Abstract
The prevention of falls is an integral part of the safety culture of health institutions with mandatory fall prevention programs set within health care facilities. Care providers are key in identifying the risks of falls and in implementing strategic actions to prevent them. With the aim to better understand practices of fall prevention, we conducted a synthesis of qualitative evidence on care providers’ practices to prevent older people from falling in health care facilities. This synthesis is part of an integrative review of the role of care providers in fall prevention of adults aged 65 years and above. Primary studies were synthesized with the emerging core category of “a complex decision” and described by four emerging conditions that make that decision complex: (a) permanent threat of a fall, (b) continuous flow of information, (c) lack of control, and (d) ethical dilemmas and moral issues over the course of action. The present synthesis shows that before implementing preventive actions, care providers consider the conditions in which they are immersed, in this way situating their preventive actions in a clinical and a moral context.
Keywords
Preventing older people from falling is an ever-increasing public health concern due to the consequences that falls have for the older person and due to the burden they put on the family and on the health care systems (Todd & Skelton, 2004; World Health Organization, 2007). Falls are the principal cause of injury-related death in people above 65 years of age and are associated with poor health outcomes and increased length of stay in hospitals (Williams & Downing, 2014). Falls can produce a syndrome of dependence, confusion, immobility, and depression that will limit older people’s activities in everyday life (World Health Organization, 2007). A fall is a threat to an older person’s quality of life (Horton, 2008; Roe et al., 2008). In many countries the reduction in the number of older people falling is a priority (European Innovation Partnership on Active and Healthy Ageing, 2013).
The development of preventive programs is encouraged and, in some cases, their implementation is mandatory for public health organizations (Alves et al., 2017; Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario, 2017). In the United States, all regulatory and accreditation bodies for health care facilities include fall reduction as a key safety indicator (Williams & Downing, 2014). Falls result from multiple and interacting factors (National Institute for Health and Care Excellence [NICE], 2004) thus comprehensive fall prevention programs involve the implementation of multifactorial interventions in both the community and health care facilities by a multidisciplinary team (Lamb et al., 2011). Fall prevention protocols are common in health care facilities, and although they have a multi-professional approach, most of the actions are implemented by nurses and related health care providers. Successful interventions for fall prevention have been identified from systematic reviews (Cameron et al., 2018; Gillespie et al., 2012). Yet older people continue to fall, with one in three people above 65 years of age who live in the community falling each year (Gillespie et al., 2012). Frailty presents a challenge for fall prevention programs. Frail older people are at the greatest risk of falls and are likely to experience recurrent falls (Cheng & Chang, 2017).
Despite fall prevention being part of the safety culture in health care facilities (Dahlke et al., 2019) with embedded compulsory programs (Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario, 2017) more than 50% of older people fall annually in these facilities (World Health Organization, 2015). Strategies to reduce the number of falls in health care facilities include the use of standardized assessment tools, assessing individual patient’s risk, and interventions tailored to patient’s identified risk; systematic reporting and analyzing of fall incidents are also part of fall prevention programs (The Joint Commission, 2017). Fall prevention presents additional challenges due to the variety of risk factors that interact (de la Cuesta & Roe, 2015).
Notwithstanding the importance of a team approach to fall prevention (Gillespie et al., 2012; World Health Organization, 2007), the literature has highlighted the relevance of nurses in preventing falls in health care facilities in at least two ways: one related to their unique position in health care and the other related to the ethos of their practice. Thus, due to their closeness to patients, nurses are considered to be in a good position to detect early fall threats, implement prompt remedial interventions, identify changes in patients, and communicate them to the rest of the health care team (Australian Commission on Safety and Quality in Health, 2009; Dubois et al., 2013; Wiltjer et al., 2019). Furthermore, it has been suggested that an intuitive assessment of fall risk by nursing staff can be as effective as using risk-assessment tools (Vassallo et al., 2008). Patient safety is a priority for nurses and a sign of “good care” (Dahkle et al., 2015, p. 256). Nurses are expected to guarantee safe care within health care facilities (DuPree et al., 2014; King, 2018). When a fall occurs, the responsibility rests upon nurses (Morse, 2006).
But the fact is that nurses and related health care providers strive to keep patients safe in increasingly unpredictable, complex, and imperfect contexts. These situations expose them to moral distress and dilemmas (Thorne et al., 2018). They work in suboptimal conditions of staff shortages (Aiken et al., 2014; Dubois et al., 2013) facing significant barriers to implement fall prevention activities (van Rhyn & Barwick, 2019). In a study, 93% of nurses reported that there was a lack of staff and insufficient time to keep patients safe (Benner et al., 2010). In another study, nurses expressed their frustration at not being able to provide what they believed to be the expected standard of care to older people due to economical constraints, which in turn caused them stress (Milton-Wildey & O’Brien, 2010). They care for older people with insufficient equipment and staffing resources (Dahkle et al., 2015). When caring for older people, carers in institutional settings relay on their personal and moral thinking (Fagerberg & Engström, 2012). A study reported that care providers were ambivalent about the care they were able to provide and that which they would like to provide in nursing homes (Dwyer et al., 2009) and felt guilty when organizational structures did not allow them enough time to care for each person (Häggström et al., 2010).
Having an inadequate nursing staff–patient ratio to prevent patients from falling, or nurses not being supported by the institution or peers in their efforts to prevent patients from falling will lead nurses to suffer from moral distress (Jameton, 1993). Preventing older adults from falling requires balancing the equally important values of preserving their autonomy and their safety (Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario, 2017); this is a scenario that triggers moral dilemmas (Jameton, 1993).
Fall prevention is an area of health care which has been extensively researched using quantitative methods. Great emphasis has been made on developing and testing tools to assess and predict risk, and on implementing the most effective interventions. From this research, we can say that much is known about the means and less about the people who implement it and how in their everyday practice they deal with the challenges of preventing older, fragile people from falling in health care facilities. The emphasis of these studies on instruments and interventions has overshadowed the contribution of nursing staff to fall prevention to the extent that in some instances their presence is omitted from studies and reports (for instance, Albert et al., 2014), while in others their specific contribution passes unnoticed (for instance, Palvanen et al., 2014). Care giving goes beyond the execution of activities, it requires nurses to be flexible and to have a specific ability to identify instances of something salient that should call forth an appropriate response (Benner et al., 2010; Phelan & McCormack, 2016) as in the case of preventing an old patient from falling. Qualitative studies have shown that fall prevention in health care facilities is more than just conducting assessments and acting accordingly; they have highlighted nursing staff agency in fall prevention.
With the aim to better understand practices in fall prevention, we conducted a synthesis of qualitative evidence on formal care providers’ practices to prevent older people from falling in health care facilities. By formal care providers we meant nurses, nursing aids, auxiliary nurses, and care assistants. Health care facilities were hospitals, long-term care, rehabilitation, and acute care centers.
Method
This synthesis presents a separate analysis of a subgroup of qualitative studies from a systematic integrative review of the role of formal and informal care providers in fall prevention of adults aged 65 years and above. The integrative review was registered with the PROSPERO register for systematic reviews (CRD42016053188). A summary of methods is presented here as they relate to this synthesis. More details can be found in the published protocol (de la Cuesta-Benjumea et al., 2017).
Search
Fifteen databases were systematically searched by an expert librarian in 2016 and 2017: CINAHL, COCHRANE LIBRARY, CUIDATGE, CUIDEN PLUS, EMBASE, ENFISPO, IBECS, LILACS, MEDES, OPEN GREY-Reports, PEDro, PsycINFO, PubMED, TESEO, and Dissertations and Thesis Global. Among the key words and descriptors used to setup the strategy were: falls, fall prevention, accidental falls, nurses, home health aides, home care personnel, nursing care, aged, and senescence. There were no date restrictions. A manual search was performed by two members of the review research team in which widely disseminated and less widely disseminated journals as well as the reference lists of included studies were screened.
Inclusion Criteria
Inclusion criteria were qualitative primary studies about formal care providers (these are: registered nurses, nursing aids, auxiliary nurses, and care assistants) and fall prevention in adults aged 65 years and above in health care facilities (these are: long-term care, hospital, rehabilitation, and acute care centers).
Screening and Data Extraction
Appraising the quality of qualitative studies involves issuing a judgment about their methodological quality, as well as about the nature and extent of the data and whether these are adequate to answer the research question (Sutcliffe et al., 2017). Hence, in the present synthesis, studies were appraised in a continuous process during critical appraisal, before data extraction, and during data analysis. The included studies were screened according to the prespecified criteria of relevance, credibility of findings, methodological coherence, and ethics (Abad-Corpa et al., 2012). Studies were classified per type of analysis into interpretative, descriptive, and exploratory (Sandelowski & Barroso, 2007). All screened studies were, at this point, included to maximize the potential contribution that the papers could make to the synthesis. Later, following close examination for data extraction, studies were excluded due to being mistaken for qualitative research or not containing qualitative findings (Sandelowski & Barroso, 2007), Sift I. During data analysis further studies were excluded due to poor or irrelevant data (Lewin et al., 2015) Sift II, and due to lack of relevance for the emerging analysis, Sift III. A total of 17 studies were included in this synthesis (Supplementary file 1).
Data extraction was conducted using a customized form derived from the main study (Supplementary file 2).
The selection of qualitative studies, their quality appraisal, and data extraction were conducted by members of the research team with competence in qualitative research; they worked in pairs blinded to the appraisal of the other reviewer and consulted a third researcher for discrepancies and to achieve consensus.
Analysis
Qualitative syntheses should transform information coming from primary studies and construct a “connected whole” (Thomas et al., 2017, p. 182). They transcend the sum of the parts; they should generate ideas providing higher and better understanding about the phenomenon under study (Sandelowski & Barroso, 2007; Thorne, 2017, 2019).
We used an interpretative approach for this synthesis. Symbolic interactionism provided the analytical lens. This perspective addresses the importance of meaning to understand people’s actions and the capacity of human beings to make indications to themselves to orient action (Blumer, 1969). According to this perspective, meanings are not given but arise out of peoples’ interactions within specific contexts, and they are interpreted and revised to guide action. Thus, people notice and assess what is presented to them and map lines of action (Blumer, 1969). This theoretical perspective emphasizes people’s agency in the social world and underscores the importance of the conditions under which action–interaction takes place.
A challenge of qualitative synthesis is determining what constitutes a finding. Qualitative research team members took a broad view agreeing that findings were interpretations made by researchers in studies, as well as those studies’ primary data (Thomas et al., 2017). A pair of qualitative research team members carried out the analysis, which was regularly discussed and agreed upon in meetings with the research team. Primary studies were entered into the program NVivo Version 12, 2018 (QSR International) for their findings to be coded. With the aim of preserving the anonymity of sources and putting the analysis into context, each primary study was given a code indicating the type of care provider and the type of health care facility (Supplementary file 3).
Grounded theory procedures of constant comparison, microanalysis, coding, developing memos, and diagrams (Charmaz, 2014; Glaser, 2014; Strauss, 1987) were used to synthesize the findings of primary studies. Analysis developed as a process in four concurrent and overlapping stages. The first stage involved microanalysis, that is careful, line-by-line reading of studies for open coding; categories such as “complex decision,” “continuous assessment,” and “impact of the fall” emerged here as well as some of their properties such as “fluctuating level of risk” and “latent fall risk.” In the second stage emerging categories were organized by grounded theory theoretical codes of “conditions,” “context,” and “phenomenon.” The third stage was focus coding, where categories were developed, and bibliography consulted. Throughout the coding process a constant comparison strategy was used to promote the emergence and development of categories.
Once coding was finished, in the fourth stage, qualitative researchers re-read all the studies to validate the emerging categories and to find relevant data that might have been missed. Throughout these four stages, researchers developed memos with different levels of abstraction. At first, they were very descriptive and focused on codes; as analysis progressed memos became more conceptual describing categories, and in the last stage they established links among these categories.
The analysis ended with the integration of categories around one core category. For this, qualitative researchers compared and sorted memos into main categories. The theoretical code of conditions was used to link these categories. Four categories pertaining to conditions of action–interaction were identified. During this process researchers refined and developed memos further, until they were integrated into a conceptual structure (Glaser, 2014) depicting the conditions that formal care providers consider and assess before executing preventive actions in health care facilities.
Synthesis Findings
Characteristics of Included Studies
Studies were mainly from the United States and Nordic countries. Eight were carried out during the 2010s and only three at the end of the 1990s. Study subjects provided care in hospitals and long-term health care facilities (hereafter referred to as health care facilities) for frail older adults and other people at risk of falls; there were no studies from community centers or noninstitutional care settings. In most studies study subjects were professional nurses, while two studies focused on auxiliary nurses (hereafter both referred to as formal care providers). Generic qualitative studies were the predominant methodological approaches. Two of the studies used interpretative analysis, one used interpretative/descriptive analysis, three studies used a descriptive analysis and one used descriptive/exploratory analysis; the rest were exploratory (Supplementary file 4). All selected studies included direct quotations.
Primary studies were synthesized with the emerging core category of “a complex decision” and described by the emerging conditions that make that decision complex. Each condition is described below according to their properties that were inducted from the studies reviewed. Synthesized findings follow, with a code to identify the cited study (Supplementary file 3).
A Complex Decision: Placing Action Within a Clinical and Moral Context
Maintaining patient safety is at the core of formal care providers’ daily considerations. However, the present synthesis shows that due to the nature of fall risks, the limitations of the clinical context, and the moral connotations of fall prevention, preventing an institutionalized older person from falling is not simple. The decisions formal care providers make to prevent falls are complex due to the conditions of (a) permanent threat of a fall, (b) continuous flow of information, (c) lack of control, and (d) ethical dilemmas and moral issues over the course of action. These are the categories that emerged in our study. They are presented below separately, but in practice they interact with each other and overlap.
Permanent Threat of a Fall
Risk factors are ever present in health care facilities and falls are the product of interacting risk factors. Under these circumstances formal care providers strive to prevent falls from happening. Latent fall risk, fluctuating level of risk and interacting risk factors are properties that describe this category.
Fall risks are latent in health care facilities, formal care providers feel that they must be aware of fall risks and always ready to act upon them (AuxH9; Prof-AuxSS5; ProfH-SS7). Older people’s conditions of fragility, chronic illness, and treatments expose them to falls (Prof-AuxSS7). In addition, the physical and social environment present many risk factors for the older person (ProfH6). To the orthopedic devices, technological resources, and architectural barriers present in this physical context, we must add those risks derived from living communally with other patients, what a nurse eloquently describes in a study as “social risk” (ProfH6). However, these risk factors are not fixed, but fluctuate. Patients’ health conditions tend to become worse as time passes. Also, their mood and behavior are not always the same; similarly, their responses to treatments are not either: Patient status could also fluctuate throughout the day. Therefore, the risk of falling was seen as something valid here and now, but that could easily change. (AuxH9)
Indeed, as primary studies report, the level of fall risk increases in certain situations, such as during shift changes, at meal and hygiene times as well as during peak or busy times (Prof-AuxSS7). Thus, formal care providers meet a fluctuating level of risk of their patients having a fall. In addition to this, fall risks do not act independently but interact between them. They combine in such a way that they create a risk situation. A study describes falls as a product of a synergism and compounding of risk factors related to aging and cohabitation in a health care facility: An example of synergism of multiple risk factors from our study is the residents’ desire to be independent, combined with the limited availability of staff, in an environment crowded with obstacles that was not adequately designed with older residents in mind. (Prof-AuxSS4)
Older patients’ interactions with others and with the environment create potential situations of risk that formal care providers ought to anticipate and decide upon the best course of action to prevent a fall. This leads to the second condition in formal care providers’ decision contexts.
Continous Flow of Information
The pervasiveness, variability, and instability of risk factors and their interactive nature make falls hard to predict. To cope with this situation, primary studies reveal that formal care providers engage in a continuous process of assessing their patients’ condition, their interactions, and the physical environment. Thus, they are actively immersed in a continuous and variable flow of information, a category that emerged in the present synthesis. Continuous assessment and envisagement of risk situations are the properties that describe this category.
The primary studies reviewed show care providers’ daily work in constantly gathering information: When LPNs at either ward met patients, they noticed how they walked and acted, and whether they looked ill . . . The LPNs were never completely relaxed and wanted to be near the patients in order to watch them more closely. (AuxH9)
In fall prevention, formal care providers need to be one step ahead as a primary study reported (Prof-AuxSS6) and therefore, require up-to-date information. In the studies reviewed, formal care providers consider themselves to be real time observers (Prof-AuxSS5) on the lookout for signs of heightened risks, such as changes in the patient’s behavior (Prof-AuxSS7), urges for independence (ProfH5), the effects of medication (Prof-AuxSS6; ProfH6), and indications that they are wandering (Prof-AuxSS8). They also pay attention to what relatives say about the older person’s character (ProfFH5).
Formal care providers in their assessments not only notice fall risks but also envision risk situations. Thus, they decipher what they observe and what does not match (Prof-AuxSS5). They interpret the signals from patients and the environment and integrate specific knowledge about related risk factors: . . . identifying patients who had the potential to fall was not based on just one indicator. One nurse described this process well: “I don’t know. It’s something about the patients you see . . . they’re trying to get off the toilet by themselves . . . you see they are not grasping the information . . . maybe it’s their sitting position or balance . . . maybe they think their abilities are a lot better than they are . . . Those things lead me to sense they are going to fall. It is just knowing.” (ProfH5)
The analysis of findings from primary studies show that fall situations are constructed beforehand by formal care providers. The assessments they make lead them to foresee the development of a risk situation, this constitutes by itself information to guide their preventive actions. As a care provider said in a study: putting “the whole picture together” to be able to do something (ProfH5). Assessment is in fact the daily interpretation of signs and situations that might lead to a fall. In other words, attaching meaning to signs and cues. The information that results feeds into the formal care providers’ decision context.
Lack of Control
Lack of control over results and resources are the properties that emerged from primary studies and describe this category.
Although formal care providers’ interventions are grounded in continuously identifying those at risk and foreseeing risk situations, they do not have certainty beforehand as to whether the chosen action to prevent a fall will yield the expected result. As one study affirms, formal care providers “find themselves continuously struggling with ‘uncertainty’ as they attempt to keep their residents safe from falls” (Prof-AuxSS8).
The studies reviewed show that formal care providers lack control over results, as they do not always have all the information required to make the best decision (Prof-AuxSS7; Prof-AuxSS8) and the information might not be accurate, as risk prediction tools are not without fault. Thus, formal care providers in the studies reviewed commented that these tools have different levels of efficacy (Prof-AuxSS6) and that scales of fall risk have a ceiling effect and are not sufficiently sensitive for some older people (ProfH4; ProfH6). Also, preventive devices such as alarm sensors, whether attached to the bed, to the patient’s wrist or to a rug, are not always able to alert a formal care provider to the risk of a potential fall (Prof-AuxSS6).
More decisively, formal care providers are not always able to anticipate their patients’ responses to a preventive measure. Thus, patients themselves constitute the “unknown factor” (Pro-AuxSS8), their reactions and interactions with the environment are difficult to predict to the extent that a safety measure might turn into a risk of falling, as a study illustrates: Protecting the patients from fall hazards did not always have the desired results. An auxiliary nurse described a situation where removing a rug from a resident’s room did not necessarily minimise the risk of falling: We had a lady here who had a large rug in her room. . . . we had to send the rug to the cleaners. So, everything was fine for a while and we weren’t afraid that she would fall. But she went around looking for the rug the whole time and she was uneasy and restless because of that. (Prof-AuxSS5)
The fact that a preventive measure might turn out as a risk factor, highlights formal care providers’ lack of control over results and the complexity of decision-making in fall prevention.
In addition, formal care providers in the studies reviewed stated the lack of control they have over resources, as well as the limitations of the environment where they work. In the studies reviewed, practical issues over which they have no decision are repeatedly mentioned: material resources (ProfH6), the layout of the units and institutional policies (ProfH3; ProfH4), and the staff characteristics assigned to their units (Prof-AuxSS6; Prof-AuxSS7; ProfH3; ProfH4; AuxSS1). Formal care providers are aware of their limited room for maneuver: As nurses we often feel we could have done more to prevent these falls but realize things like staffing, other unexpected occurrences and changing needs of the residents on a daily basis often do not allow extra surveillance and the prevention of falls by our residents. (Prof-AuxSS8)
Furthermore, time is a valuable resource in the care of fragile and dependent persons, over which formal care providers do not have total control. The time that formal care providers have to care for their patients is reduced and compressed, while activities, and hence responsibilities, are added as primary studies reported (ProfH4; ProfH3; AuxSS4). In their eyes, institutions—which promote and implement policies to prevent falls—often fall short in effectively supporting them: A general sentiment of the participants was that the management did not have much in place to support staff but rather created a lot of hassle when patients fell. (ProfH3)
The present synthesis shows that the practical limitations formal care providers face, in addition to the uncertainty over the results of fall prevention measures, shape the preventive decisions they make.
Ethical Dilemmas and Moral Issues
Intertwined with clinical and practical conditions in fall prevention are the ethical dilemmas, embedded with moral issues; the fourth condition identified in the fall prevention decision context: The result showed a complex picture grounded in the ethical dilemma personnel face when, in the course of providing care, they must choose between residents’ safety and their rights to integrity and autonomy. (Prof-AuxSS6)
Ethical dilemmas and the consequences of a fall are the properties that describe this category.
Data from reviewed studies show that two dilemmas are present when formal care providers ponder how to prevent a fall. One is whether safety justifies the loss of autonomy of the older person; the other being whether it is legitimate to damage their dignity in the interest of their own safety. The studies about the use of restraints to avoid falls illustrate these dilemmas clearly: It appears that nurses experienced some ethical conflicts in using restraints on elderly patients. Indeed, the decision to use restraints is not an easy one and sometimes nurses find themselves in a dilemma. (ProfH8)
Safety of other patients and staff should also be considered, as one patient’s safety may turn out to be unsafe for others. Measures such as the use of a walking stick or a walking aide, may become an instrument of aggression toward others (ProfH6). Finding the balance between safety and autonomy, safety, and dignity, is not easy (AuxH9) as the decision to be made will always affect the safety, autonomy, and dignity of a patient: This descriptive category focuses on dementia and age-related conditions, and comprises the “conceptions,” “forgetfulness,” “anxiety and confusion,” “ability to express oneself and understand,” and “bodily build and function.” The informants highlight the challenge of balancing integrity and autonomy vs. the risk of falling when these circumstances exist. (Prof-AuxSS6; emphasis added)
Formal care providers appraise what is best for each patient and situation, the options they face are often negative, and opt for the lesser of two evils (Prof-AuxSS7). They seek ethically balanced decisions.
Formal care providers feel morally obliged to care for their patients (Prof-AuxSS8), and they are expected to prevent them from falling, “when we addressed the issue of preventing falls, the primary responsibility was clearly placed on the nurse” a study says (ProfH5). When a fall happens, formal care providers feel guilt and self-blame, they feel they have failed as professionals (ProfH5; Prof-AuxSS5). A fall makes them feel angry (AuxH9; Prof-AuxSS7; ProfH5; ProfH6; ProfH4; ProfH1) and morally distressed (Prof-AuxSS8); it is a painful event for them (Prof-AuxSS8).
Through their work, they are witnesses to the “devastating” consequences (ProfH6) that falls have for patients: injuries that isolate them, make them fragile, and increase their pain (ProfH1). As formal care providers, they cannot escape or forget these consequences, since they must deal with them. The possibility of a fall happening has a loop effect for formal care providers (Prof-AuxSS8) and an impact that lasts and will condition what course of action is taken: They [nurses] stated that it was often difficult to judge when to apply a restraint. They felt that it was the dread of the responsibility that steered them toward putting patients in restraints. (ProfH3)
Falls have consequences for formal care providers. There is a lot at stake for them in fall prevention, “nobody is ever the same after a serious fall,” is asserted in a study (Prof-AuxSS8). Thus, not only patient safety is considered, but also the sense of security of formal care providers: It appeared that whatever reasons nurses cited for restraining elderly patients, one outcome was that nurses felt a sense of security for themselves. (ProfH8)
Indeed, the potential consequences that a fall might have for formal care providers taint the appraisal that they make; on occasions, they are inclined to act “just in case” (ProfH1) and on other occasions they express ambivalence about the best course of action: One licensed practice nurse who frequently was assigned to one-to-one observations expressed her ambivalence, “It is hard to keep someone from falling, even if you are within arm’s length, without hurting yourself. It’s your job to guide the person to floor, but it is not always possible without hurting yourself.” (ProfH6; emphasis added)
Therefore, in addition to the ethical dilemmas, moral issues enter the decision-making context of fall prevention.
Discussion
The present synthesis shows that making preventive decisions is complex. Formal care providers notice fall risks and assess clinical as well as ethical issues to guide their actions. In this way, they situate fall prevention in a clinical and moral context before executing it.
The role of nurses in decision-making regarding fall prevention of older people has hardly been taken into consideration (Alaszewski & Alaszewski, 2000) and previous studies have concluded that their preventive work becomes invisible and hence unrecognized (Phelan & McCormack, 2016; Wiltjer et al., 2019). The present synthesis depicts formal care providers as active agents in interpreting clinical risk situations and pondering options for fall prevention. Scales, protocols, and guidelines are means that are situated in clinical and moral contexts.
The meaning that things have for people guide their actions (Blumer, 1969). In fall prevention meaning has been taken for granted or regarded merely as a neutral link between factors responsible for behavior, such as information, and the resulting behavior that is preventing a fall. The present synthesis has shown that in practice things are more complex. Formal care providers do not just follow protocols or instructions like automats but interpret contextually bound situations and prepare themselves to act. Indeed, human action is forged before being executed (Blumer, 1969). This has implications for the implementation of fall prevention measures for older people in health care facilities.
Assessing the risk of falls is presented in the bibliography as the first step of a preventive process and in a linear stepwise logic (Registered Nurses’ Association of Ontario, 2017) but the risk of falls changes rapidly in the health care facility (Morse, 2006). Thus, identifying fall risks is embedded in the practice of formal care providers, it is not a one-shot activity but a continuous process where risk situations are interpreted. People are not acting in predetermined situations, but situations are being reflexively generated in a continuous manner by them (Suchman et al., 2019). This dynamic and constructive nature of fall prevention tends to pass unnoticed in fall prevention programs erasing formal care providers’ agency in fall prevention. Furthermore, clinical practice is messy and dynamic, and formal care providers are continuously on alert making sense of their environment and patients’ situation. Protocols are not meant to capture this; protocols standardize behavior and the conditions uncovered in this synthesis resist standardization.
An overreliance on fall protocols to prevent falls is not only simplistic, as it disregards the contextual factors that condition a course of action, but is also detrimental for formal care providers, as it encourages the attributing of success to protocols and the attributing of failures to those who have implemented them, disregarding such things as the uncertainty embedded in fall prevention as reported in the present synthesis, and that patient safety is inversely related to staffing levels (Aiken et al., 2014; King et al., 2018). In addition, placing the responsibility for falls on the shoulders of formal care providers as a rule, is discriminatory and contradictory; prevention is a team endeavor, as literature repeatedly states, and protocols reflect.
The impact that falls have on formal care providers uncovered in this synthesis reveal further issues on the implementation of fall prevention measures. Preceding studies have highlighted the ethical dilemmas in which nurses and related health care providers who work with older people find themselves, (Alaszewski & Alaszewski, 2000; Dwyer et al., 2009) but have not noticed the bearing that moral issues have in the construction of a fall prevention plan. Falls have a punitive effect on formal care providers, so in the shaping of the preventive action they will take this into consideration in order to avoid it or mitigate being penalized. Indeed, a previous study found that in order to comply with the zero falls policy, nursing staff implemented fall prevention interventions defensively (King et al., 2018). This is an unwanted effect that policy makers and health care managers must be warned against when planning to introduce fall prevention protocols, programs or interventions in health care facilities. Falls have an impact on formal care providers, and not only on patients.
Another aspect linked to the above is that clinical practice takes place in environments increasingly prone to errors (Benner et al., 2010; Treiber & Jones, 2010). While medical errors are part of clinical practice (Carmack, 2014), unlike in medicine, in nursing they are not normalized and tend to be punishable (Nolan & Carmack, 2015). Institutional limitations and the limitations of preventive tools pointed to in the primary studies reviewed, show that formal care providers work within imperfect systems (Benner et al., 2010). Acknowledging these imperfections in fall prevention plans and programs would mitigate the negative impact that a fall has on formal care providers and therefore deter defensive preventive practice.
Finally, “any preventable event that may cause harm to a patient or has an undesired result” in the clinical context is considered as a medical error (Hovey et al., 2011, p. 662). Therefore, falls that formal care providers consider preventable are, to them, comparable with medical errors. Indeed, as the present synthesis illustrates, they have similar effects on them as do medical errors: medical errors threaten their professional self and their livelihood and call into question their identity (Treiber & Jones, 2010); medical errors turn those who commit them into secondary victims (Carmack, 2014). Viewing those preventable falls as medical errors and not as punishable events would open the way to promote programs for training formal care providers in apologizing, and this might reduce the number of errors (Nolan & Carmack, 2015) in addition to the therapeutic effects that apologizing has for both, patient and practitioner (Carmack, 2014).
Limitations
Qualitative syntheses pose challenges (Britten et al., 2017). Among those are the deficiencies in indexing qualitative studies in databases. The manual search of different sources carried out during the present study has mitigated indexing problems in electronic databases; however, it may have left some relevant studies out. In this synthesis we have analyzed the interpretations that other researchers had made of the studies’ data; therefore, it has the limitation of the quality of such interpretations (Britten et al., 2017). Although the detail and the narrative richness of the studies reviewed are considerable, the emerging categories have not achieved saturation, but they have been described to the maximum possible extent.
Conclusion
Policy makers need information on the acceptability and feasibility of interventions, as well as on the factors influencing their implementation (Gough et al., 2017). This synthesis reveals that fall prevention requires interpreting not-yet defined situations and constructing a course of action.
Protocols absorb the attention of fall prevention in clinical practice, whereas tools to assess and predict risk do so in research. However, the present synthesis reveals that more consideration, both in patient safety policy and research, ought to be paid to the contextual issues embedded in fall prevention and in formal care providers’ agency in preventing falls in health care facilities.
More than a workforce, formal care providers are clinicians making complex decisions. Hence, when overwhelmed and stressed, like the synthesized studies point out, their risk assessment and prevention decision-making are likely to be impaired. Therefore, it is necessary to pay more attention to their work environment to improve fall prevention figures, let alone the need to have the appropriate staff-patient ratio as they are the true instruments of fall prevention. Health care managers need to be aware that falls have a negative impact on formal care providers with consequences on the implementation of fall prevention actions. Furthermore, the impact that falls have on formal care providers must be alleviated by acknowledging the imperfectness of the health care system and by considering preventable falls as a medical error. This will render benefits for both patients and practitioners.
Preventing older people from falling in health care facilities is difficult and complex; for formal care providers, it goes beyond following guidelines and protocols. This synthesis clarifies why simplistic approaches to fall prevention do not work. With this synthesis we wanted to put forward ideas that improve the understanding of formal care providers’ practice on fall prevention.
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Supplemental material, sj-pdf-1-qhr-10.1177_1049732320921144 for Situating Preventive Action in a Moral and Clinical Context: A Qualitative Synthesis on Fall Prevention by Carmen de la Cuesta-Benjumea, Eva Abad-Corpa, Beatriz Lidón-Cerezuela, Isabel Orts-Cortés, Cristóbal Meseguer-Liza and Claudia Patricia Arredondo-González in Qualitative Health Research
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Supplemental material, sj-pdf-2-qhr-10.1177_1049732320921144 for Situating Preventive Action in a Moral and Clinical Context: A Qualitative Synthesis on Fall Prevention by Carmen de la Cuesta-Benjumea, Eva Abad-Corpa, Beatriz Lidón-Cerezuela, Isabel Orts-Cortés, Cristóbal Meseguer-Liza and Claudia Patricia Arredondo-González in Qualitative Health Research
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sj-pdf-3-qhr-10.1177_1049732320921144 – Supplemental material for Situating Preventive Action in a Moral and Clinical Context: A Qualitative Synthesis on Fall Prevention
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-3-qhr-10.1177_1049732320921144 for Situating Preventive Action in a Moral and Clinical Context: A Qualitative Synthesis on Fall Prevention by Carmen de la Cuesta-Benjumea, Eva Abad-Corpa, Beatriz Lidón-Cerezuela, Isabel Orts-Cortés, Cristóbal Meseguer-Liza and Claudia Patricia Arredondo-González in Qualitative Health Research
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sj-pdf-4-qhr-10.1177_1049732320921144 – Supplemental material for Situating Preventive Action in a Moral and Clinical Context: A Qualitative Synthesis on Fall Prevention
Supplemental material, sj-pdf-4-qhr-10.1177_1049732320921144 for Situating Preventive Action in a Moral and Clinical Context: A Qualitative Synthesis on Fall Prevention by Carmen de la Cuesta-Benjumea, Eva Abad-Corpa, Beatriz Lidón-Cerezuela, Isabel Orts-Cortés, Cristóbal Meseguer-Liza and Claudia Patricia Arredondo-González in Qualitative Health Research
Footnotes
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The authors declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The authors disclosed receipt of the following financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: Authors receive funds to conduct this review from the National Institute of Health Carlos III-Ministerio de Economia y Competitividad. Madrid, Spain and the European fund for Regional Development-Grant PI 15/01351.
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