Abstract
The persistence of the nation’s opioid epidemic has called on criminal justice and public health agencies to collaborate more than ever. This epidemiological criminology framework highlights the surveillance of public health and safety, often using data science approaches, to inform best practices. The purpose of our article is to delineate the main benefits and challenges of adopting data science approaches for epidemiological criminology partnerships, research, and policy. We offer “lessons learned” from our opioid research in Delaware and Florida to advise future researchers, especially those working closely with policymakers and practitioners in translating science into impactful best practices. We begin with a description of our projects, pivot to the challenges we have faced in contributing to science and policy, and close with recommendations for future research, public advocacy, and practice.
Introduction
The current U.S. opioid epidemic is now entering its third decade. The Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (2012) established its origin in the late 1990s following increases in opioid prescribing, which expanded to illegal opioids in the late 2010s. The Trump administration declared opioid abuse a public health emergency in 2017 (ONDCP 2020). Drug-related treatment admissions, arrests, and incarceration remain high today (Centers for Disease Control and Prevention, 2020; U.S. Department of Justice, National Institute of Corrections, 2017). The exponential growth in fatal and nonfatal drug overdoses since the 1980s has increased the pressure to find new and effective approaches to address this crisis (Jalal et al., 2018). The popular catch phrase among criminal justice stakeholders—“We can’t arrest our way out of this problem”—reflects a potential shift in policy approaches that enhance collaborations between criminal justice and public health agencies. Efforts include training police to revive people who have overdosed (Banta-Green et al., 2013), creating diversionary programs that send people struggling with addiction to treatment instead of court (Streisel et al., 2019), and adding public health staff to law enforcement agencies to increase communication and intelligence sharing across states (HIDTA Program, 2020).
This public health-criminal justice approach, otherwise called an epidemiological criminology framework (Akers & Lanier, 2009), presents new challenges to the academic–practitioner partnership as research, policies and interventions will invariably have to straddle multiple domains, goals, and expectations. For example, the Department of Health and Human Services (2015) outlined three main initiatives to reduce opioid deaths: decrease unsafe prescribing of prescription (Rx) opioids, distribute naloxone widely, and make medication-assisted treatment (MAT) more readily available across populations, including people in criminal justice settings (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, Office of the Assistant Secretary for Planning and Evaluation, 2015).
To date, improved surveillance has helped law enforcement reduce overprescribing from fraudulent pain management clinics (i.e., pill mills) and diversion activities (U.S. Department of Justice, Drug Enforcement Administration, 2020) and administer naloxone to overdose victims. Correctional officials are making MAT available to prisoners, whereas probation and parole officers are monitoring a higher portion of their clientele in treatment (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration, 2019). The National Institute of Drug Abuse established the Justice Community Opioid Innovation Network (JCOIN) with substantial funding to community public health projects in criminal justice settings to treat and reduce opioid addiction (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, National Institutes of Health, 2019b). To support these efforts, public health and criminal justice agencies need robust surveillance data and have increasingly relied on data science to gain insights and direct resources for this epidemic (National Center for Injury Prevention and Control Board of Scientific Counselors, 2018).
As demands for quick, effective, and data-driven solutions mount, data science technologies are needed for epidemiological criminology studies (Hogle, 2016; Lynch, 2018; Perdue et al., 2018). A working definition of data science highlights that it is an “interdisciplinary field of study that draws on quantitative and analytical processes using large scale and complex data sets” (U.S. Department of Health & Human Services, National Institutes of Health, 2019a). Data science approaches to addressing opioid problems are endorsed at the highest levels of government. For example, the White House, Office of National Drug Control Policy (ONDCP, 2020) is currently building a comprehensive dashboard of opioid-related metrics. Therefore, we argue that data science efforts across research, clinical care, and operations will become ubiquitous in informing solutions to social and public health issues (Fasano, 2013; Krumholz, 2014; Murdoch & Detsky, 2013; Topol, 2013) although specific definitions of “big data” are still debated (Favaretto et al., 2020).
Yet, critical challenges in academic–practitioner partnerships related to redressing public health and criminal justice problems using data science remain. These issues can impede policymakers’ ability to meet their goals and researchers’ work in advancing science. For example, data science methodologies with large administrative data sets can assist surveillance across domains from drug diversion to treatment compliance, but their use is often constrained by staffing expertise, data use policies, data security concerns, agency cooperation, and data quality. Such hindrances may impede not only epidemiological criminology but also the development of best practices common to both disciplines.
The purpose of our article is to delineate the main benefits and challenges of implementing data science approaches to one major social problem: the opioid epidemic. We offer “lessons learned” from our opioid surveillance research in Delaware and Florida to guide future research and translate science into impactful best practices. We focus on epidemiological criminology approaches and partnerships from the perspective of two criminal justice researchers and two epidemiologists. We begin with a description of our projects and then pivot to the challenges we have faced in contributing to science and policy. We close with recommendations for future research, public advocacy, and practice.
Two Case Studies of Data Science Approaches in Opioids, Public Health, and Crime
The two data science–oriented projects addressing the opioid epidemic include the Delaware Opioid Metric Intelligence Project (DOMIP) and the Florida Drug-Related Outcomes Surveillance and Tracking System (FROST). Below, we describe the content, goals, desired outcomes, and current uses of each system. It is, perhaps, worth mentioning that the mere existence of these projects offers important lessons for researchers. Our projects were inspired by an urgent public health crisis, unique to a specific sociocultural and historical context. National shifts to medical approaches to substance use problems, growing enthusiasm in data science technologies, and a more recent outpouring of federal, state, and private sector funding are driving efforts to address the epidemic further. The two projects described are dynamic, but largely reflect this trend.
DOMIP
The DOMIP provides community surveillance capabilities in Delaware to help reduce its opioid and other substance use–related problems (Anderson et al., 2018a). DOMIP triangulates data on overdose deaths, toxicology reports, criminal incidents and arrests, population characteristics, and community resources for two main efforts. First is a user-friendly dashboard called the DOMIP Mapping app (Anderson et al., 2018b). The dashboard contains 7 years (2013–2019) of data for community surveillance and mapping of a wide range of opioid and crime-related metrics, at the U.S. census tract, Zip code, Delaware House District and County levels. Users can select geographic layers to view where overdose deaths are concentrated and plot treatment resources therein. Pop-ups provide additional relevant metrics for chosen areas. Users can also download graphics for tailored purposes. Second, DOMIP permits scientific analysis on hot spots of opioid use consequences and related crime problems as well as statistical analysis to assess patterns, trends, and relationships among the metrics.
The DOMIP project began in 2015 with funding from the National Association of State Controlled Substances Authorities (NASCSA) and the Harold Rogers program of the Bureau of Justice Assistance (BJA). With funding from the National Institute of Justice (NIJ), DOMIP was expanded to 7 years (2013–2019) of data for the dashboard as well as for advanced surveillance, mapping, and scientific analysis (Anderson et al., 2019; Wagner et al., 2019).
FROST
FROST is an integrated data warehouse to support surveillance and promote collaborations between public health and criminal justice agencies (Wang et al., 2020). FROST is updated based on feedback from stakeholder meetings and expert panels. FROST consolidates data from multiple sources and transforms it into a standard format to facilitate the reporting and analytical requirements for surveillance. For instance, FROST analyzes toxicology reports to present the demographic and toxicological characteristics of drug overdose decedents (DuPont, 2018).
FROST’s interactive visualizations are customized based on the data granularity and availability permitted to provide deep insight while protecting data confidentiality. FROST was initially built to track drug-related outcomes in Florida (e.g., drug overdose deaths, controlled substances dispensing records, drug-involved traffic crash reports) but has expanded with national data (e.g., drug submissions in the National Forensic Laboratory Information System) to support federal, state, and local surveillance efforts. Future directions include building a coordination center to facilitate data sharing across workgroups and ad hoc queries capability in a secure environment based on data sharing agreements, user affiliations, and roles.
The FROST project began in 2016 as a research tool for organizing different data sources and disseminating findings. It was supported by two grants from BJA, Office of Justice Programs, and funding from the ONDCP through the South Florida High Intensity Drug Trafficking Area. With new funding from the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA), the FROST will be upgraded to be a national platform to support objectives of the National Drug Early Warning System.
Data Science Challenges in Public Health/Criminal Justice Opioid Efforts
Locating Data and Formulating Agreements
Our projects began by identifying state agencies that tracked relevant information. Data on prescription drug dispensing, calls for police service for overdoses, and fatal drug poisonings are usually collected by distinct state agencies in different branches of government. Sometimes, universities have long-standing research relationships with agencies that provide a pathway to begin the data requesting process (e.g., a research center regularly coordinates with an agency to receive arrest data). Other times, collaborations begin by university researcher–initiated efforts to analyze agency data. Researchers can make a partnership more alluring by completing analyses at a minimal cost, even when they are secondary to primary research questions. In either scenario, finding a statewide data source, rather than making a specific request to a local agency, may improve data coverage. For instance, a city police department might collect police service information, but a centralized state criminal justice information system would amplify the collaboration.
Once data were located, we entered into agreements known as Memoranda of Understanding (MOUs) and/or Data Use Agreements (DUAs) to obtain the desired data. Public health and criminal justice data are usually owned and held by state agencies governed by state and federal laws. Thus, agreements to obtain and use the data must be a priority for researchers. MOUs outline a basic set of expectations between parties and usually include names of the parties involved, a description and scope of the project, and details of each party’s roles and responsibilities. DUAs are more formal as they are typically used for data requests from covered entities under the Health Insurance Portability and Accountability Act (HIPAA) Privacy Rule and must describe how the data will be used and protected. Use of MOUs and DUAs are common in the fields of criminal justice and public health (Lynch, 2018). One salient example of the complexity of these arrangements can be found in the Research Guidance and Procedures document from the Washington/Baltimore HIDTA’s Overdose Detection and Mapping Application (a link can be found
Negotiating MOUs or DUAs begins with bringing state officials, university legal counsel, and research teams to the table. For both DOMIP and FROST, data agreement negotiations were a lengthy process that required coordination between three university parties (i.e., the researchers, the university institutional review board (IRB), and the university legal council) and each state agency that housed a particular type of data sought. Using templates provided by state agencies (see a blank example of a DUA for emergency medical services or EMS data from the Florida Department of Health
Often, contracts with state agencies require consultation with the state attorney general assigned to that agency. For example, DOMIP’s integrated data set requires DUAs and MOUs with different agencies that are uniquely supervised and regulated by the Delaware legislature and the Delaware Attorney General (DAG). Senior research staff worked for approximately 1 year to negotiate the initial agreements, and they had to be renegotiated with the NIJ award. IRB approval for the project also had to be renewed (i.e., established as a separate approved protocol) with each grant funded.
The negotiation of these agreements must be a top priority, and researchers are best advised to work with university legal services to secure them. Researchers should also be prepared to work closely, diligently, and likely for an extended period with state officials. Some agencies require persons having access to data to complete training (e.g., research security and risk management) and to house the data in secure environments and/or submit applications for agency-IRB review. Many researchers, especially early career scholars, are unlikely to have experience negotiating legal contracts or working with agency leadership. Early and responsible consultation with the correct professionals will help ease this process and overcome obstacles. Without proper sensitivity of the legal framework protecting the data, academics’ requests and “cold calls” to agency personnel for data will likely hinder the effort.
Researchers should be mindful that DUAs should clearly specify the scope and terms of the data request (see above links for example documents). Because criminal justice and public health data are sensitive and protected, it is advisable to limit the request to only those data actually needed and to expect expiration dates. For example, in the project that preceded DOMIP, a Business Associate Agreement (BAA) permitted our research team to perform work for a state agency whose data were governed by a specific law. Under the law and a BAA, DOMIP staff could have access to sensitive data when performing work for the state. However, with the NIJ-funded expansion of DOMIP for university research and a public dashboard, the Delaware law prohibited us from the same level of data. The state offered a work-around, but limited the geographic attributes needed to meet DOMIP goals. Thus, the data source was removed. This is an example of how laws and officials governing sensitive data must be considered ahead of time by researchers when developing their projects.
MOUs and other agreements often stipulate how long researchers can have access to the requested data and abide by state requests to destroy or return the information. Agencies can require data destruction when the research is complete (Lynch, 2018). Therefore, researchers may need to re-request data for continued use and replication by others, which are fundamental best practices in science. Researchers should also be aware of university policies to have new IRB protocols approved for each new research concept. IRBs may require new MOUs or DUAs to be in hand before giving approval. This was the case for both DOMIP and FROST.
A related data agreement challenge is maintaining good relationships with state personnel and agencies as staffing and policy landscapes change. This is especially true for projects spanning multiple years with repeated data requests over time. Researchers must adapt to forms of communication preferred by state officials (e.g., phone calls instead of emails or vice-versa) and anticipate slow response times. Research data requests are not often a top priority for state officials or policymakers as the demands of their office prioritize other matters that directly affect constituents. Elections or staff turnover in agencies may stall or change data requests as well as alter the terms of standing agreements. Even so, researchers should not be expected to compromise their independence in pursuit of maintaining good relationships with state agencies.
Data Integration
Single-source data hubs are ideal for epidemiological criminology data science projects (Culhane et al., 2018; Lynch, 2018), but such entities are difficult to find. Thus, research on opioid-related outcomes requires the third-party integration of data sets housed by various government agencies. To comprehensively examine various dimensions of opioid use, researchers must request crime data from law enforcement and criminal justice agencies, death information from vital statistics agencies, controlled substance dispensing data from prescription drug monitoring programs (PDMPs), health condition and expense data from Medicaid programs, sociodemographic and community data from the U.S. Census Bureau, and EMS data, to name a few. Records are rarely collected for cross-agency use or research (Lynch, 2018). Data fields may contain nonintuitive abbreviations, specialized language, or discipline-specific formats. For instance, one agency may have separate fields for a person’s first and last name, whereas another uses a person’s full name and includes a nickname. Operational definitions may also vary across agencies. Overdoses, for example, may refer to a call for service in police data where naloxone is deployed and a hospital admission (regardless of naloxone use) in EMS data. More importantly, officials do not often collect data to meet academic data quality standards. Researchers often need to take records at face value, knowing measurement and validity issues affecting data quality may be present despite stewardship by a respected agency. Understanding these nuances may seem mundane, but they are critical for understanding analytical bias.
Given that many public databases are not designed for data linkages, data integration involves choice and discretion of the researchers. Under ideal circumstances, data linkage at the person level would be error-free with the use of a unique identifier. Even when person names are available, exact matches can be difficult (McCormack & Smyth, 2017). “Fuzzy” links use probability-based predictions of the same person across databases given information like name, sex, race/ethnicity, and age (Ridge, 2014). Each form of matching introduces new types of errors, as researchers cannot always confirm that records from each agency correspond to the same individuals. The consequences of erroneous data linkage can be high in epidemiological criminology research. For example, many PDMPs attempt to identify criminal “doctor shopping” whereby an individual visits multiple health care providers presumably for the purpose of obtaining controlled substances for abuse or diversion. Individuals can obfuscate their names to evade detection, and “doctor shopping” activity could erroneously identify a patient attempting to obtain legitimate prescriptions.
Data integration problems can arise with area-based estimates when agencies aggregate records to geographic units (e.g., census tracts, ZIP codes). Due to concerns for confidentiality, though, agencies and researchers may be unable to report aggregated measures when sample sizes for geographic units are small (Karp et al., 2008). Stronger restrictions on aggregate reporting apply for publicly sharing data. To comply with standards of de-identification, the HIPAA Privacy Rule requires only the first three numbers of a ZIP code should be reported for areas with populations of <20,000 if the underlying data set contains individual-level data and certain information that could potentially reidentify the subject (HIPAA Journal, 2017). Researchers may then lack a complete picture of the geographic variation of opioid problems within a state because estimates for smaller geographic units cannot be reported or merged with other data. A simple search of PubMed, the leading database for biomedical research, on the keywords “3-digit zip” or “three-digit zip” identifies only 19 studies. This simple search suggests that this geographic level may not be amenable to peer-reviewed public health research.
Another issue to consider is how often the data requested will be refreshed. Getting “real-time” data for research projects is often not possible. For example, overdose death data are seldom available in real time because of the lag in determining causes of death from autopsies and toxicology reports. There are also lags with drug-related arrests and incidents. When making data request plans, researchers should consider the typical delays in reporting or finalizing data, especially when the research project uses data from multiple sources. More importantly, refreshing data daily, weekly, or monthly can raise additional security and confidentiality risks and burden agencies and university researchers with additional work from repetitive data feeds. Our experience shows it is best to refresh data as often as security risks and workload can be kept at a manageable level. Quarterly, semi-annual, or even annual data feeds are usually reasonable and permit meaningful research.
Data and Case Security
Although data science approaches to criminal justice and public health issues promise to both advance science and best practices, they confront similar data security challenges faced by other automated systems in banking, retail, and health industries. Electronic transactions with personal data are ubiquitous with modern computer systems. Even as reliance on e-transactions has grown, so too has public distrust of some systems and entities housing its information. For example, a recent study found a growing mistrust of agencies in safeguarding personal data as data breaches mount (Smith, 2017). Thus, researchers must do more to convince data sharing agencies that they can protect individual confidentiality and anonymity.
Well-developed data security plans, which accompany MOUs and DUAs, can help minimize barriers to sharing sensitive data with researchers. All project protocols (e.g., IRB protocols, MOUs, DUAs, and data security plans) should be based in the ethical principles of beneficence, autonomy, and justice or demonstrate that the research has benefits that outweigh risks, involves parties in decision-making, and features reasonable uses of information (Culhane et al., 2018). Such grounding should be included in all aspects of the research, including staffing, MOUs and DUAs, database management, and other research infrastructure.
Our projects contain sensitive data covered by various laws, including 42CFR and 45CFR that regulate protected health information. Our research protocols also required full IRB review and approval. This not only complicated and prolonged the full execution of MOUs and DUAs (Culhane et al., 2018) but also required high-level security systems and protocols to protect the confidentiality and anonymity of the data. For example, DOMIP’s identifiable data are housed on a secure Microsoft OneDrive, accessible only on two computers in a single locked campus office. Access to these computers and the secure drive is granted through biometric identification of “cleared or vetted staff” (i.e., those with current human subjects training, criminal background checks, and signed nondisclosure agreements). A second Microsoft OneDrive contains de-identified data files and is available on personal workstations via secure login by cleared staff.
FROST, on the contrary, is largely a collection of data sets made publicly available by state contributors. The hosting server for FROST is located within the University of Florida’s Academic Health Center (AHC). The AHC is responsible for operating, monitoring, and controlling both mainframe and mid-range systems. Confidentiality is strengthened by physical security limiting server access to authorized information technology (IT) personnel and physical barriers like hardened doors and walls in a hurricane-proof server room. Servers are on a floor of a building with limited access controlled by electronic keypad locks. Access from individual workstations is limited by specifying private internet protocol numbers. AHC also provides backup, archive, and space management functions to ensure data are both secure and retrievable. We note that public health researchers are often affiliated with academic medical centers at major universities, which provide enhanced resources not always available to criminal justice programs.
We use high-level data transport (secure file transfer or encrypted email servers) to receive data files and also utilize robust encryption methods to secure files and protect confidentiality. Although researchers are likely accustomed to developing their own data hubs or systems for research projects they can access for an extended period of time (Lynch, 2018), it may be advisable to adapt to existing data systems if they are available. Culhane et al. (2018) recommend trending toward single data hubs and clearinghouses to access data. Working with existing data hubs may also circumvent problems with competing efforts in progress among siloed state agencies or external entities such as universities, private think tanks, or commercial providers. Thus, criminal justice researchers would be advised to investigate the existence of data hubs and craft their projects within them. These data hubs are populated with data that are standardized and de-identified into an agreed-upon common data model. Common data models used to analyze opioid-related outcomes include the Prescription Behavior Surveillance System (Paulozzi et al., 2015) and the Medicaid Outcomes Distribution Research Network (MODRN; Kennedy et al., 2019).
Finally, researchers must be cognizant of security risks in reporting data. High data granularity is often desirable for meeting goals and advancing science and practice. However, the problem of reidentification of individuals is a security risk that must be considered and prevented. Having knowledge of data thresholds to prevent reidentification is necessary but not sufficient. Data presentation must often follow data suppression protocols to avoid unintended disclosures.
Closely related are precautions to avoid data sharing beyond that stipulated in DUAs. Identifiable or partially identifiable personal health and criminal justice data are difficult to obtain, yet demand is high. Researchers may field requests from others, including agency leadership, to share data in one form or another, but should adhere to rules in DUAs. For example, an external party requested data from DOMIP rather than doing so from the agency steward (and with which we had a DUA). We declined the request.
Following these suggestions and all existing data, guidelines may not, however, prevail in satisfying concerns about personal anonymity and confidentiality. Researchers should be prepared to scale back their data request and/or accept the fields and granularity of data agencies are willing to provide. For example, DOMIP was able to obtain all personal identifiers from data sources for several years, but recently had to accept fewer ones due to agency policy changes. The best advice is to be flexible in requesting data, willingness to meet officials’ requests, and developing a research plan that can accommodate any changes. Researchers should try adhering to robust research designs despite changes imposed by agencies while simultaneously avoiding ad hoc data requests that overextend researchers’ time.
Contributions to Scientific and Policy Knowledge
Academic–practitioner partnerships have advanced scientific and policy knowledge about the opioid epidemic. Over the last 5 years, the FROST and DOMIP collaborations with various state agencies and public officials have contributed to new knowledge. Peterson and colleagues (2016) first noticed significant increases in fentanyl-involved overdoses, sounding calls for greater availability and utilization of naloxone to reverse the effects of opioid poisonings. Data on the cause of deaths from Florida were then combined with evidence from nine other states in a subsequent study (O’Donnell et al., 2017), followed by an in-depth analysis of a carfentanil outbreak in the state. FROST helped reveal that 97% of opioid overdoses were due to fentanyl, and illicit drugs, such as cocaine and heroin, co-occurred in a majority of deaths (57.0% and 51.6% of suspected overdoses). And, using linked data at the individual level, a recent DOMIP study found that policymakers and practitioners may want to reexamine the role of prescribed fentanyl in fentanyl overdose deaths (Anderson et al., 2020).
Both FROST and DOMIP have yielded important findings about community characteristics and demographic groups that can guide policy and interventions. For example, research in Delaware found up to 13-fold variations in census tract population–adjusted overdose death rates, where more socioeconomically disadvantaged areas did not necessarily have the highest rates of drug poisoning fatalities (Wagner et al., 2019). Also, DOMIP researchers found men have higher rates of overdose deaths relative to women due to more involvement with fentanyl and heroin (Eeckhaut et al., 2020). FROST data helped show that increases in opioid prescribing in Florida’s counties were correlated with increases in children removed from the home due to parental drug use (Quast et al., 2018).
Academic/practitioners’ research on PDMPs and prescription drugs has further shown best practices in changing behavior among practitioners and the public. Access to prescription data has allowed for the evaluation of voluntary registration and PDMP use practices. For example, Delcher and colleagues (2017) estimated that about half of licensed pharmacists and one in five physicians in Florida had registered with Florida’s PDMP between 2013 and 2017. PDMP research has also opened up opportunities for evaluating new prescription drug regulations. To illustrate, voluntary withdrawal of propoxyphene from the market following a recommendation by the U.S. Food and Drug Administration resulted in an 84% drop in fatal drug poisonings (Delcher, Wang et al., 2017). Likewise, the federal classification of carisoprodol as a Schedule IV drug decreased dispensing by 19.8% within a 2-year period (Li et al., 2019). Scholarly examinations of PDMPs designed for practitioner use can thus estimate the magnitude and effectiveness of changes in prescription drug policies.
Finally, public health partnerships with law enforcement agencies have informed criminal justice policy and practice. Perez and colleagues (2017) have explored police officers’ perceptions of Florida’s PDMP program, Electronic Florida Online Reporting of Controlled Substance Evaluation Program (E-FORCSE). Survey evidence showed a majority of police officers (64.4%) believed that the PDMP had a positive impact on reducing prescription drug use. There was almost unanimous support (98%) for law enforcement use of the PDMP. Studies on arrests have highlighted that opioid-related possession arrests, in particular those involving Whites, increase in areas with high rates of calls for police service (Donnelly et al., 2019, 2020). These findings underscore opportunities for increased diversion or drug treatment, as police have already begun to respond (through arrests) to known opioid problems in communities.
Conclusions and Future Directions
The opioid epidemic presented new opportunities and challenges for academic–practitioner partnerships based on leveraging data to address drug use problems. Using our experience with externally funded projects on the opioid crisis in Delaware and Florida, we sought to elucidate important lessons for researchers as they apply data science approaches in an epidemiological criminology framework. The potential value of such work to inform policy and shape impactful practices cannot be overstated, as government agencies increasingly adopt best practice models and universities encourage community-engaged and translational research. For example, since we began our work, similar efforts with several comparable goals have taken shape at the state and federal levels, including recent initiatives of the White House (The White House, ONDCP, 2020). Outside our states, data science approaches have shown great utility in addressing opioid abuse and other public health problems. Data science can help identify service gaps in communities through record linkage across systems and assess the consequences of newly adopted criminal justice processing and public health initiatives. More importantly, data science can help de-identify data and organize it on open data portals for public use.
We conclude by summarizing the major takeaways from our projects and offer broad advice for public health and criminal justice partnerships.
Public health and public safety crises require a diverse, multidisciplinary set of solutions.
Joint public health and criminal justice projects can circumvent traditional silos and enhance collaborations.
Funding, in particular federal grants, can make data science projects featuring academic–practitioner partnerships possible.
Federal funding from agencies like BJA, NIJ, and NIDA can jumpstart academic/practitioner projects that may otherwise be difficult to develop. Academics must be entrepreneurial to take advantage of these opportunities and proactive in bringing new parties from various government offices together to share data.
Data science projects seeking to bring together data from different sources will require multiple DUAs and/or MOUs. Security of data—and individual confidentiality—will be the most paramount issue to address.
Data sharing requires negotiations among academics and agency officials. Both parties need to agree on what records will be shared, how results will be disclosed, data expiration dates, and data destruction at the closure of a project. University legal counsel may also weigh in on agreements between agencies and research teams.
Relationships with practitioners must be actively cultivated and sustained.
In data science projects, researchers cannot expect that government data will be provided without question or that analytic work can be conducted in isolation. Trust and respect are vital to these cross-agency research initiatives. Researchers must meet public officials where they are and accept, to a certain degree, the primacy of agency priorities without sacrificing research principles.
Once agencies share their data with research teams, ensuring the proper integration and security of data is not an easy task.
Governmental records were likely designed for internal use by a single agency. Academics must make choices in forging potential linkages across data sets. The ability to share merged data sets depends on government regulations as well as concerns for privacy and confidentiality. Academics must introduce specialized protocols, sharing and transport policies, proper equipment and alternative arrangements to physical spaces, and other measures to ensure data security.
Academics should offer analytical assistance when possible to enhance the value of the relationships with practitioners as well as advance scientific and policy knowledge.
Academics can produce analyses that policymakers do not have the time to complete. Such work can highlight emerging issues and policy impacts. Public tools like dashboards can help put a face to scholarly data integration efforts and provide tangible benefits of visualizing key aspects of a social problem for all to examine.
Still, the practical utility of university-led data science efforts can be contested.
Our data science projects yield new insights on emerging issues in communities over the span of several months or years. Stakeholders prefer to see faster results generated by in-house staff (e.g., crime analysts, epidemiologists). Depending on a state or locality’s priorities, data science projects may not be feasible or desired among public officials. Practitioners might further consider whether data science projects can be sustained internally without the help of academics.
As data from different government agencies become integrated, experts must embrace a multidisciplinary approach in their thinking and efforts to address major societal problems.
The opioid epidemic has been described as the first drug epidemic of the data science era and more epidemics will develop in the future. Today, one of the most prominent features of the COVID-19 pandemic was the development of a centralized data dashboard (Johns Hopkins University, Center for Systems Science and Engineering, 2020). The intersection of COVID-19 and substance use is becoming clearer.
We should expect the formation of epidemiological criminological relationships ahead to improve public health and safety in communities. It is then a priority to train students/scholars to conduct applied and multidisciplinary research, communicate with practitioners about the benefits of cross-agency and cross-institutional collaborations, and develop a working knowledge of what effective public health–criminal justice relationships look like.
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
