang-related mass shooting to ever occur in BC, and acted as a turning point for the provincial media focus on gang violence (Gravel, Wong, & Simpson, 2017). The Red Scorpions (RS), a prominent mid-level street gang in Metro Vancouver at the time, ordered and carried out the murders. Four members of the RS were charged: Dennis Karbovanec, Cody Haevischer, Matt Johnston, and Jamie Bacon (Bolan, 2009b). Karbovanec pleaded guilty to three counts of second-degree murder and one count of conspiracy to commit murder (Bolan, 2009b). Haevischer and Johnston were convicted of six counts of first-degree murder and one count of conspiracy to commit murder (Bolan, 2014b; Mulgrew, 2009). Jamie Bacon was charged with one count of first-degree murder and one count of conspiracy to commit murder (Mulgrew, 2009). As of yet, Bacon has not been tried or convicted in the offenses, although he has been held in custody since April 2009 and is scheduled to go to trial in March 2018 (Bolan, 2016).

According to media and police reports, at 2:23 p.m. on October 19, 2007, Karbovanec, Haevischer, and Johnston executed a plan to kill rival drug trafficker Corey Lal (Bolan, 2014a). Using a friend’s key fob, the three RS gang members gained access to the Balmoral Towers (Bolan, 2013a). Inside suite 1505 were brothers Corey and Michael Lal, Ryan Bartolomeo, and Ed Schellenberg (Bolan, 2014a). The fifth victim, Eddie Narong, arrived at the apartment while the murders were in progress. The final victim, Christopher Mohan, was leaving an adjacent apartment to play basketball with friends when he came into contact with the killers and was pulled into the penthouse suite (Bolan, 2014a). Each of the six victims was shot in the back of the head while laying face down on the floor. Evidence suggests that Michael Lal, Bartolomeo, Narong, Schellenberg, and Mohan were all murdered to prevent witnesses to the killing of Corey Lal (Bolan, 2013a).

Of the six victims, two can be described as classically innocent bystanders: Ed Schellenberg and Christopher Mohan. Schellenberg was a 55-year-old husband and father who was involved in the community and deeply religious; he worked as a fireplace repairman and on the day of the murders was inspecting fireplaces in all of the Balmoral Towers suites (Bolan, 2007). Mohan was a 22-year-old student who lived across the hall from Suite 1505 (Bolan, 2009b) and was described as a loving family member, sports fanatic, and car enthusiast (Alonzo, 2007; Bolan, 2012). The four other victims of the murder, brothers Corey Lal and Michael Lal, Eddie Narong, and Ryan Bartolomeo, were in some way associated with gangs and the drug trade (Bolan, 2009b). The purpose of this study is to analyze the role of victim characteristics in the development of problem frames, using the media reporting of the S6S to provide context.

Newsworthiness and Victim Characteristics

Producers of print media and journalists are in the unique position to decide what events or issues are worthy of reporting (Brüggemann, 2014). In a general sense, crime is seen as an essential feature of print media (Dowler, 2004a). But, even within print media reports of crime, there is a hierarchy of newsworthiness affected by victim, offender, and event characteristics. Of particular interest is the manner in which journalists use victim characteristics to differentiate between the relative newsworthiness of crime victims. Examples of these victim characteristics include ethnicity (Dowler, 2004b; Gruenewald, Chermak, & Pizarro, 2013; Gruenewald, Pizarro, & Chermak, 2009), age (Gekoski, Gray, & Adler, 2012), gender (Dowler, Fleming, & Muzzatti, 2006; Gekoski et al., 2012; Gruenewald et al., 2013), and victim criminal involvement (Gekoski et al., 2012; Gruenewald et al., 2009). Characteristics drawn upon in the media are highly reminiscent of characteristics used in understanding cases of victim-precipitated homicide.

Victim precipitation, as originally defined by Wolfgang (1957), is a homicide “in which the victim is a direct, positive precipitator in the crime” (p. 2). Wolfgang’s (1957) definition was limited to instances in which the homicide victim physically precipitated their death, for example, throwing the first punch in an altercation. The victimology literature has divulged from this strict definition to include less direct ways in which a homicide victim can contribute to their death, such as association with criminal peers and involvement in high-risk situations (Meier & Miethe, 1993). Ideas of victim precipitation are also frequently applied to other crimes that impact the bodily integrity of the victim. For example, in 1987, Estrich coined the term “real rape”; a sexual assault in which everyone agrees that the victim was “actually” a victim: committed by a stranger and not precipitated in any way by the actions of the victim. Thus, victim legitimacy appears to be associated with notions of whether or not the victim played a role, in any way, in their assault. Underlying these ideas of victim precipitation is an attribution, at least in part, of blame to the victim. Wolfgang’s (1957) work was criticized for exactly this reason, although never as staunchly as research analyzing victim precipitation in sexual assault cases (Meier & Miethe, 1993). When certain homicide event characteristics coincide (e.g., cultural context, gender, age, ethnicity, victim–offender relationship), the result, according to Soothill, Peelo, Francis, Pearson, and Ackerley (2002), can be a “mega-crime” (p. 419).

Mega-Crimes and Moral Panics

A mega-crime is a homicide that, due to both cultural and event characteristics, creates widespread and sustained media attention (Soothill et al., 2002). As a result, mega-crimes become “a part of the cultural context within which we understand homicide and within which journalistic choices about reporting are made” (Soothill et al., 2002, p. 420). In many ways, mega-crimes can be seen as an example of, yet are unique from moral panics. A moral panic is “a condition, episode, person or group of persons emerge to become defined as a threat to societal values and interests” (Cohen, 2002, p. 1). The media plays a significant role in both generating and sustaining moral panics (Cohen, 2002). Cohen (2002) identified three elements necessary for the construction of a moral panic: suitable enemy, suitable victim, and belief that the homicide is reflective of a larger societal issue. Both mega-crimes and moral panics involve a requirement that the homicide align with a wider social discourse at the time to fully develop (Cohen, 2002; Peelo, 2006; Soothill et al., 2002; Soothill, Peelo, Pearson, & Francis, 2004). Where mega-crimes and moral panics diverge is on the issue of volatility. One of the key features of a moral panic, according to Goode and Ben-Yehuda (1994), is volatility (i.e., a sudden appearance and disappearance of the issue). In contrast, mega-crimes are characterized by sustained media attention and societal resonance (Soothill et al., 2002). Given these differences, Peelo (2006) argues that approaching mega-crimes from a moral panic framework is insufficient. Rather, Peelo (2006) asserts that to fully understand media reporting of homicide, analyses must be conducted that can account for changes in reporting over time. Frame analysis is one alternative particularly well suited to the analysis of mega-crimes.

Media Frames

Not only is the media able to select which criminal events are newsworthy; they can also highlight certain elements of a story to fit within a particular angle—this is known as “framing” (Brüggemann, 2014; Price, Tewksbury, & Powers, 1997). To frame is to organize and present an event or issue in a particular way to an audience (Altheide, 1997; Gamson, Croteau, Hoynes, & Sasson, 1992). As Gamson et al. (1992) eloquently noted, “Frame plays the same role in analyzing media discourse that schema does in cognitive psychology—a central organizing principle that holds together and gives coherence and meaning to a diverse array of symbols” (p. 384). Journalists make use of media frames as a tool to promote a version of an event that will be easily understood by the public (Altheide, 1997). Much like a schema, media frames present an event or issue in a particular way allowing the audience to quickly interpret and understand the event. In doing so, alternative interpretations are neglected.

A key aspect of framing an event or issue is to emphasize certain characteristics, making them more salient within a particular story (Entman, 1993). When journalists select certain characteristics and promote their salience, other aspects of the event are ignored or reduced (Entman, 1993). In this way, frames are defined not only by what they include, but by the perspectives or understandings they exclude as well (Brüggemann, 2014; Entman, 1993). Frame analysis of intimate partner homicide has consistently revealed a particular media frame in which the media highlights the apparent blameworthiness of the femicide victim and excuses the behavior of the perpetrator (Bullock, 2007; Gillespie, Richards, Givens, & Smith, 2013; Taylor, 2009). At the same time, Bullock (2007) argued that this frame was defined by the exclusion of discussion regarding the role that patriarchal social structure has on femicide. In a similar vein, Ott and Aoki (2002) conducted a frame analysis of the homophobia-driven murder of a University of Wyoming student. Ott and Aoki (2002) argued that the frame used by the media portrayed the homicide as an isolated hate-crime, as opposed to a reflection of systemic discrimination and violence toward gay men. The issue of promoting salience of certain characteristics while negating others through media frames becomes important when we consider the possibility that media framing can affect public opinion.

The literature on framing effects suggests that media frames, through promoting a certain version of an event or issue, can significantly impact reader response and public opinion (Price et al., 1997). Different emotional responses among audience members can be elicited depending on the frame used by the media (Price et al., 1997). Price and colleagues (1997) empirically tested the effect of media frames on audience opinion. Using different frames based on common news values, Price et al. determined that framing influenced both the way an audience member interpreted the story and their subsequent response. Important to note, however, is that although a particular media frame may direct a reader or audience member to a particular interpretation of an event, it is not the sole influence (Pan & Kosicki, 1993; Price et al., 1997). Rather, similar to a schema, a frame has the ability to affect an audience member’s opinions or beliefs only to the extent that the frame resonates with their own pre-existing beliefs. One media frame with particular relevance for understanding media reporting of crime is Altheide’s (1997) “problem frame.”

The Problem Frame

The problem frame is a particular frame used by producers of print media and journalists (Altheide, 1997). The problem frame centers on a narrative that is easily understood by the general public as it focuses on an event or issue that is viewed, undeniably, as negative. The problem highlighted by the media must have an attainable solution, which typically resides in government officials. For example, a news article about drug use could be framed as a public health issue or a criminal justice issue (Altheide, 1997). An essential component of the problem frame, according to Altheide, is its ability to stimulate fear among the general public.

Altheide (1997) asserts that an event, once processed through the problem frame, generates an accumulation of fear. The problem frame developed by the media will be one that heightens the level of fear resulting from that particular event. In his study of media reports on the Columbine school shooting, Altheide (2009) argues that the media developed a problem frame that merged the Columbine shootings with terrorism, thus heightening fear among the public and increasing demands for improved security. Fear of crime among the public generally centers on fear of oneself or a loved one becoming a victim of crime (Altheide, 1997). This notion of fear of crime is supported through Ditton, Chadee, Farrall, Gilchrist, and Banister’s (2004) mixed methods study on fear of crime and the media. A precise example of fear of crime comes from an interview with a 45-year-old woman from an affluent area: “It’s something that really doesn’t bother me. I’m not aware of having read of any muggings in the immediate vicinity, and I don’t know personally of anyone who has had trouble. It all seems a bit distant . . .” (Ditton, Chadee, Farrall, Gilchrist, & Banister, 2004, p. 604). Essentially, as media consumers interpret media reporting of crime as more relevant to them, fear of crime becomes more prevalent (Ditton et al., 2004). Thus, the problem frame develops a narrative which capitalizes on the fear of crime that is already entrenched in the public.

Not only does the problem frame capitalize on fear of crime, it is also able to delineate who or what is to be feared (Altheide, 1997). When a problem frame dictates the target of fear, it simultaneously suggests possible solutions or “what can be done about it” (Altheide, 1997, p. 664). In this way, the problem frame has the ability to affect calls for policy change. Utilizing a problem frame that enhances the discourse of fear promotes the entertainment value of a story, thus enabling journalists to work within the confines of immediacy of information and maximization of profits (Altheide, 1997).

Current Study

Previous research on the media portrayal of homicide victims focuses heavily on the impact of victim characteristics on event newsworthiness. In contrast, we move beyond analyzing how victim characteristics affect homicide newsworthiness, to conducting an in-depth analysis of event characteristics given salience by journalists in the creation of a media frame. More specifically, we analyze the role of victim characteristics in the development of a problem frame using the S6S to provide context. We argue that the extensive coverage of the S6S provided an opportunity for the media to develop a problem frame that dichotomized victims, capitalized on societal fear of crime, and, consequently, influenced calls for policy change.

Method

Data Collection

The data source for this study included print newspaper articles published in the Vancouver Sun between October 19, 2007 (the date of the S6S) and December 31, 2016. The Vancouver Sun is Metro Vancouver’s largest newsroom and is published six times a week (Post Media, n.d.). The following search terms were input into the Canadian Newsstream database: “Corey Lal” or “Michael Lal” or “Ryan Bartolomeo” or “Edward Narong” or “Edward Sousakhone” or “Eddie Narong” or “Christopher Mohan” or “Chris Mohan” or “Edward Schellenberg” or “Edward J. Schellenberg” or “Ed Schellenberg” or “Surrey Six*” or “Surrey Six Slaying*” or “S6S.” The initial search produced 394 articles. Each of the initial 394 newspaper articles were saved by date (year.month.date-article title). Altheide (1997) asserts that problem frames can develop and change over time. As such, articles were saved chronologically to track the development of the S6S reporting. All of the newspaper articles were loaded into Nvivo11—a qualitative software analysis program intended to aid in the organization and coding of qualitative data. While all coding is still conducted by the researcher, Nvivo allows for the structured storage and organization of large amounts of qualitative data.

Of the initial 394 articles, 135 did not mention at least one of the Surrey Six victims, either by name or by qualifier (e.g., “drug dealer”). Because the research question is concerned with the portrayal of the S6S victims, only articles that discussed at least one of the victims were included in the dataset. An additional 49 articles were removed from the dataset as they were either duplicates or did not discuss the S6S in any manner. After these exclusions, the final dataset included 210 articles.

Analytic Strategy

The analytic approach employed for this research was thematic analysis (see Braun & Clarke, 2006; Graneheim & Lundman, 2004), which is described as “a method for identifying, analysing, and reporting patterns (themes) within data” (Braun & Clarke, 2006, p. 6). The thematic analysis in this study involved an inductive and iterative three “step” approach. Categories were developed through analysis of the manifest content of the text for each of the articles in the dataset (N = 210). Categories and patterns emerged from the data during the first read through of all of the articles. The researcher approached this stage with few predefined ideas of what the categories would look like. The second step in the process involved a second read through and detailed categorization. Using a process termed axial coding (Blair, 2015), similarities and differences between initial categories revealed that some categories were not all that different and could be combined. Cohesive categories and subcategories were subsequently developed. The final step involved transforming categories into themes through interpretation. The interpretation focused on tying everything together with a thorough analysis of the latent content—the underlying meaning of the text (Graneheim & Lundman, 2004). Analyses of the underlying meaning of the text allowed a deeper understanding, going beyond a simple categorization of what the text says to an analysis of what the text really means. To help describe the themes in our presentation of results, we identified illustrative quotes in articles from within each theme.

One of the concerns inherent to thematic analysis is the subjectivity of the analysis (Braun & Clarke, 2006). The coding and analysis process is composed of a number of researcher-based decisions that are inherently affected by life experiences, previous knowledge, and biases. This limitation was balanced through a number of different tactics throughout the analysis process, such as negative case analysis, journaling, and reflexivity. Utilizing analytic tools such as negative analysis is essential in thematic analysis because other tools to ensure accuracy, such as member checking, are not available to the researcher (Fade, 2003). Interestingly, by engaging in negative case analysis, some of the most valuable insights into how the S6S were portrayed and the problem frames that were developed emerged.

Results

Four key themes surrounding the portrayal of the S6S victims emerged from the thematic analysis of the 210 articles in the dataset.

Who’s a Victim?

The first theme focused on the different characteristics used by the media to describe the S6S victims. There are two subthemes within this theme. The first relates to the portrayal of the “innocent” victims and the second refers to the “non-innocent” victims.

He was killed just going about his daily business

The first subtheme focuses on the media descriptions of both Christopher Mohan and Ed Schellenberg. The media consistently reported the positive attributes of Mohan and Schellenberg, such as employment or education status. Simultaneously, the media distanced these victims from activities that would contribute to perceptions of them as “blameworthy,” such as involvement in the drug trade. A significant proportion of the articles in the dataset reflected this theme (71.9%, n = 151):

A student and sports nut, Chris lived across the hall from the death penthouse with his parents Eileen and Sunil. (Bolan, 2009b, p. A3)

Family and friends of Ed Schellenberg say the community should be outraged that an innocent person out doing his job has been gunned down in a drug-related slaughter. (Bolan, 2007, p. A1)

My son wasn’t a gangster. He wasn’t a drug pusher. He was a very innocent, naïve, big, tall, loving teddy bear. (Rolfsen, 2008, p. B1)

By describing Mohan and Schellenberg in a way that promotes their position as innocent victims, the media is able to play on the fear of the public. Specifically, the media perpetuates the fear that Mohan or Schellenberg could be any of “us” or our family members. Fear of crime is intricately related to audience interpretations of relevancy, the more a crime or a crime victim resonates with an individual the more fearful they will be (Ditton et al., 2004). Fear of crime plays a key role in the development of a problem frame (Altheide, 1997).

They had it coming

The second subtheme focuses on the media’s description of Corey and Michael Lal, Ryan Bartolomeo, and Eddie Narong. The media consistently made reference to these victims’ criminal histories and involvement in the drug trade and gangs. Reminiscent of the victim-precipitation literature, the repetition of this link between the victims and the criminal underworld reinforced the idea that these young men were deserving of their fate. When an individual “chooses” to become involved in a criminal lifestyle, there is an expectation of violence. In contrast to the uninvolved victims, public fear is not evoked when the victims are viewed as contributing to their death in some way and the public is able to distance themselves from the events. This theme was evident in 38.6% (n = 81) of the articles in the dataset:

Four of the young men killed last Friday in a Surrey apartment were no strangers to the criminal courts. They had previously been charged with a variety of offences, mainly relating to weapons and drugs. (Hall, 2007, p. A10)

Neither Schellenberg, a gas fireplace repairman, nor Mohan, a popular basketball fan who lived on the same apartment floor where the killings took place, had any involvement with the criminal world. Their deaths, according to police, were the unfortunate results of being “in the wrong place at the wrong time.” Four other young men murdered in the incident were all involved “more or less,” said investigators, with “guns, gangs and drugs.” (Hansen, 2007a, p. B1)

One of the dead gangsters, Eddie Narong, had gone to jail for manslaughter in 2000 with other associates who later formed the Red Scorpions. (Bolan, 2008a, p. A10)

In these examples, we see consistent reference to the “non-innocent” victims’ involvement in the drug trade and gangs. In addition, there were a number of articles in the sample that listed, in-depth, the criminal charges of each victim. Dichotomizing the victims and emphasizing the loss of innocent life allowed the media to create a problem frame in which the narrative is unambiguously bad and easily understood by the public. While the loss of innocent life as a result of gang violence is, by and large, viewed as a significant social issue, the murder of “four gangbanger drug dealers” is not as widely viewed as a loss to society. The following excerpt illuminates this victim differentiation:

Unfortunately, Mohan and Schellenberg were in the wrong place at the wrong time when the Red Scorpions execution squad arrived to wipe out their UN rivals. That’s what’s truly tragic about this case—that sad hand of fate so obviously at play. And why it has been so important that we solve it. Had four gangbanger drug dealers been snuffed out, I doubt their deaths would have drawn this kind of devoted attention. It has taken more than a year to solve this case, but the police did it because they were dedicated to the memory of the innocent victims. (Mulgrew, 2009, p. A3)

Crackdown on Gangs

The second theme reflects the use of the death of “innocent” victims to call for changes to the criminal justice system. Articles that reflected this theme were especially prevalent shortly after the murders up until the initial arrest of four of the six offenders. In total, 12.8% of the articles in the dataset reflected this theme (n = 27):

B.C. Solicitor-General John van Dongen is promising tougher measures to stem gang violence after a meeting with relatives of two innocent men killed by gangsters last October . . . Van Dongen said he was moved by the suffering of both families. And he said he would consider suggestions about how to tackle rampant gang violence that has killed dozens over the past year. (Bolan, 2008b, p. B1)

Van Dongen said there is much agreement between provinces on increasing the tools available to battle organized crime and gang violence . . . “I want to do everything possible to get at the problem,” he said. “I am certainly motivated by instances like the one last October in Surrey where we had two completely innocent individuals—Ed Schellenberg and Chris Mohan—basically in the wrong place and the wrong time and got caught up in this.” (Bolan, 2008c, p. A1)

As evidenced above, the calls for policy change were frequently based on protecting innocent members of the general public from gang violence, suggesting a crackdown on gangs, guns, and drugs. What was less often cited was the need to tackle the root causes of gang membership and keep youth out of the gang and drug lifestyle in the first place. However, it is important to note that articles reflecting the need for preventive measures were not missing entirely from the dataset. For example, criminologist Rob Gordon was referenced discussing the ineffectiveness of cracking down on gangs:

But, he said, “it can only ever be a temporary measure.” Gordon said while the increase in police pressure on those engaged in the violence will likely silence the current gunﬁre, it does not tackle the real issue.” (Hansen, 2007b, p. C1)

According to Altheide (1997), the problem frame developed by the media can have significant effects on subsequent policy demands and decisions. The problem frame developed by the media in the S6S focused on the dichotomization of victims and the loss of innocent life. The framing of the events utilized a victim dichotomy that emphasized pre-existing notions of fear of crime in society. The policy changes demanded that are seen in this theme are reflective of the frame used by the media. The textual examples provided above exemplify the interaction between the problem frame and calls for policy change; the latter reflect the need to prevent innocent victims from being caught in gang warfare—even if this approach is not the most effective.

Gang Members Don’t Have Families

The media consistently included statements made by the families or friends of Christopher Mohan and Ed Schellenberg, but almost never included statements made by the families of the remaining four victims. Occasionally, entire articles focused on interviews with the “innocent” victims’ family member(s). The inclusion of family statements works to personalize or humanize the victims (Anastasio & Costa, 2004), so it is meaningful when such a statement is included or excluded. In the dataset, 25.7% of the articles reflected this theme (n = 54). The examples for this theme include statements made by family members of both the drug trade–associated and uninvolved victims. The majority of the articles within this theme reflect statements made by Eileen Mohan, Christopher Mohan’s mother, or Steve Brown, the brother-in-law of Ed Schellenberg:

“Our house used to be so full of love and laughter. And then October 19, 2007 came. My life fell apart. My family fell apart.” . . . “Christopher was a son every parent would love to have,” she said this week. “He didn’t deserve what happened to him.” (Bolan, 2008a, p. A10)

An essential component in the creation of problem frames is the availability and use of news sources that can promote a particular narrative (Altheide, 1997; Richards, Gillespie, & Smith, 2014). In their qualitative interviews with crime journalists, Gekoski et al. (2012) identified the impact that a “perfect co-victim” can have on media reporting. A perfect co-victim is an individual that is left behind, such as a grieving family member, who possesses certain attributes and behaves in ways that promote newsworthiness (Gekoski et al., 2012). Eileen Mohan became the perfect co-victim in the S6S by giving interviews, holding rallies, and allowing the media insight into her grief. The use of Eileen Mohan as a prominent media source provided a narrative that is easy for the public to understand—promoting a “simple and clear truth” (Altheide, 1997, p. 655). As such, Eileen’s role as perfect co-victim contributed to and enhanced the problem frame developed by the media.

The next verbatim example is taken from an article based on an interview with Ryan Bartolomeo’s sister. In this article, the reader learns that Ryan was a smart student in high school, loved to play soccer, and was the protector of his mom and two sisters. This was the first personalization of one of the non-innocent victims that was seen in the dataset—and was written 6 years after the murders took place:

The day Felicia Bartolomeo lost her brother Ryan in the Surrey Six slayings was the worst of her life. “It was just absolutely horrifying. It was just complete darkness. My whole body went numb,” she recalled in an interview. But almost as bad has been living through years of hearing her brother described as a drug dealer grouped apart from the “innocent” Surrey Six victims Chris Mohan and Ed Schellenberg, as if Ryan and the other three killed that day deserved their fate. (Bolan, 2013b, p. A1)

The final example for this theme is a quote taken from the victim impact statement made by Jourdanne Lal, the sister of Corey and Michael Lal:

“I have been told that time heals everything. But I am still waiting,” she said. She said her brothers “had beautiful hearts and loving intentions.” “The one thing that will always stand out in my mind is the amount of love they had for their family,” she said, adding her three children will never know their loving uncles except in photographs and stories told. (Bolan, 2014c, p. A4)

Similarly to the article discussing Ryan Bartolomeo, the article above was not published until December 2014—more than 7 years after the murders. For 7 years, the dominant narrative of “four young drug dealers” was repeated throughout the articles in the dataset. It was not until the arrest and, primarily, the trial of the offenders do we begin to see a slight shift in the dominant narrative used by the media.

Say Their Names

During the thematic analysis, we recorded whether or not each victim was mentioned by name in an article. For example, if Christopher Mohan was mentioned by name a code of “1” was applied, indicating presence. The presence of a qualifier (e.g., “drug dealer”) in each article was coded as well. This process was repeated for each victim and for each article.

The media consistently dehumanized and depersonalized the Lal brothers, Bartolomeo, and Narong through the use of qualifiers to describe them, which emerged as the final theme in the analysis. In a number of articles, journalists used only qualifiers to discuss these victims, at the complete exclusion of their actual names. Even after the identities of all of the victims were known, the media often referred to the “non-innocent” victims only as the “others,” “four young men with gang links,” or “four gangsters,” without actually ever calling them by name. In their research, Anastasio and Costa (2004) found that the inclusion of a victim’s name in a news article resulted in greater levels of empathy toward that victim. As such, the purposeful exclusion of a victim’s name allows for distancing between the victim and the audience. The frequencies by which the victims were referred to, by name and/or by qualifier, are identified in Table 1. To be included in the name with qualifier category an article would state something along the lines of “drug-dealing brothers Michael and Corey Lal” (Bolan, 2009a, p. A4). The final category, non-innocent victim qualifier alone, includes instances in which Corey and Michael Lal, Ryan Bartolomeo, or Eddie Narong were referred to only by a qualifier.

Table 1.

Article Mentions of Victims Names and Qualifiers.

Mention	Number of articles (% of total N = 210)
Christopher Mohan (“innocent”)	166 (79%)
Ed Schellenberg (“innocent”)	154 (73.3%)
Corey Lal (“non-innocent”)	135 (64.3%)
Michael Lal (“non-innocent”)	127 (60.5%)
Ryan Bartolomeo (“non-innocent”)	128 (61%)
Eddie Narong (“non-innocent”)	123 (58.6%)
Non-Innocent Victim Name with Qualifier	99 (47.1%)
Non-Innocent Victim Qualifier Alone	12 (5.7%)

In the following name with qualifier example, the drug trade–associated victims were mentioned by name at some point in the article, but then referenced to by the qualifier alone as well:

Some time between 3 and 4:30 p.m. that day, members of a criminal gang executed six people with gunshots to their heads. Four were young men with established links to the drug trade, but two of them—Schellenberg and 22-year-old Christopher Mohan—were uninvolved victims of the worst gangland slaying in B.C. history. (Bolan, 2008a, p. A10)

The following example highlights an instance in which the non-innocent victims were referred to by qualifier alone:

Mohan had gone out to the hallway to leave for a basketball game, she said, but he never made it. Also killed were four other men who had faced various drug and weapons charges. (Eustace, 2008, p. A1)

In the examples provided, we see the media attach a master status (Becker, 1973) to the “non-innocent” victims that is pervasive and transcends all other statuses. The Lal brothers, Bartolomeo, and Narong are seen as deviant first and foremost, before ever being thought of as brothers, sons, or friends. Attaching and reinforcing the deviant master status complemented the problem frame developed by the media.

For this theme, it is important to note how the narrative seemed to shift after the arrest and criminal trial proceedings of the offenders. Almost all of the instances in which the journalist did not refer to the victims by name occurred prior to mid-2009. Four, of an eventual six, of the individuals accused in the S6S were arrested in April 2009 (Karbovanec, Bacon, Haevischer, and Johnston). After this point, we still see Corey and Michael Lal, Ryan Bartolomeo, and Eddie Narong referred to as drug dealers or gang members, but there is typically a name associated with the qualifier (Figure 1). This shift in reporting is important when we consider that problem frames can oftentimes develop over the course of reporting on an event (Altheide, 1997).

Figure 1.

Article use of qualifiers for “non-innocent” victims, 2007 to 2016.

Discussion

The media developed a problem frame early on that dichotomized the S6S victims and delineated the ways in which the victims were to be discussed. In the initial problem frame that emerged right after the S6S took place, the narrative highlighted the positive characteristics of Chris Mohan and Ed Schellenberg, while characterizing Corey Lal, Michael Lal, Ryan Bartolomeo, and Eddie Narong as drug dealers, gang members, and criminals. Emphasizing these characteristics of the “non-innocent” victims reinforces the idea that these individuals precipitated their death, that they were to blame. In cases of sexual assault, society has become less inclined to accept notions of victim precipitation. For example, a Canadian Judicial Council disciplinary panel recommended Provincial Court Justice Robin Camp’s removal from his position due to public outrage at his insinuation that a sexual assault victim should have “just kept her knees together” or positioned her body in a bathroom sink purposefully so as to prevent a penetrative sexual assault (Fine, 2016, 2017). While beginning to be accepted in other crimes in which the bodily integrity of the victim is violated, the inappropriateness of assigning blame to a victim appears to not yet apply to homicide victims. By characterizing the victims in such a way, the media allowed for the identification of something extraordinarily bad—the loss of innocent life—which played on the fears of the public. The use of a problem frame that dichotomized victims and played on the fears of the public prompted calls for policy change to crackdown on gangs.

The problem frame used by the media developed over the course of the S6S reporting to align with developments in the case. According to Altheide (1997), problem frames involve a discourse of blame. We argue that this discourse of blame played a significant role in the changing narratives in the portrayal of the S6S victims. This change in narrative is exemplified by the themes identified through the thematic analysis. From October 2007 until April 2009, when the initial narrative of the “innocent” versus “non-innocent” victims developed, no offenders had been arrested. Police believed that the murders were gang-related and perpetrated by the Red Scorpions, but no one had yet been charged. In essence, there was no one to blame. The substantial number of articles that demanded policy changes to protect innocent victims reflected the fact that there was no identifiable villain. Once the perpetrators were arrested in 2009, demands for policy change ceased almost completely, marking a shift in the problem frame. There was no longer a need for policy change as there was a new solution to the problem. Four Red Scorpions gang members on trial for the worst gangland slaying in BC history provided an unambiguous solution to the problem. The media, through the reporting on the criminal proceedings, illustrated a new tangible solution to the problem.

The shift in the problem frame from focusing on the dichotomy between the “innocent” and “non-innocent” victims and the need to protect the public, to the new problem frame focusing on the offenders, was evident in the final two themes: “gang members don’t have families” and “say their names.” When the trial for two of the four men charged in the S6S began in 2013, there was an increased (albeit slight) inclusion of family member statements by the drug trade–associated victims’ family members. These statements were extremely rare in the weeks and months that followed the murders. At the time of the arrests of the offenders in mid-2009, Corey Lal, Michael Lal, Ryan Bartolomeo, and Eddie Narong are no longer referred to as solely “gang members” or “criminals” or “drug dealers.” Rather, they are referred to by their name as well as a qualifier. The new problem frame, while still dichotomizing the victims, afforded greater victim status to the Lal brothers, Bartolomeo, and Narong. By understanding that media producers seek to develop problem frames that promote fear as a means of presenting events or issues in an entertaining format, one can appreciate how the arrest and criminal court proceedings in the S6S would have prompted a shift in the problem frame. Prior to the arrest and trial of the S6S murderers, fear of crime was emphasized primarily through victim dichotomization. Upon the arrest and trial of the Red Scorpion gang members, the problem frame was able to shift slightly because there was now an identifiable target of “who” to fear, and the media no longer had to rely primarily on victim dichotomization.

Limitations

The first limitation of this study is the subjective nature of the thematic analysis, which is inherently influenced by our own biases and life experiences. While steps were taken to acknowledge any biases present and work with them (i.e., reflexive practices, journaling, and negative case analysis), it is still possible that the findings are researcher-specific.

The second limitation is the use of a single newspaper. Although this limitation must be addressed, there is no reason to believe that the use of the Vancouver Sun influenced the research results in any meaningful way. Of the two major newspapers in the province of BC, the Vancouver Sun is considered a broadsheet newspaper, while the Province is considered a tabloid (The Vancouver Sun, n.d.). Arguably, using the Province as a data source would have served to emphasize the themes identified in this research through that newspaper’s typical use of more sensationalist reporting techniques.

Conclusion

The problem frame developed and utilized by the media during the reporting of the S6S dichotomized victims by drawing on different personal characteristics, promoting policy change that reflected the differences between victims, and the dehumanization and depersonalization of “non-innocent” victims through the exclusion of family statements and the use of qualifiers in place of or in addition to personal names. The media reports of the S6S differentiated between victims by dehumanizing and depersonalizing Corey Lal, Michael Lal, Ryan Bartolomeo, and Eddie Narong as a means of establishing a problem frame or narrative that would be viewed as bad and easily understood by the public. Following the discourse of blame suggested by Altheide (1997), the arrest of four Red Scorpion gang members shifted the problem frame slightly as there was now a tangible enemy to blame for the horrific violence and loss of life that had occurred. This shift allowed for a greater personalization and humanization of the “non-innocent” victims to occur.

By utilizing the techniques previously identified to dichotomize the victims, the media is able to enhance the resonance of the event with the audience members. The more clearly a reader can resonate with a victim, the less distant it becomes and the greater the fear of personal victimization. Fear is generated when a victim is just like “us.” Public response to crime does not exhibit the same level of fear when the victim is different from “us”—and deserving of their fate. The problem frame developed by the media promoted an “us versus them” mentality which draws upon fear of crime among the public and, consequently, enhances the entertainment value of the event. This in-depth analysis expanded on Altheide’s (1997) idea of the problem frame promoting an image of “who” or “what” to fear, to incorporate ideas of the ideal victim and how victim characteristics work to build a problem frame that not only tells the public who or what to fear but also when to fear.

Footnotes

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Author Biographies

Kelsey Gushue is a master’s student in the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser University. Her primary research interests include media representations of crime and youth delinquency. Her most recent work includes an analysis of the presentation of gangs in the media and offending trajectories of adjudicated female offenders. She has published her work in Crime and Delinquency.

Jennifer S. Wong is an associate professor in the School of Criminology at Simon Fraser University. Her work employs applied, quantitative, and qualitative methods to study issues of delinquency/crime prevention and intervention, focusing primarily on evaluation and policy analysis in the areas of crime prevention and crime control policy, with secondary focal areas on risk factors for delinquency, crime, and recidivism, and media representation of crime. Dr. Wong’s recent work includes examining the impact of prior deportation of illegal immigrants on recidivism, the impact of early bully victimization on delinquency, and meta-analyses on gang prevention programs, restorative justice programs for at-risk youth, and victim resistance and injury in sexual assault. Recent publications can be found in Trauma, Violence, and Abuse, Aggression and Violent Behavior, Criminal Justice and Behavior, and Crime and Delinquency.

References

Alonzo

(2007, October 25). A life remembered. The Vancouver Sun, p. B4.

Altheide

D. L.

(1997). The news media, the problem frame, and the production of fear. The Sociological Quarterly, 38, 647-668.

Altheide

D. L.

(2009). The Columbine shootings and the discourse of fear. American Behavioral Scientist, 52, 1354-1370.

Anastasio

P. A.

Costa

D. M.

(2004). Twice hurt: How newspaper coverage may reduce empathy and engender blame for female victims of crime. Sex Roles, 51, 535-542.

Becker

H. S.

(1973). Outsiders: Studies in the sociology of deviance. New York, NY: Free Press.

Blair

(2015). A reflexive exploration of two qualitative data coding techniques. Journal of Methods and Measurement in the Social Sciences, 6(1), 14-29.

Bolan

(2007, October 23). Family mourns an innocent life lost: Slain repairman’s death the “epitome of senselessness.” The Vancouver Sun, p. A1.

Bolan

(2008a, May 31). “Something horrible has happened in 1505”: The worst gangland slaying in B.C. history happened last October in Surrey. Two of the six victims were bystanders. The Vancouver Sun, p. A10.

Bolan

(2008b, June 2). Tactics to curb gang violence promised: Victims’ families press for changes. The Vancouver Sun, p. B1.

10.

Bolan

(2008c, September 4). Some legal guns ending up in criminal hands. The Vancouver Sun, p. A1.

11.

Bolan

(2009a, February 16). Slain gangster remembered: Raphael Baldini rented the Surrey penthouse where six people were killed. The Vancouver Sun, p. A4.

12.

Bolan

(2009b, April 4). Four arrested in Surrey Six slayings: Emotional scene. The Vancouver Sun, p. A3.

13.

Bolan

(2012, May 22). Forum aims to reveal dark side of gang life: The mother of Chris Mohan, a bystander slain in 2007 gangland hit, takes aim at street violence. The Vancouver Sun, p. A4.

14.

Bolan

(2013a, October 1). “Everybody is on the floor”: Building manager at Surrey’s Balmoral Tower testifies about the bloody horrific scene he discovered in Suite 1505 on Oct. 19, 2007. The Vancouver Sun, p. A1.

15.

Bolan

(2013b, October 7). Surrey six victim didn’t deserve to die. The Vancouver Sun, p. A1.

16.

Bolan

(2014a, September 30). Innocuous start to the day that ended in slaughter: Verdict expected Thursday almost seven years after killings. The Vancouver Sun, p. A1.

17.

Bolan

(2014b, October 3). Gangsters face life for massacre of six people: Judge rules three gang members who turned police informants were believable despite their criminal pasts. The Vancouver Sun, p. A1.

18.

Bolan

(2014c, December 13). “A horrific display of wanton violence”: Two Red Scorpion gangsters each receive six life sentences for their parts in Surrey slayings. The Vancouver Sun, p. A4.

19.

Bolan

(2016, September 24). Latest delay sets 2018 trial for accused Surrey Six killer. The Vancouver Sun, p. A4.

20.

Braun

Clarke

(2006). Using thematic analysis in psychology. Qualitative Research in Psychology, 3, 77-101.

21.

Brüggemann

(2014). Between frame setting and frame sending: How journalists contribute to news frames. Communication Theory, 24, 61-82.

22.

Bullock

C. F.

(2007). Framing domestic violence fatalities: Coverage by Utah newspapers. Women’s Studies in Communication, 30, 34-63.

23.

Cohen

(2002). Folk devils and moral panics: The creation of the Mods and Rockers. New York, NY: Routledge.

24.

Ditton

Chadee

Farrall

Gilchrist

Banister

(2004). From imitation to intimidation: A note on the curious and changing relationship between the media, crime and fear of crime. British Journal of Criminology, 44, 595-610.

25.

Dowler

(2004a). Comparing American and Canadian local television crime stories: A content analysis. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 46, 573-596.

26.

Dowler

(2004b). Dual realities? Criminality, victimization, and the presentation of race on local television news. Journal of Crime and Justice, 27, 79-99.

27.

Dowler

Fleming

Muzzatti

S. L.

(2006). Constructing crime: Media, crime, and popular culture. Canadian Journal of Criminology and Criminal Justice, 48, 837-850.

28.

Entman

R. M.

(1993). Framing: Toward clarification of a fractured paradigm. Journal of Communication, 43(4), 51-58.

29.

Estrich

(1987). Real rape. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.

30.

Eustace

(2008, May 12). Every day is just existing. The Vancouver Sun, p. A1.

31.

Fade

S. A.

(2003). Communicating and judging the quality of qualitative research: The need for a new language. Journal of Human Nutrition and Dietetics, 16, 139-149.

32.

Fine

(2016, September 9). The Robin Camp transcript: “. . . keep your knees together” and other key passages. The Globe and Mail. Retrieved from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/the-robin-camp-transcript-keep-your-knees-together-and-other-keypassages/article31807105/

33.

Fine

(2017, March 9). Judge in “knees together” trial resigns after council recommends he be fired. The Globe and Mail. Retrieved from https://www.theglobeandmail.com/news/national/judicial-council-recommends-justice-robin-camp-be-fired/article34249312/

34.

Gamson

W. A.

Croteau

Hoynes

Sasson

(1992). Media images and the social construction of reality. Annual Review of Sociology, 18, 373-393.

35.

Gekoski

Gray

J. M.

Adler

J. R.

(2012). What makes a homicide newsworthy? UK national tabloid newspaper journalists tell all. British Journal of Criminology, 52, 1212-1232.

36.

Gillespie

L. K.

Richards

T. N.

Givens

E. M.

Smith

M. D.

(2013). Framing deadly domestic violence: Why the media’s spin matters in newspaper coverage of femicide. Violence Against Women, 19, 222-245.

37.

Goode

Ben-Yehuda

(1994). Moral panics: Culture, politics, and social construction. Annual Review of Sociology, 20, 149-171.

38.

Graneheim

U. H.

Lundman

(2004). Qualitative content analysis in nursing research: Concepts, procedures and measures to achieve trustworthiness. Nurse Education Today, 24, 105-112.

39.

Gravel

Wong

J. S.

Simpson

(2017). Getting in people’s faces: On the symbiotic relationship between the media and police gang units. Deviant Behavior, 1-17.

40.

Gruenewald

Chermak

S. M.

Pizarro

J. M.

(2013). Covering victims in the news: What makes minority homicides newsworthy? Justice Quarterly, 30, 755-783.

41.

Gruenewald

Pizarro

Chermak

S. M.

(2009). Race, gender, and the newsworthiness of homicide incidents. Journal of Criminal Justice, 37, 262-272.

42.

Hall

(2007, October 24). 4 slain men faced drug, gun charges. The Vancouver Sun, p. A10.

43.

Hansen

(2007a, October 30). What it may take to crack down on gangs. The Vancouver Sun, p. B1.

44.

Hansen

(2007b, November 17). Returning fire: A special team has hit the streets to root out violent criminals who have been terrorizing Metro. The Vancouver Sun, C1.

45.

Meier

R. F.

Miethe

T. D.

(1993). Understanding theories of criminal victimization. Crime and Justice, 17, 459-499.

46.

Mulgrew

(2009, April 6). Gangland charges a triumph for decency. The Vancouver Sun, p. A3.

47.

Ott

B. L.

Aoki

(2002). The politics of negotiating public tragedy: Media framing of the Matthew Shepard murder. Rhetoric & Public Affairs, 5, 483-505.

48.

Pan

Kosicki

G. M.

(1993). Framing analysis: An approach to news discourse. Political Communication, 10, 155-175.

49.

Peelo

(2006). Framing homicide narratives in newspapers: Mediated witness and the construction of virtual victimhood. Crime, Media, Culture: An International Journal, 2, 159-175.

50.

Post Media. (n.d.). The Vancouver Sun. Retrieved from http://www.postmedia.com/brands/

51.

Price

Tewksbury

Powers

(1997). Switching trains of thought: The impact of news frames on readers’ cognitive responses. Communication Research, 24, 481-506.

52.

Richards

T. N.

Gillespie

L. K.

Smith

M. D.

(2014). An examination of the media portrayal of femicide-suicides: An exploratory frame analysis. Feminist Criminology, 9, 24-44.

53.

Rolfsen

(2008, February 4). Faces of mourning: Widow and mother appeal for a change in tracking of known criminals. The Vancouver Sun, p. B1.

54.

Soothill

Peelo

Francis

Pearson

Ackerley

(2002). Homicide and the media: Identifying the top cases in The Times. The Howard Journal, 41, 401-421.

55.

Soothill

Peelo

Pearson

Francis

(2004). The reporting trajectories of top homicide cases in the media: A case study of The Times. The Howard Journal, 43, 1-14.

56.

Taylor

(2009). Slain and slandered: A content analysis of the portrayal of femicide in crime news. Homicide Studies, 13(1), 21-49.

57.

The Vancouver Sun. (n.d.). About us. Retrieved from http://www.vancouversun.com/about-vancouver-sun/aboutus.html

58.

Wolfgang

M. F.

(1957). Victim precipitated criminal homicide. Criminal Law, Criminology, and Police Science, 48, 1-11.