Low-Skilled Return Migrants as Adult Learners: A Case of Mongolian Migrants Returning From South Korea

Abstract

This is an exploratory study on returning migrants as adult learners preparing to return to their home countries. We examined the educational needs and learning experiences of nine Mongolian migrants returning from South Korea who participated in vocational education programs for imminent returnees. Our qualitative analysis found that returning migrants have (a) the need to bring viable skills back to their home countries, (b) the need to learn how to start a business, and (c) the need to prove their experience and skills acquired in South Korea. Participants’ vocational education experiences revealed that current educational practices (a) provide knowledge that is too basic and abstract to meet migrants’ needs, and (b) lack variety to meet individuals’ needs to develop their skills; however, (c) they did enable migrants to share information and ideas about their upcoming return to Mongolia. Based on the findings, we identified key issues that must be considered to support migrants’ sustainable return to their home countries. The study’s limitations and suggestions for future research are provided to support various types of return migrants and their needs.

Keywords

return migrants low-skilled migrants adult learners educational needs vocational education and training

Introduction

“Recognizing a gap in the literature, this study focuses on the learning experiences and needs of low-skilled migrants who are preparing for their returns.”

International migration plays an essential part in the social context surrounding adult learning in the current era. Many adult learning researchers have contributed to furthering the understanding of how education for migrants helps them adjust to host society while continuing to cherish their cultural identities (Alfred, 2004; Merriam et al., 2007). While adjustment is a critical issue for migrants, there is another type of migrants who have not received enough attention in the adult education field: return migrants. Return migrants, who are moving back to their countries of origin from their host countries, face various challenges from migrants settling in their host countries. Studies have suggested the need to investigate this particular type of migrants (Guo & Maitra, 2019; Morrice et al., 2017), yet their characteristics as adult learners remain sparsely discussed. This study aims to contribute further understanding of low-skilled migrants’ characteristics as adult learners and find practical implications for educational practices for them. Particularly, we focus on migrants who are preparing for their returns.

In this research, we focus on the cases of Mongolian migrants in South Korea. As of January 2020, a total of 280,707 low-skilled migrants reside in South Korea (Ministry of Justice, Republic of Korea, 2020b). Approximately 6,000 Mongolian immigrants stay in South Korea on nonprofessional employment (E-9) visa, which is about 2% of the total E-9 holders. Considering that Mongolia’s total population is about three million, the population of Mongolian migrants is noteworthy (UN Demographic Statistics Database, 2018). In fact, the number of Mongolian immigrants in South Korea is the largest in the world (Tumurbaatar, 2018; Ministry of Justice, Republic of Korea, 2020b). Most Mongolian E-9 holders work in the manufacturing, construction, and service industry (Battogtokh, 2020).

The number of Mongolian immigrants staying in Korea with a nonprofessional employment visa generally does not fluctuate from 6,000. However, the statistics show that between 200 and 400 Mongolians newly enter the country with an E-9 visa each month (Ministry of Justice, Republic of Korea, 2020a). This indicates that a considerable number of Mongolians are returning home every month.

Under current South Korean laws, low-skilled migrants cannot stay longer than 9 years 8 months. Unless they change their visa status, they must inevitably return to their home countries. Many Mongolians in South Korea do acknowledge that they have to return in the future, but they often hesitate to return to their countries because they often fail to save money as they planned or fear not securing employment in the home countries (Battulga, 2013). To enhance their readiness to return and assist their sustainable resettlement, preparing for the return is a critical issue for the Mongolian migrants in South Korea. Based on a group of Mongolian migrants who participated in vocational training for imminent returnees, this study explores low-skilled migrants’ learning needs, formal and informal learning experiences during their preparation for the return, and challenges during the process. Our research questions are as follows:

Research Question 1: What are the work-related learning needs of low-skilled migrants preparing to return to their home countries?

Research Question 2: What do return migrants experience and learn during vocational training for prospective returnees?

Relevant Literature

International return migration, or repatriation, is “the movement of persons returning to their country of origin after having moved away from their place of habitual residence and crossed an international border” (International Organization for Migration, 2009). Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development (2008) statistics indicated that 20% to 50% of international migrants tend to relocate to another country or return to their home country within 5 years of arriving in their host country, implying that a significant portion of the migrant population eventually returns their home countries.

Based on the literature on circular migration, return migration features four phases (Drachman, 1992; Kley, 2010; McKenzie & Yang, 2014). The first phase involves migrants making decisions about returning (predecisional phase), whereas the second phase involves making plans and preparing to return. In the third (actional) phase, migrants move back to their home countries. Finally, in the last (postactional) phase, migrants readjust to and live in their home society.

Research has highlighted the challenges that returning migrants face after returning, such as finding jobs, readjusting to their culture, and establishing social networks in their home countries (Cassarino, 2004). Economic reintegration is particularly tricky for returning migrants (Koser & Kuschminder, 2017). Potential economic challenges after returning were found to influence migrants in the predecisional and preparatory phases, often leading them to give up on returning in the absence of sustainable options for their return (Constant & Massey, 2002). Therefore, prior research has emphasized that training, vocational requalification, and support for professional activities can be important mechanisms for making return migration feasible (Koser & Kuschminder, 2017; Pekin, 1986; Stančová, 2010). Although the importance of education has been repeatedly emphasized, only a few studies have explored the subject. Although studies have limitedly defined vocational education as a tool for accumulating human capital (Gubert & Nordman, 2008; Schmidt, 1994), programs’ efficacy and return migrants’ educational needs and learning experiences remain undiscussed. Learning of migrants does include accumulating knowledge and skills that can be capitalized in the market in a formal classroom or training facilities. However, such perspective often misses the importance of informal and incidental learning (Marsick & Watkins, 2001), and learning that contributes to more general aspects of return preparation, such as understanding the job prospects in the home country, and developing realistic return and career plans.

Meanwhile, adult education scholars have stressed the need to investigate different migration types, such as return migration and circular migration, in the transitional migration era (Guo & Maitra, 2019; Morrice et al., 2017). Nonetheless, few studies have discussed the educational characteristics of highly skilled migrants or repatriates after returning to their home countries (Ding, 2015; Hao & Welch, 2015; Huang & Kuah-Pearce, 2015). For example, Hao and Welch examined the job-seeking experiences of Hai Gui, or highly skilled Chinese students who have returned to China after studying abroad. The study found that while having an international degree benefits returnees in the job market, they still face significant challenges, such as readjusting to Chinese culture. Huang and Kuah-Pearce (2015) investigated the readjustment process of highly educated migrants returning to Shanghai, illustrating the difficulties that return migrants face in reestablishing their social and familial relationships. However, prior studies have rarely focused on migrants’ preparation prior to returning. In addition, most current studies focus on a highly educated population, whereas low-skilled migrants’ experiences remain undiscussed.

Migrants experience tremendous ambivalence when deciding to return to their home countries (Constant & Massey, 2002), especially those with fewer resources and less capital (Cassarino, 2004). This suggests that low-skilled migrants preparing to return can have a significant need for education to assist in their preparation. Gaining new vocational knowledge and skills to continue or start a new career back in the home countries, obtaining information about the return process and strategies for a successful return, and developing ideas and realistic plans for their sustainable returns can be critical. Recognizing a gap in the literature, this study focuses on the learning experiences and needs of low-skilled migrants who are preparing for their returns.

Research Method

A basic qualitative research design was adopted to explore return migrants’ educational needs and implications for educational practices for them (Clandinin, 2007). Narrative inquiry and analysis are useful in developing a comprehensive understanding of a person’s life experiences and stories (Creswell, 2007). In this study, we focused on participants’ narratives of their migration and vocational training experiences as part of their return migration preparation.

Participants

We recruited nine participants through the snowballing method. Sampling started from three acquaintances of one of the researchers. One of them works in a support center for foreign workers. Another worked as a translator for a vocational training program for prospective returnees. The other used to work in a human resource development center for Mongolian migrants. Each of them introduced us to participants who match our profile, who are Mongolians currently in South Korea as nonprofessional employment (E-9 visa) holders who plan to return to Mongolia within 2 years.

The participants received the “return assistance program,” a government-supported vocational training program for immigrant workers, a program conducted by a government institute affiliated with the Ministry of Employment and Labor (Employ Permit System, n.d.). The program is for E-9 holders who have been in South Korea for 3 years or more and plan to return to their home countries. All individuals who meet the criteria can apply for the program on a first-come, first-served basis. The program features auto maintenance, forklift operation, excavator operation, Korean culinary preparation, and pastry preparation. All courses are conducted in Korean, but the agency provides interpreters upon the students’ requests. The participants have to complete 60 hr of training, and classes take place every Sunday for 6 hr to receive a training certificate.

Of the nine study participants, seven were men and two were women. This gender composition is similar to that of the total Mongolian migrant population, of which women make up 13%. Six of the participants had bachelor’s degrees, one had an associate’s degree, and two were high school graduates or lower. This distribution indicates that many participants are highly educated (or highly skilled), yet working low-skill jobs. Participants had worked in South Korea for an average of 7.8 years. Five participants received auto maintenance training, whereas four received pastry training. Table 1 summarizes participants’ profiles.

Table 1.

Participant Information.

Pseudonym	Gender	Age	Marriage	Education	Work in South Korea	Training subject
Bat	Male	31	Divorced	High school	8 years	Auto maintenance
Sukh	Male	38	Married	Bachelor’s degree	8 years	Pastry
Munkh	Male	32	Married	Associate’s degree	8 years	Auto maintenance
Dorj	Male	40	Married	High school	7 years	Auto maintenance
Oyun	Female	31	Married	Bachelor’s degree	7 years	Pastry
Bayar	Male	37	Single	Bachelor’s degree	6 years	Auto maintenance
Bataa	Male	39	Married	Middle school	8 years	Auto maintenance
Tuya	Female	40	Married	Bachelor’s degree	9 years	Pastry
Lkhagva	Male	37	Married	Bachelor’s degree	9 years	Pastry

Data Collection

We conducted offline and/or online interviews (90–120 min each) with participants from January to February 2020. Online interviews were conducted via the Facebook Messenger video call platform upon participants’ request due to concerns about COVID-19. Online interviews sometimes make it harder for researchers to develop a rapport with interviewees and recognize nonverbal cues; moreover, some participants might feel uncomfortable using online conference technology (Lo Iacono et al., 2016). However, participants in this study were familiar with this technology and felt comfortable expressing their ideas through online conversations. The interviewing researcher also devoted significant time to building rapport with participants.

Battuya Lkhagvadulam, a native Mongolian speaker and fluent in Korean, conducted the interviews in Mongolian with a list of semi-constructed questions and an interview checklist developed by the researchers (Erickan, 1998). Before each interview, the researchers explained the study’s purpose and participants’ rights. The interviews centered on three points: life before migration, life in South Korea after migration, and life in Mongolia after returning there. The question topics included life and work before migration; reasons for moving to and working in South Korea; the migration process; experiences in South Korea; reasons for returning; current feelings about life in South Korea; motivation to apply for vocational training for prospective returnees; their feelings and learning experiences during the vocational education program; and expectations for life after returning to Mongolia.

The interviews were recorded with participants’ consent and later transcribed and translated by the researcher. Lkhagvadulam has 8 years of professional experience in Mongolian-Korean translation, including co-authoring a Mongolian-Korean dictionary, which indicates the translation’s credibility. The researcher also took procedural strategies to enhance the translation quality, including multiple checking of the records and backward-translation (Regmi et al., 2010). The other researchers read the initial translated text and asked follow-up questions (e.g., the detailed contents of business plans mentioned by participants). Finally, additional interviews were conducted by Lkhagvadulam with three participants. The second interviews focused on elaborating some parts of the initial interviews (e.g., detailed information about the participant’s future business plan).

Data Analysis

We conducted a qualitative analysis based on the translated text to identify emergent themes and patterns of learning needs and to determine the meaning of participants’ experiences in vocational training for prospective returnees (Merriam & Tisdell, 2016). The coding process consisted of three phases. In the first coding phase, the researchers wrote notes on each quote focusing on (a) statements relevant to participants’ learning needs (e.g., future plans that require new skills), and (b) statements relevant to the vocational training experience (e.g., program evaluation, positive/negative memories during the program). We also took notes on descriptive information, such as the time period and place referred to in specific statements (e.g., before or after coming to Korea) and feelings regarding relevant situations (e.g., positive, negative, anxious). In the second phase, each researcher reordered the statements in chronological order and took notes on the statements explaining the participants’ later decisions and actions. In the third phase, the researchers identified common ideas (e.g., a strong need for certification and documented proof of experience) and looked for potential conflicts in their analyses (e.g., regarding participants’ satisfaction with the training program). The researchers resolved conflicting interpretations by discussing why and where the analyses did not align and collecting additional data (e.g., program information, additional short interviews with participants). After several rounds of discussion, we reached a joint conclusion.

The quotes in the following section have been translated from Mongolian-Korean to English. Each researcher translated the text written in their native language (Mongolian or Korean) into English and compared the results to ensure translation accuracy (Regmi et al., 2010).

Findings

We found that return migrants have (a) the need to bring viable skills back to their home countries, (b) the need to learn how to start a business, and (c) the need to prove their skills and experience. Our analysis also suggested that participants felt the training was (a) too basic for becoming a technician and too abstract for starting a business, and (b) the training subjects lacked variety. However, participants enjoyed the training as a social gathering and (c) shared information and ideas about their work, migration, and plans.

Prospective Returnees’ Educational Needs

The most notable theme that emerged from the qualitative analysis was participants’ anxiety concerning the great uncertainty of life after their return. Participants had the strong need to bring viable skills back home, learn how to start a business, and have their experience and skills validated with material proof.

Bringing viable skills back home

Participants’ primary concern was having to “start all over” when they return to Mongolia; thus, they felt the strong need to bring back applicable knowledge and skills from South Korea. Many participants felt they lacked the required social connections, job information, and work experience in Mongolia to get a job when they return. Bat expressed concern about finding work in his home country:

In my case, I had a career break in Mongolia for a long time, and I haven’t been able to settle back in Mongolia. I’m afraid of this situation. There is no place for me, no position that I can achieve.

Although all nine participants expressed this concern, it was more distinctly apparent among participants with higher degrees. They did not compare life as low-skilled workers in South Korea and in Mongolia; rather, they compared life as low-skilled workers in South Korea and life as highly educated, “white-collar” workers in Mongolia. Most of them had built careers before moving to South Korea. However, after 7 to 9 years of working in South Korea, their careers in Mongolia were “long gone” (Sukh). For instance, Sukh expressed regret for not continuing his career in Mongolia:

If I hadn’t come to Korea and continued to work as a sales manager at the X Market (that I used to work for) . . . Who knows what position I could be in now?

Learning valuable knowledge and skills in South Korea and bringing those skills back home became important for participants. Munkh was worried about life after returning home even before he moved to South Korea; thus, he strategically applied to jobs that could teach him useful skills for his return:

I really liked working in this iron door factory. It’s because I could learn skills, and I might be able to start an iron door making business in Mongolia . . . Even before I came to Korea, I thought it would be great if I could learn something from a factory and bring it (the skills) back to Mongolia. (Munkh)

However, not all participants had the same opportunities as Munkh. Many migrants are unable to find the exact job positions they want and often end up in industries in South Korea that do not exist in Mongolia, as in Bataa’s case:

It’s a pity that there are no shipyards in Mongolia. I think if I had worked in an industry that Mongolia also has, I would have had something to do when I go back. The industry I worked for is not in Mongolia, and there’s nothing to use. (Bataa)

Even in cases where participants worked in industries that can be found in Mongolia, several challenges still arose. Some participants reported that it is common to experience discrimination against migrants in the workplace and that advanced skills can only be learned by South Korean workers. For instance, Lkhagva expressed,

When I worked in a concrete company, I told my boss that I wanted to learn how to drive and operate the mixer trucks, but my boss didn’t let me. (Researcher: Have you ever told your boss in your current workplace that you want to learn printing technology at the factory?) I didn’t ask, but I think he will just laugh at me. Because if I learn the skills, I might take away the jobs of Korean people. They don’t want that. One day I was adjusting the color of the printing machine, but a Korean engineer came and yelled at me, “Back off, I am the engineer here.”

As shown above, the viability of participants’ skills varied, yet the common concern was not being able to find employment upon returning to their home countries. Therefore, upgrading their existing skills or learning new skills that could increase their employability in their home countries became their primary concern.

Needs as future entrepreneurs

Studies on return migration have shown that returning migrants generally prefer to be self-employed (Démurge & Xu, 2011; Ilahi, 2002). Many participants in this study perceived starting a business as the most feasible way to successfully resettle in Mongolia, particularly as their wages might be lower than what they earned in South Korea even if they find suitable jobs. Oyun was concerned that she might have to work an entry-level position again in Mongolia despite 10 years of work experience. She believed that she deserves a managerial position, which might only be achieved by starting a business:

Everyone wants to start a business when they go back home. I don’t want to go back to Mongolia just to work for someone again . . . Nowadays, I think it’s time to wear a button-up shirt, have my own desk, and work as a leader. I have been working in manual jobs for eight years in Korea, and I think it is enough. (Oyun)

For participants who had developed business plans, most of their ideas were related to their industries in South Korea. Bayar planned to start a business to supply meat and dumplings to Central Asian countries based on the experience and connections he built at his South Korean workplace:

I work in a slaughterhouse. Since I started my job here, I’ve been thinking that it can be a good business if I export and sell meat to people in Central Asia, so I once talked to my boss if he could help me out. I speak Mongolian, Russian, and some English, so I think I have a good chance of success. This is my business plan. I also think it’s not a bad idea to make and sell dumplings in Mongolia. Since Muslims in Central Asia do not eat pork, I could sell lamb and beef dumplings, right? I’ve been planning on it, and I’m going to start it from the coming fall. (Bayar)

However, not all study participants were able to develop clear business plans. Oyun had previously worked in a sewing factory but did not have much information about starting a business or Mongolia’s market demand. Thus, her business plan constantly changed:

When I go back to Mongolia, I want to start a restaurant. Like a small drive-through or something. Before I thought about the restaurant, I wanted to do a supermarket, but my friend told me the net revenue is only 30%, and restaurants are like 70%. So I thought, why not a restaurant? Then, one of my friends who works as a barista told me a coffee shop is a better business idea. She said it’s more profitable, and the work isn’t that hard, but I’m ignorant about coffee. I don’t know. I’m not sure now. (Oyun)

Almost all participants expressed the need to acquire information that can better prepare them for their return and assist their business plans.

Need for proof

For seven of nine participants, the primary reason for participating in vocational training for returning migrants was to obtain a government-issued certificate. Participants perceived certificates as something that could be added to their resumes to prove their competency, as in Lkhagva’s words:

You never know how your life will be like in the future, so I thought if not now, I might use it (the skills learned from the training) later at some point. You know I have been working only in manual jobs in Korea, and I have nothing to write on my resume when I go back. If I get a certificate from Korea, I feel like I can show my resume without any shame. (Lkhagva)

Munkh had two separate resettlement plans: obtaining an international license as a welding technician to find a job back in Mongolia (Plan A) or starting his own business (Plan B):

If you have an international license as a welding technician, you can get a job in a big company quite easily, even in Mongolia. But if I can’t get one (international license for welding technicians), it will be really hard to get a job, so I might start a business of my own. (Munkh)

Munkh’s narrative emphasizes migrants’ uncertainty about what will happen when they return, which leads them to develop multiple strategies in advance. Participants were unsure whether their businesses would be successful or whether their South Korean work experiences and skills would be considered valuable by Mongolian employers. They acknowledged that certificates and licenses would not guarantee their success, and some of them did not expect the vocational training to be useful. However, they still wanted official documents to certify their skills and knowledge to feel more secure.

Vocational Education Experience of Prospective Returnees

Participants received information about the vocational training program from their friends or government centers for immigrant workers. Our analysis showed that participants did not find the program very useful for preparing to return to their home countries. However, they enjoyed the program as a social gathering, which produced social learning that assisted their return preparations.

Too basic for technicians, too abstract for entrepreneurs

Participants’ initial responses regarding the program were mostly positive. However, more detailed questions revealed that their satisfaction with the program’s “usefulness” was mainly related to the program’s certificates. Multiple participants reported that the program’s contents were either too basic or too abstract. Bataa, for example, expected that auto maintenance training would teach him practical skills to get a job or start a business. Instead, he found the training too basic:

The trainer said that if we know how to fix a car, there are always jobs to get, but what they taught us was actually what most Mongolians do by themselves . . . What they taught us really doesn’t fit into the situation in Mongolia. (Bataa)

Although Bayar believed that the program is not to blame for the entry-level education, he wished that he could get more information about available courses for more advanced learning:

I thought it would have been better if I had done it step by step. There are people who wanted to learn more, but the training is more like 101 stuff. There is nothing more after the basic course. (Bayar)

Participants who viewed the program as an opportunity to develop their business plans also expressed frustration. For example, Lkhagva wanted detailed information to determine whether his business plan was feasible:

I had so many things to ask the trainers, starting from where to buy the ingredients. But she just told me, “You can buy it online.” What I really wanted to know is like, “Which website? And how?” (Lkhagva)

Lack of variety

Each migrant’s work experience and future plans varied widely. Thus, the limited subjects offered through vocational training failed to meet participants’ individual needs. The program provides five courses: auto maintenance, forklift operation, excavator operation, Korean culinary preparation, and pastry preparation. Participants doubted that the skills they learned would be in high demand. Oyun mentioned,

The teacher asked us if our countries have this kind of bread and if it will make a profit if we sell it in Mongolia. Honestly, I think it will be too risky to open a bakery in my country since it has a very small market for it. Plus, there are already global franchises settled in Mongolia.

Participants with robust experience and skills gained by working in South Korea expressed the need for programs that could provide advanced knowledge. For example, Sukh stated,

I checked out the center for migrant workers quite often to see if there is any kind of professional training for carpenters. I learned how to do the work at my factory, so I wanted to learn more theoretical stuff. But they didn’t have one [program].

Munkh has worked in an iron door factory for 4 years as an experienced welding professional. However, he felt it would be difficult to prove his skills if applying for jobs back in Mongolia, stating,

I want to take a course that can provide me an international license. If there is anything like that before I go back, I really want to join. (Munkh)

This reveals that the education provided to migrants often fails to meet participants’ needs and their home countries’ demands, although the program’s purpose in this study was to enhance their skills and make them more useful.

A place to share information and ideas

Although the vocational training program had clear shortcomings, many participants enjoyed it as a weekly social gathering. The program also enabled participants to share information about their jobs and work conditions and to provide legal advice about residence permits and visa status to each other. Bat mentioned,

We talked about what we learned that day and a lot about each other’s jobs. We also exchanged information for extending the visa and other stuff. Someone from the program told me that we could receive other training after this one.

This cooperative learning experience was particularly useful for participants who did not have clear return strategies. Sukh and Bataa, for example, further developed their business ideas by talking with other program trainees:

It made me think it can be a business if I make one kind of bread in Mongolia and deliver it to a supermarket or a convenience store, like a wholesale. (Sukh)

I had some thoughts about running a car repair shop. There are many types of tires that need to be repaired. Not only personal ones but, you know, also bus and freight trucks. (Bataa)

Given trainees’ common issue—to successfully return to their home countries—conversations naturally focused on their return preparations, producing informal and social learning among participants.

Discussion

Their home country’s return was an inevitable ending for the low-skilled migrants, but it did not make their preparations any easier. Lack of information about their home countries’ economy and desire to make a career change and advancement intertwined together and increased the unpredictability of their returns. Most participants in this study regarded that learning skills in high demand in their home country and acquiring documented proof of experience and knowledge for their potential employers in Mongolia would help cope with the uncertainty. The study’s findings suggest that low-skilled migrants preparing to return to their home countries face tremendous ambiguity, as suggested by Constant and Massey (2002). Prior literature on return migrants has focused on how such ambiguity influences their return decisions. The present study extends our current understanding by investigating migrants’ learning needs after they decide to return. This study demonstrates that ambiguity remains the central issue even after the decisional phase of return migration and that return migrants’ learning needs center strongly around coping with this ambiguity.

Existing literature on return migrant education, receiving vocational education has often been regarded to accumulate human capital (Gubert & Nordman, 2008; Schmidt, 1994). Our participants joined the program with similar expectations—to learn useful skills for job opportunities in their home country. However, our findings suggest that the goal of increasing human capital often fails if programs are not aligned with learners’ needs and situations in their home countries. We also uncovered that participants develop an unintended but positive meaning from the training experiences, namely, developing reciprocal social relationships and learning with the other learners in the program. This process included sharing information and ideas and supporting each other with current and future challenges. Such learning experiences contributed the participants to develop clearer expectations and plans for their return. Overall, this study’s findings clearly support that education can essentially assist migrants in preparing to return and returning to their home countries (Koser & Kuschminder, 2017; Pekin, 1986; Stančová, 2010). Furthermore, it expands education’s meaning, from accumulating human capital to informal and incidental learning within the classroom environments. The findings contribute to the current literature by suggesting how can be education for return migrants enhance its efficacy.

Implications for Practice

Educational Practices for Reducing Uncertainty

Our analysis indicated that return migrants’ primary concern is their great uncertainty regarding life after their return. Therefore, providing career guidance and information about labor markets and business opportunities in migrants’ home countries can be an effective educational practice. In this study, migrants excessively valued the acquisition of documents—such as licenses and certificates—that can prove their skills and experience. Thus, practitioners can develop approaches to both validate and enhance migrants’ skills and knowledge obtained in host countries. As most South Korean workplaces where migrants worked do not have a process for issuing professional certificates, it might be important to find alternative forms of validation (i.e., developing portfolios, obtaining government-issued certifications).

Meeting Individual Needs

As migrants have different backgrounds and skills, formal vocational training often fails to meet individual needs to further develop their competency. Our findings point to the need for more tailored education to meet each migrant’s needs. A possible solution is to subsidize migrants to choose training programs in their host countries. However, language is sometimes a barrier. This study’s participants did not have any problems with casual conversation, yet they found the training difficult due to sophisticated terminology. Fortunately, the students helped each other to understand the lectures. It is important to ensure that programs not only meet individual needs for developing skills but also provide education in an accessible way.

Power of Dialogue

The vocational training in this study provided a space for return migrants to gather and share their concerns regarding their work and future plans. We believe that these dialogues produced meaningful learning for migrants and helped them increase their readiness for their return. Practitioners can further enhance return migrants’ learning by organizing discussion groups and encouraging self-reflection.

Limitations and Recommendations for Future Research

First, while return migration consists of several phases, this study limited its focus to the preparatory phase. Future research can expand our understanding of return migrants as adult learners by investigating the other phases of the process. Moreover, although participants were categorized as “low-skilled,” they were generally highly educated and passionate about learning and developing their careers. Migrants with different characteristics might have different narratives regarding their return and educational needs. Thus, further research that investigates other types of return migrants would be useful. Finally, participants’ return to their home countries had already been planned or expected, so their return can be characterized as voluntary. In other words, this research does not address the situations of migrants who must return involuntarily. Studies on migrants’ involuntary return are necessary to enrich the discussion.

Footnotes

Conflict of Interest

The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the authorship and/or publication of this article.

Funding

The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.

ORCID iDs

Kyoungjin Jang

Battuya Lkhagvadulam

Author Biographies

Kyoungjin Jang holds an MA in education and is currently a researcher at the Institute for Education Research at Yonsei University, South Korea. Her research focuses on work-related learning and the empowerment of marginalized populations, including migrants, refugees, and deskilled people.

Battuya Lkhagvadulam, BA, is a doctoral student at Yonsei University. Her research focuses on cross-cultural comparative approaches on youth and women’s career development and learning of migrant workers.

Wonsup Chang, PhD, is a professor of human resource development and education of work program at the Department of Education, Yonsei University. He has written numerous publications on the learning and development of workers. His recent research focuses on masterity, which refers to materialistic and formative aspects of modern master’s learning.

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