Effect of Racial Discrimination Activated at Teacher–Student Interaction Context on Academic Self-Efficacy: A Latent Transition Analysis

Abstract

This study uses latent transitional analysis to examine the longitudinal association between racial discrimination and academic self-efficacy in teacher–student interactions. Two levels of teacher–student interactions are examined: low-risk, in which students perceive no probability of racial discrimination, and high-risk, in which students perceive probability of racial discrimination. Participants were drawn from the Maryland Adolescent Development in Context Study (N = 574: 202 White and 372 Black, mean age = 13.64 [SD = .42]). Findings revealed that students perceiving no racial discrimination, regardless of sociodemographic factors, showed consistently strong positive academic self-efficacy as they transitioned from lower to higher grade levels compared with those perceiving racial discrimination. Accounting for racial discrimination, there were no differences in academic self-efficacy beliefs between Black and White students. Students’ perceived racial discrimination in teacher–student interactions impacted negatively on academic self-efficacy.

Keywords

racialized theory teacher–student interactions academic self-efficacy schools student perceptions

Introduction

A substantial body of work links teacher–student interactions to students’ psychosocial development, academic engagement, and performance (Allen et al., 2021; Chhuon & Wallace, 2014; Coleman-King et al., 2021; Ettekal & Shi, 2020; Lowenstein et al., 2015; Oda et al., 2021; Wang & Eccles, 2013). Academic outcomes, in particular, learning motivation, higher academic self-efficacy, test scores, grades, and long-term educational persistence, as perceived by students, have been linked to secure positive teacher–student interactions (Coleman-King et al., 2021; Davis et al., 2014; Hughes & Cao, 2018; Ibrahim et al., 2021). Teacher–student interactions refer to ongoing engagements between teachers and students in the immediate classroom and through various instruction, pedagogical, and learning practices. These interactions serve as a critical pathway through which the school’s social, material, cultural, and psychological help are made available and accessible to students (Bronfenbrenner & Morris, 2006; Chhuon & Wallace, 2014). When teacher–student interactions are positive, they foster a teaching and learning context where all students feel safe, valued, respected, and connected (Banerjee et al., 2018; Chhuon & Wallace, 2014; Lewis & Diamond, 2015; T. K. Y. Wong et al., 2019). Racialized minority students benefit from positive teacher–student interactions in that they experience more favorable psychosocial (e.g., sense of belonging, self-efficacy, self-worth, positive mental health) and academic (e.g., grades, test scores, high school completion, and college enrollment) outcomes (Davis et al., 2014; Ettekal & Shi, 2020; Ibrahim et al., 2021; Parsons, 2008). Conversely, negative teacher–student interactions have shown negative impacts on students’ indicated by aggressive behavior, depression, and disciplinary infractions (Biag, 2016; Cauley et al., 2017; Ettekal & Shi, 2020). Therefore, examining students perceived probability of racial discrimination via teacher–student interactions is important to understand how to improve academic self-efficacy and foster students’ engagement. We contribute to the existing literature by emphasizing the critical role of teacher–student relationships as a key mechanism to the development of academic self-efficacy and the role of racism in shaping the nature of the teacher–student interaction to affect academic self-efficacy.

In a race-conscious society like the United States where schools serve as a microcosm to sustain racial contracts that uphold White racial worldview (Byron & Roscigno, 2019; Diamond, 2006; Feagin, 2020; Gee & Hicken, 2021; Mills, 2015), students of color, especially Black students, are at higher risk of experiencing racial discrimination when interacting with teachers (Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Lewis & Diamond, 2015). In this study, we examine the extent to which students’ racial discrimination experiences through teacher–student interactions may undermine students’ academic self-efficacy over time. More specifically, we investigate whether students who perceive racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers differ in their reported academic self-efficacy compared with those who do not perceive racial discrimination in their engagement with teachers. By framing teachers as potential mediators by which racism impacts students’ academic self-efficacy, we seek to direct attention away from teachers, who are often seen as the source of racial discrimination and view them instead as actors participating in processes and practices grounded in racialized meanings.

Academic self-efficacy—judgment in ones capabilities to learn or perform academic-related tasks despite adversities to achieve successful academic goals—is an important mechanism for understanding youth psychosocial and academic well-being (Bandura et al., 1996; Basili et al., 2020; Cattelino et al., 2019; Kyere et al., 2021). Research has shown self-efficacy predicts and protects youth from internalizing (e.g., depression, anxiety, and sadness) and externalizing (e.g., aggressive and delinquent) behaviors (Rocchino et al., 2017). Positive teacher–student engagement is central to the development of children and youth’s self-representation of their abilities (Banerjee et al., 2018; Cvencek et al., 2018; Wallace & Munter, 2019).

However, because the K–12 educational landscape is a racialized context where educational structures, practices, and processes uphold White superiority (Feagin, 2020; Kohli et al., 2017; Matias & Rucker, 2018), teacher–student interactions confer more resources on White students more than students of color (Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Feagin, 2020; Lewis & Diamond, 2015). Many scholars have argued that the United States is a racialized social system that operates to actualize a worldview that upholds the superiority and deservingness of individuals socially ascribed as and socialized to be White in their meaning-making processes through interconnected racialized organizations (e.g., school, employment) and cultural processes and practices (Bonilla-Silva, 2001; Byron & Roscigno, 2019; Feagin, 2020; Gee & Hicken, 2021; Mills, 2015; Ray, 2019; Wooten, 2019). In this regard, because the White racial worldview orients its agents to misrecognize and dehumanize all that is outside its framing (Lipman, 1998; O’Connor, 2020), educators operating by the rules and processes of the school, despite their good intentions, may uphold practices and beliefs related to behaviors, attitudes, motivations, expectations, and abilities of students that are less likely to recognize the multiple social and cultural assets students of color bring to the learning context of the classroom (Carter, 2008a, 2008b; Lewis & Diamond, 2015; Sankofa et al., 2023; Yosso, 2005). Race affects teacher–student relationships such that teachers are more likely to report conflicting relationships with students of color, especially African American students (Spilt & Hughes, 2015; Zaccor, 2018).

Although skin color is an important mechanism in the racialization process, our use of race-related meanings in this article go beyond mere skin color. Scholars have shown that race is not all about purely the demographic characteristics of teachers and students. Instead, the use of race refers to a dynamic interaction, in a context shaped by constant framing and practices about and around different racial group members that influence perceptions of and produce consequences in relation to who is deserving and who is not, who is capable, and who is not, who is threatening and who is not, and whose learning style is preferred and coheres with White racial views and whose is not (Croom, 2020; Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Lipman, 1998; Sankofa et al., 2023; Wallace & Munter, 2019).

Although in the United States, White racial view and the institutions as well as practices that persist it, including education, have structural and historical roots (P. L. Carter, 2018; Feagin, 2020; Mills, 2015), this worldview is activated and practiced at the interpersonal levels of social relations to generate inequities that pattern disparities in individual and group outcomes (Byron & Roscigno, 2019; P. L. Carter, 2018; Deitz & Meehan, 2019; Ray, 2019; Rosa & Díaz, 2020). In schools, the teacher–student engagement is one critical mechanism by which racial views that sustain White racial worldview can be translated through teachers toward students, leading to differential characterization and treatment of students who deviate from White racial views and generating disparities in educational outcomes (Diamond & Lewis, 2019; McKown & Weinstien, 2008; Voight et al., 2015). Such disparities disproportionately affect the educational experience and outcomes of students of color, such as Black youth (Banerjee et al., 2018; Kyere et al., 2020; Verkuyten et al., 2019).

Theoretical Framework

Drawing on the theory of racialized organization (Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Ray, 2019), this article argues that schools—as organizations nested within the racialized state—are mezzo-level actors in the production and reproduction of inequities (Byron & Roscigno, 2019; Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Ray, 2019; Wooten & Couloute, 2017). This theory asserts that in the United States, schools, as organizations, are constitutive of racialized structures and institutions. As racialized organizations, schools structure and provide opportunities for the enactment of processes and practices that privilege and ensure the persistence of White dominance over non-Whites (Feagin, 2020). A theory of racialized organization would suggest that schools are, therefore, critical contexts for the strategic use of racialized meanings by actors inhabiting them (Embrick & Moore, 2020; Smith, 2019,; Ray, 2019). As such, all those operating in schools, Whites and people of color, are influenced by and influence the racialized character of schools through the utilization of racial logics to achieve the goals of the racialized organization, which has traditionally privileged White and middle-class cultural orientation (Carter Andrews, 2012; Diamond & Gomez, 2004; Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Feagin, 2020; Smith, 2019).

In this way, teachers’ racialized attitudes illustrate larger structural racism, which both informs and is reinforced by the racial discriminatory attitudes and practices of teachers (Castagno, 2014; DuRocher, 2011; Feagin, 2020; Sleeter, 2017; Vaught & Castagno, 2008; Yacovone, 2022). In other words, when educators demonstrate racist behaviors or actions, they are enacting and recreating existing meanings coded into school structural processes and practices that are embedded within the larger society. Racialized orientation that upholds White racial worldview shapes routinized interactions between educators and students to affect interactive decisions that determine the availability and accessibility of material as well as social resources (e.g., teacher expectations and psychological and cultural connectedness) to groups differentially within the school (Diamond & Lewis, 2019; McKown & Weinstien, 2008; O’Connor, 2020; Voight et al., 2015). This process, in turn, affects the development of self-belief theories about self-efficacy, the utility value of achievement, and actual behavioral engagement (Chhuon & Wallace, 2014; Kyere et al., 2020; Morris et al., 2020; Verkuyten et al., 2019).

Examining Effects and Patterns in the Literature

A review of the literature reveals evidence suggestive of the racialized character of schools that privilege White framing. Scholars have shown how structural racism operates through educational practices such as tracking, zero tolerance, and exclusionary discipline practices, compensatory and special education initiatives implemented by educators to link educational resources to produce and reproduce racial inequities in educational experiences and outcomes (P. L. Carter et al., 2017; Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Erickson, 2016; Kyere et al., 2020; Lipman, 1998). When educators execute these practices, they are creating and reinforcing an already existing racialized meaning within the school, which is also nested in the larger racialized society (Sleeter, 2017; Vaught & Castagno, 2008; Yacovone, 2022). It has been argued that in a racialized organization (in this case, a school), all actors (teachers in particular) are participants in the racial affair (Ray, 2019; Rosa & Díaz, 2020). Actors’ participation may either reproduce or challenge racial hierarchies. In this racialized context, where White framing orients the teaching workforce, the behaviors and learning styles of students of color that do not align with and often work to resist or disengage from Whiteness are penalized (Feagin, 2020; Lewis & Diamond, 2015; Lipman, 1998; Sankofa et al., 2023).

This is particularly so for educators, regardless of racial status, because of the pervasive nature of the racial character of the school, which is designed to systematically privilege White worldview under the notion of racial neutrality or colorblindness (Feagin, 2020; Lipman, 1997; Lewis & Diamond, 2015; Matias & Rucker, 2018). As the racial character of the school orients educators and school personnel to implement racialized norms related to Whiteness, some scholars have argued that the school becomes a risk context for students of color, especially African American students (Dumas, 2014; Lipman, 2013; Sankofa et al., 2023). Teacher–student interaction may be an important proximal context where students may perceive their racial otherness that shapes their schooling experiences and outcomes (Banerjee et al., 2018; Verkuyten et al., 2019).

Overall, from the theory of racialized organizations, we argue that schools, as mezzo-level organizations nested within a racialized society, are critical settings to couple processes and practices of structural racism with school resources to entrench or sustain racial inequities to produce disparities in students’ educational experiences and outcomes. The teacher–student interaction is one key mechanism to assess the operation of structural racism in generating differential educational experiences and outcomes with implications for persistent inequities in psychosocial (e.g., academic self-efficacy, school bonding, expectations for performance) and achievement (e.g., grade, graduation, and college enrollment).

In the current study, we hypothesized that (a) students who perceived racial discrimination when interacting with their teacher would be associated with lower academic self-efficacy 3 years later compared with those who did not perceive such encounters controlling for sociodemographics. (b) Based on the literature that the educational system is designed to uphold a White racial worldview, we hypothesized that by controlling for sociodemographic factors and the act of racial discrimination in teacher–student interaction, there would be no difference in self-efficacy between African American and White students.

Method

Participants

Participants were drawn from the Maryland Adolescent Development in Context Study (MADICS). This was a longitudinal study of youth and their caregivers in an ethnically and socioeconomically diverse urban county on the East Coast of the United States. Data were collected between 1991 and 2000, using both face-to-face survey interviews and self-administered questionnaires. The current study used data from Wave 3, which were collected in the summer following eighth grade when youth were transitioning into ninth grade (mean age was 13.64), and Wave 4, which corresponds to the summer following 11th grade (mean age was 17.4) were used in this study. Among them, African American and White students were selected for this study with a sample of 574 participants (202 Whites and 372 African Americans). This study was deemed to be exempt from human subjects review by the researchers’ university’s institutional review board because all data were deidentified.

Measures

The questionnaire included demographic information, such as gender, race/ethnicity, age, and parents’ income. Both race/ethnicity and gender were dichotomously coded: 0 for White and 1 for African American; 0 for female and 1 for male. Family income: Total family income was assessed by the primary caregiver’s self-reported income taken in Wave 1 question that asked, “From all sources of income, tell me your total family income before taxes?” Responses were then coded on a 21-anchor range scale of $5,000 increments, beginning with “Under $5,000” and ending with “More than $100,000.

The teacher discrimination scale that was developed by the MADICS study team (see Eccles et al., 2006; C. A. Wong et al., 2003) consisted of five items: (a) teachers call on you because of your race (call), (b) teachers grade you harder because of your race (grade), (c) you got disciplined because of your race (disciplined), (d) teachers think you are less smart because of your race (smart), and (e) teachers discourage you from taking certain classes because of your race (classes). The items were rated within a 5-point Likert-type scale ranging from 1 = never to 5 = every day, with Cronbach’s alpha of .88.

The academic self-efficacy scale (Eccles et al., 2006) measured students’ perception of their capabilities in mathematics and other academic subjects with/without comparison with their peers. Four questions that assessed academic self-efficacy measure were: (a) How good are you in math (math)? (b) How good are you in other subjects (others)? (c) Compared with others, how do you do in math (comparemath)? and (d) Compared with others, how do you do with other school subjects (compareothers)? Responses were rated on 7-point Likert-type scales ranging from not at all good to very good, and much worse than others to much better than others do. Cronbach’s alpha was .82. The maximum total score was 28, while the average score was 21.32 (SD = 4.19). In the previous study (Kyere et al., 2023), both teacher discrimination and academic self-efficacy were replicated and confirmed by using exploratory factor analysis (EFA) and confirmatory factor analysis (CFA).

Analysis

Latent profile analysis (LPA) was first administered to identify subpopulations within a population based on a teacher discrimination scale. Multiple indices, such as log-likelihood value; Akaike information criterion (AIC; Akaike, 1988); Bayesian information criterion (BIC; Schwarz, 1978); adjusted BIC (ABIC; Sclove, 1987); entropy; and Lo, Mendell, and Rubin likelihood ratio test (LRT) (Lo et al., 2001), were performed to determine the fit of the LPA models. In this manner, we identified latent classes at Wave 3 and Wave 4, respectively, and examined the latent class and its change at the end of an episode via latent transition analysis (LTA). The LTA model, in specific, is an extension of LPA that tracks different latent classes’ movement over time. The primary parameters of interest in the LTA model were transition probabilities based on the estimated model. For example, were the likelihood of a participant who belonged to a group more likely to perceive racial discrimination when interacting with a teacher or the other group less likely to perceive racial discrimination in interaction with a teacher? Analysis of covariance (ANCOVA) was conducted to examine difference between the latent class transition of the probability of a student perceiving racial discrimination or not via teachers and academic self-efficacy controlling for the previous self-efficacy score. All the analyses were conducted using Mplus Version 7 and SPSS 26.

Results

The LPA model yielded two subgroups of teacher–student interactions in the classroom. One subgroup where the probability of students perceiving racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers is low was conceptualized as a low-risk context. The other subgroup where the probability of students perceiving racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers is high was conceptualized as a high-risk context. The results from the AIC, BIC, ABIC, entropy, and bootstrap likelihood ratio test (BLRT) indicated that the two waves (eighth and 11th graders) of the data were a good fit for these two subgroups. With similarity in students’ perception of racial discrimination in interaction with teachers, the bootstrap parametric LRT, having a p value of .00, indicated that the two-class solution was better than the one- and three-class solutions (see Table 1). As shown in Figure 1A, 84.8% of the participants belonged to the first class (low-risk subgroup), and 15.2% belonged to the second class (high-risk subgroup). Figure 1B also shows that 89% of the participants belonged to the first class, and 11% belonged to the second class.

Table 1.

Latent Profile Model Fit Indices Showing the Activation of Discrimination at Teacher–Student Context.

Number of free parameters	Number of classes
	1	2	3	4
	10	16	22	28
Wave 3
Loglikelihood	−3,856.89	−3,024.11	−2,819.93	−2,462.96
AIC	7,733.78	6,080.22	5,683.86	4,981.92
BIC	7,777.28	6,149.83	5,779.58	5,103.75
ABIC	7,745.54	6,099.04	5,709.74	5,014.86
Entropy		0.98	0.97	1.00
LRT		1,622.964**	397.92	695.68
Wave 4
Loglikelihood	−2,911.92	−2,064.83	−1,829.37	−1,398.39
AIC	5,843.84	4,161.65	3,702.73	2,852.78
BIC	5,886.61	4,230.08	3,796.82	2,972.53
ABIC	5,854.87	4,179.29	3,726.98	2,883.65
Entropy		0.99	0.99	1.00
LRT		650.37**	458.74	835.61

Note. AIC = Akaike information criterion; BIC = Bayesian information criterion; ABIC = adjusted BIC; LRT = likelihood ratio test.

p < .05. **p < .01. ***p < .001.

Figure 1.

(A) Teacher Discrimination in Two Classes at Wave 3, Sample Proportions, and Estimated Probabilities. (B) Teacher Discrimination in Two Classes at Wave 4, Sample Proportions, and Estimated Probabilities.

The likelihood of students in a class membership can be identified based on LTA (Figure 2). These probabilities described movement between the two subgroups of teacher–student interaction with a low or high probability of racial discrimination through teachers toward students from the perspective of students. In total, 93.6% of students who perceived low racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers during eighth grade (Wave 3) maintained such perception when interacting with teachers during 11th grade (Wave 4). However, 34.1% of youth who perceived high racial discrimination through teachers during eighth grade maintained the same perception in their engagement with teachers during 11th grade. We conducted an ANCOVA model to identify any statistical difference between latent class membership changes and academic self-efficacy based on latent class transitions with dummy coding where students’ movement from a high to a low probability of experiencing racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers represents negative to positive (NP) interaction; movement from a low to a high-probability of experiencing racial discrimination in students’ interaction with teachers represents positive to negative (PN) interaction; stability within teacher–student interaction where the probability of a student experiencing discrimination in interaction with teachers was high was viewed as remaining in the negative (NN) interaction; stability within teacher–student interaction with a low probability of students perceiving racial discrimination was viewed as remaining in positive (PP) interaction.

Figure 2.

Final Class Counts for the Latent Class Patterns Based on Their Most Likely Latent Class Patterns. Numbers in Circles Refer to the Number of Youth in Each Class.

Table 2 presents that there was a significant difference in the academic self-efficacy among latent class transitions after controlling for the previous self-efficacy, F(3, 487) = 4.36, p = .001. Racial status, gender, and income did not show any statistical differences after controlling for perceived racial discrimination in teacher–student interactions (see Table 2). Table 3 summarizes the results of pairwise comparisons that identified significant differences in academic self-efficacy between students who consistently perceived low discrimination in their interaction with teachers (PP) and those who moved from high to low perceived racial discrimination in interaction with teachers (NP[mean difference = 1.18]). The difference in reported academic self-efficacy was also observed between students who consistently perceived low discrimination in their interaction with teachers (PP) and those who consistently perceived high discrimination in their interaction with teachers (NN) from eighth grade to 11th grade (mean difference = 2.28). Students who perceived low discrimination in their interaction with teachers at eighth grade but high discrimination in their interaction with teachers at 11th grade (PN) presented higher academic self-efficacy than those who perceived high racial discrimination at eighth grade but low racial discrimination via teachers at 11th grade (NP[mean difference = 0.25]) and those who perceived high racial discrimination via teachers at both eighth and 11th grades (NN[mean difference = 1.35]), although the differences were not statistically significant. In summary, the result indicated a statistical difference in the latent class transitions. Students remaining in the low-risk subgroup, where the probability of perceiving racial discrimination through their interaction with teachers was low, showed higher scores of academic self-efficacy than those in the high-risk subgroup, where the probability of perceiving racial discrimination via teacher interaction was high in both the waves. The effect size for LTA is small: partial eta squared (η²) = 0.03.

Table 2.

Results of ANCOVA to See Impacts of Latent Class Transition on the Acdemic Self-Efficacy.

Source	Type III sum of squares	df	Mean square	F	η²
Corrected model	2,176.88^a	21	103.66	8.36***	0.26
Intercept	1,813.65	1	1,813.65	146.25***	0.23
Latent class transition	162.24	3	54.08	4.36**	0.03
Race	2.54	1	2.54	0.20	0.00
Gender	4.67	1	4.67	0.38	0.00
Income	98.14	15	6.54	0.53	0.02
Academic self-concept at the lower grade	1,564.95	1	1,564.95	126.20***	0.21
Error	6,039.16	487	12.40
Total	220,017.00	509
Corrected total	8,216.04	508

Note. ANCOVA = analysis of covariance.

R² = .26 (adjusted R² = .23). *p < .05; **p < .01; ***p < .001.

Table 3.

Pairwise Comparison Based on Estimated Marginal Means.

Latent class transitions		Mean difference	SE	95% confidence interval for difference^a
Latent class transitions		Mean difference	SE	Lower bound	Upper bound
PP	PN	0.92	0.72	−0.49	2.33
	NP	1.18*	0.56	0.07	2.28
	NN	2.28*	0.75	0.81	3.74
PN	PP	−0.92	0.72	−2.33	0.49
	NP	0.25	0.86	−1.43	1.94
	NN	1.35	0.98	−0.58	3.29
NP	PP	−1.18*	0.56	−2.28	−0.07
	PN	−0.25	0.86	−1.94	1.43
	NN	1.10	0.88	−0.63	2.83
NN	PP	−2.28*	0.75	−3.74	−0.81
	PN	−1.35	0.98	−3.29	0.58
	NP	−1.10	0.88	−2.83	0.63

Note. PP = positive; PN = positive to negative; NP = negative to positive; NN = negative.

Adjustment for multiple comparisons: least significant difference (equivalent to no adjustments).

The mean difference is significant at the .05 level.

Discussion

Prior work has shown that the teacher–student interaction is an important pathway to foster the development of academic self-efficacy, a key mechanism for understanding students’ academic performance and attainment outcomes (Coleman-King et al., 2021; Cvencek et al., 2018; Wallace & Munter, 2019). However, because schools are nested within the racialized landscape of the U.S society, whereby racial meanings that uphold White supremacy shape the processes and practices that orient teachers’ interactions with students, teachers may be racially discriminatory in their interactions with students who deviate from the culture of whiteness. More specifically, the racial character of schools (Smith, 2019) may operate to orient educators to favor beliefs, attitudes, learning styles, and culturally desirable characteristics of students that are grounded in Whiteness over those of students who do not exhibit such White racial worldviews (Delale-O’Connor et al., 2020; Matias & Rucker, 2018; Sankofa et al., 2023). We examined the extent to which students’ perceived racial discrimination in their interactions with teachers in the classroom shapes the development of academic self-efficacy longitudinally. We hypothesized that (a) students perceiving racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers would be associated with lower academic self-efficacy 3 years later compared with those who did not perceive racial discrimination in their engagement with teachers, controlling for sociodemographics. (b) There would be no differences in academic self-efficacy between African American and White students when the act of discrimination via teachers and sociodemographic factors are controlled.

Although the majority of the sample participants reported low perceived racial discrimination in their engagement with teachers, our findings did support the hypotheses. As shown in Table 2, there was a significant difference in our sample participants’ academic self-efficacy between students perceiving racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers and those perceiving low or no racial discrimination when interacting with teachers. This difference remained after controlling for sociodemographic factors (e.g., gender, racial status, and income) and lower grade-level self-efficacy.

More specifically, we observed that compared with students who reported perceiving racial discrimination via teachers in both eighth and 11th grades, those who reported that they perceived no racial discrimination via teachers were positively and significantly associated with academic self-efficacy controlling for eighth-grade self-efficacy as well as sociodemographic variables (see Table 2). This is consistent with prior works (Coleman-King et al., 2021; Chhuon & Wallace, 2014; Cvencek et al., 2018; Lowenstein et al., 2015; Oda et al., 2021; Sankofa et al., 2023; Wang & Eccles, 2013). This finding suggests that positive teacher–student interactions, where students perceive no or low racism, can benefit students of diverse sociodemographic characteristics. Attention to the critical role of the teacher–student relationship that decenters whiteness can foster the development of theories of self-beliefs, including academic self-efficacy among students, regardless of race, gender, and socioeconomic background. In addition, the finding that those students who perceived no racial discrimination via teachers in eighth grade but perceived racial discrimination via teachers in 11th grade (PN) reported improved academic self-efficacy than those who perceived racial discrimination via teachers in eighth grade but perceived no racial discrimination via teachers in 11^th grade (NP) suggests that the trauma associated with racial discrimination can have lasting effects. Although this was not statistically significant, it suggests that proactive measures that ensure that youth are insulated from racism early in their development can support the academic self-efficacy than reactive responses to racism in teacher–student interactions.

Regarding our second hypothesis, the ANCOVA results revealed that African American students’ academic self-efficacy was similar to that of White students controlling for gender, income, previous academic self-efficacy, and the act of racial discrimination through teachers toward students; this relationship was not significant. In prior work, being White and a female was significantly associated with reading efficacy, and White and male were significantly linked with math efficacy compared with Blacks and Hispanics (Bécares & Priest, 2015). Similarly, African American students were associated with lower science academic efficacy compared with Whites (Britner & Pajares, 2001). Thus, examining subject-specific, rather than general academic, efficacy relative to race may present a different result of the nature of the relationships between being African American and academic self-efficacy than what we did observe in the current study.

From the theory of racialized organization, the observed nonsignificant difference in academic self-efficacy between African American and White students in the current study may suggest that race goes beyond mere skin color to racialized meanings sustaining White racial views that shape the dynamics of teacher–student interactions to advantage certain groups while disadvantaging others (Croom, 2020; Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Sankofa et al., 2023; Wallace & Munter, 2019). Therefore, if those racialized views and how they shape teacher-students interactions are accounted for, African American students, just like their White counterparts, likely have a positive sense of themselves relative to their abilities to excel academically. Thus, the implicit and explicit narratives constructed about individuals of different racial categories are important to understand differential racialized experiences. In particular, the processes and practices by which such narratives structure organizations, such as schools, and are enacted to direct teacher–student’s interactions are critical to understanding how racial meanings that privilege White racial worldviews are normalized, making non-White worldviews abnormal. Such understanding is needed to inform school structures, processes, and practices that decenter White racial worldview, and orient teachers to promote a school climate whereby teacher–student interactions serve as a supportive context to foster the psychosocial and academic well-being of multiracial students.

Implications

Overall, the current findings reveal a strong and persistent positive association between academic self-efficacy and students who perceive low or no racial discrimination in interaction with their teachers compared with the academic self-efficacy of those students who perceive racial discrimination in their interaction with teachers. In addition, after accounting for the acts of discriminatory practices and behaviors enacted via teachers toward students, differences in academic self-efficacy between African American and White students may reduce or are eradicated. These findings are important for research, practice, and policy. From the theory of racialized organizations (Diamond & Lewis, 2019; Ray, 2019; Smith, 2019), although students may perceive racial discrimination directly from teachers, given that racial ideologies are not biological traits, teachers may be executing racial norms and practices coded into school’s structure, policies, and processes aimed at upholding White supremacy (DuRocher, 2011; Sleeter, 2017; Vaught & Castagno, 2008; Yacovone, 2022). In other words, teachers exist within and mediate racialized structures, interpret these structures, and create meanings that direct behaviors (Leonardo, 2013; Vaught, 2011). Therefore, when teachers are cast as the source of racial discrimination instead of as mediators in the racialization process, it masks and distorts our justice efforts away from the structures of White supremacy behind educational policies and practices that teachers are expected to execute in the post-Brown vs. Board of Education era. It is projected that students from racial-ethnic backgrounds will make up 65% of the K–12 education system by 2060 (Rivas-Drake & Umaῆa-Taylor, 2019). These K–12 demographic dynamics suggest that an educational climate that orients educators to practices and processes decoupled from whiteness is critical to preparing diverse youth for the future vitality and health of the U.S. society. Therefore, future research that identifies school climates that foster positive teacher–student interactions where White racial framing is displaced is urgently needed to inform practice. In addition, given that racist ideas are not genetic but socially designed and encoded into processes and practices with historical and structural root (Vaught & Castagno, 2008; Yacovone, 2022), there is a need for more future research that identifies, targets, and disrupts the processes by which they are embodied and expressed through teachers to affect students.

From a practice standpoint, administrators and educators, as well as other helping professionals such as social workers who ensure school culture that deactivates racialized meanings that uphold White supremacy and foster positive race relationships for all students, are likely to positively influence the development of strong academic self-efficacy of students, regardless of race, gender, and income background. One way by which the teacher–student relationship can be structurally shaped to deactivate White racial worldviews is equity in the expression of teacher expectations to students across racial groups. According to McKown and Weinstien (2008), inequities in teacher expectations by race can lead to the unequal development of academic self-efficacy to persistent disparities in educational outcomes through three causal pathways: (a) Teachers may provide higher quality instruction to students from groups they have higher expectations for. The higher expectation, in turn, affords students high-quality instruction that prepares them adequately. (b) Students for whom expectations are high may perceive themselves to have higher academic self-efficacy and perform to meet the expectations. (3) In the presence of lower expectations, students who may be racially stereotyped (e.g., intellectually inferior) may experience increased susceptibility to negative expectancy effect. A school climate that orients and supports teachers to regard all students as capable of learning and achieving academic goals is an important step to ensure that teachers execute teaching and learning practices that consider the distinct characteristics and cultural assets that students from diverse racial and ethnic backgrounds bring to the teacher–student interactions in the classroom (Sankofa et al., 2023; Wallace & Munter, 2019; Yosso, 2005).

Limitations

First, the data used for the current analysis were collected in 1993 and 1998 in a single county in the northeastern part of the United States. It is possible emerging nuances by which schools, as racialized organizations, shape teachers’ interactions with students were not captured by students at the time. The generalization of the findings, therefore, should be done with caution. Future studies should use a nationally representative sample to investigate students’ current perception of racial discrimination and how they perceive it in their interaction with teachers.

Second, from our theoretical framework, teachers’ perception of how their interactions with students are shaped by school structures, processes, and rules is important to understand schools’ racialization process to uphold White supremacy that is mutually reinforced through the mediational role of teachers (Vaught, 2011; Vaught & Castagno, 2008). However, our data did not capture teachers’ perspectives of the school processes and structures within which they interact with students. Future studies that measure both teachers’ and students’ perspectives of how their interactions are shaped by structural forces will be important to move the field forward relative to the way school climate that is decoupled from White racial worldview can affect students’ experiences and outcomes through teachers. Finally, the current study examined the association between students’ general academic efficacy and perceived racial discrimination in their interactions with teachers in the classroom. Prior work suggests that investigating academic self-efficacy in relation to a specific subject (e.g., math, reading, and science) may present a more meaningful relationship. Future research which examines this would help to tailor specific interventions that target subject-specific self-efficacy.

Conclusion

Notwithstanding the limitations, the current study suggests that although students may perceive teachers’ actions to be racially discriminatory, which can affect their educational experiences and outcomes, there is the need to rethink teachers as the source of racial discrimination to mediators or actors who are executing structural processes and practices. Given that race is a social construction, not an inherent genetic trait of an individual, rooted in racist ideas that are historically and structurally designed with adaptive features to shape contemporary organizational processes and practices as well as social relations in mutually reinforcing ways (Byron & Roscigno, 2019; Croom, 2020; Feagin, 2020; Ray, 2019; Rosa & Díaz, 2020), understanding how racial logics shape teacher–student interactions in classrooms is critical to identifying and disrupting racial structures and processes that uphold White supremacy. As our findings show, while students may perceive racial discrimination directly from teachers, from the theory of racialized organizations, where schools are situated as a mezzo-level actor to systematically uphold White supremacy (Sleeter, 2017; Yacovone, 2022), teachers may be playing a mediational role. Moreover, as observed in the current findings, the individual student’s racial status itself does not serve as a risk to lower academic self-efficacy. Rather, it is the enactment of racialized meanings and behaviors that disregard and refuse to leverage students’ assets as perceived by students that may restrict or diminish academic self-efficacy.

Footnotes

Disposition editor: Cristina Mogro-Wilson

Declaration of Conflicting Interests

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iD

Eric Kyere

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