I Want to Break Myself,When I’m Already Broken: Experiences of Gambling in Relation to a “Rock Bottom” Hypothesis

Research on Recovery From Gambling Disorders

In recent years, recovery has become an increasingly central theme in addiction research (Pickering, 2020). A growing number of quantitative studies have aimed to map recovery trajectories, identify predictors of positive outcomes, and evaluate the effectiveness of various interventions. Findings suggest that recovery is often a non-linear process influenced by a range of psychosocial and structural factors (Kelly et al., 2018). Within the field of gambling research, there has also been a rise in quantitative studies exploring recovery patterns, particularly among individuals with co-occurring substance use disorders (Armoon et al., 2025). At the same time, several scholars have pointed out that many quantitative studies lack a clear definition of what constitutes recovery, which complicates comparisons and interpretations of findings (Mansueto et al., 2024).

Research indicates that gambling disorder and substance use disorders frequently co-occur, exhibit similar clinical symptoms, and share some genetic and physiological characteristics (Grant & Chamberlain, 2020). Furthermore, several treatment strategies that have shown promise for gambling problems have also been effective for substance use disorders (Grant & Chamberlain, 2020).

Existing quantitative studies have been criticized for not clearly defining recovery (Mansueto et al., 2024). One term used in relation to addiction is “spontaneous remission” (Walters, 2000). However, the term has been challenged by Mulford (1988) who writes that spontaneous remission is a “euphemism for our ignorance of the forces at work” (p. 330). In contrast, Sobell et al. (2001) suggest the term self-change. Self-change has an active tone and witness about a shift toward agency. In a recent scoping review, Mansueto et al. (2024) examined how recovery from gambling disorder has been conceptualized across different types of studies. Their analysis revealed that while quantitative research often defines recovery in terms of abstinence or symptom reduction, qualitative studies highlight a broader and more nuanced understanding. Through a meta-synthesis of qualitative findings, the authors identified four recurring themes that characterize recovery experiences: Insight, empowerment and commitment, well-being enhancement, and reconsideration of relapses. These findings underscore the need for more integrative and person-centered approaches to understanding recovery.

Nuske and Hing (2013, p. 41) emphasize that while existing research demonstrates “that people can change” in relation to gambling problems, it often fails to explain “how people change.” Pickering et al. (2020) conclude that the lack of previous qualitative studies focusing on individuals’ own experiences risks missing valuable information about the underlying processes surrounding individuals’ gambling problems. This highlights a need for deeper insight into how individuals with gambling problems perceive and relate to their situation prior to initiating change. Such knowledge could offer valuable guidance for both the development of effective interventions and for supporting those directly affected (Suurvali et al., 2010). These concerns echo long-standing critiques within the broader addiction literature (Simpson & Bluthenthal, 2020), from which the gambling field can draw important lessons.

Understanding Recovery From a Narrative Perspective

Narrative theory focuses on individuals’ personal stories and experiences, which are central to understanding the complex and often emotional journeys that individuals with gambling problems undergo. By analyzing these narratives, we can gain deeper insights into their experiences and the factors influencing their recovery. As Crossley (2000) highlights, narrative psychology allows us to understand how individuals construct meaning from their experiences, which is crucial in studies of gambling recovery. Understanding how people interpret and integrate their experiences into their lives provides valuable information about the recovery process. This methodology allows us to capture the rich, detailed experiences of the participants, providing deeper insights into their journeys and the complexities of “rock bottom.” By focusing on the narratives, we aim to highlight the personal factors that shape the experiences, offering a more nuanced understanding of the transformative potential of “rock bottom.”

Qualitative research has greatly advanced our understanding of substance and behavioral addictions. A key objective in conducting qualitative research is to comprehend the pathways of addiction, encompassing its initiation, progression, maintenance, and eventual cessation or recovery (Simpson & Bluthenthal, 2020). The aim of narrative analysis is to keep stories intact to preserve and examine the wealth of detailed information they contain while simultaneously considering the overall context of the personal experience (Simpson & Bluthenthal, 2020).

According to Nuske and Hing (2013), using narrative analysis to understand experiences of gambling can open a window to a more complex understanding of these problems. Gambling problems are not an isolated phenomenon but are linked to personal, social, and cultural aspects of life, and formulating an understanding of the recovery process requires a comprehensive approach that considers all these factors. By integrating these factors, we can develop more holistic and effective strategies to support individuals in their recovery processes.

An example of how narrative theory has enhanced our understanding of gambling problems is the study by Reith and Dobbie (2012), which also aims to broaden knowledge on recovery and addiction in general. Reith and Dobbie (2012) argue that recovery can take various forms, but common to all is a changed perception of time and a stronger sense of empowerment and authenticity as individuals strive toward a future where they feel they have more control. Canali and colleagues (2021) emphasize that narrative studies are useful in identifying key aspects of gambling disorder that could be targeted for treatment. As others have suggested (Pickering et al., 2020), the importance of designing accurate person-centered and effective interventions cannot be underestimated, and for clinical work to optimize the benefit in relation to what patients need right then and there, these interventions need to be grounded in knowledge based on the narratives of those affected.

Using “Rock Bottom” as a Figure to Explore Recovery

Narrative theory emphasizes the significance of “key events,” “turning points,” or what Crossley (2000) refers to as “nadir experiences.” Building on this perspective, numerous studies on addiction have explored the most challenging moments in individuals’ lives—those episodes that often precede or accompany profound personal change (e.g., McIntosh & McKeganey, 2000). A particularly prominent narrative motif in this context is the idea of hitting “rock bottom” (Kirouac et al., 2015). According to Kirouac and Witkiewitz (2017), the term was first introduced in a 1965 paper on alcohol use and is generally understood as “an accumulation of substance-related consequences and an individual’s realization of such an accumulation” (Kirouac et al., 2015). This is aligned with the focus of Alcoholics Anonymous where several negative events, for example, “hitting rock bottom,” are seen as a necessary step in recovery (Kirouac et al., 2015).

This understanding is echoed in the research literature, where “rock bottom” has been described as a mechanism in change processes and has been used when looking at both substance use disorder (e.g., Patton & Best, 2022) and alcohol use disorder (e.g., Kirouac et al., 2015). In relation to substances, experiencing a “rock bottom” has been highlighted as a key explanation for positive change in recovery (McIntosh & McKeganey, 2001). This type of change has been described as when someone with addiction problems “has reached a point in his or her drug-using career beyond which she or he is not prepared to go” (McIntosh & McKeganey, 2001, p. 48). Further, it is understood to be “the stage at which the individual feels he or she must either give up drugs or go under” (McIntosh & McKeganey, 2001, p. 53). However, while “rock bottom” has been understood as a useful concept in the general addiction literature, some scholars still call for more exploration of the phenomenon (Kemp, 2013; Kirouac & Witkiewitz, 2017). For example, Kemp (2013, p. 107) asks if there is “more to rock-bottom than the simple notion that things have to get very bad before people make changes?”. This implies that a continuous exploration of “rock bottom” is still important to addiction research in general.

In this study, we employ “rock bottom” as a sensitizing concept (Bowen, 2019). This means that “rock bottom” serves as a guiding idea to help us interpret and understand the participants’ experiences without imposing rigid definitions or expectations. By using it in this way, we strive to remain open to the nuances and complexities of the participants’ narratives.

In some research specifically focusing on gambling disorder, the figure of “rock bottom” has also been identified. For instance, Itäpuisto (2019) found that individuals who described themselves as taking personal responsibility for seeking help often framed their turning point in terms of hitting “rock bottom,” an experience marked by a sense of crisis and the realization that change was necessary. However, prior studies suggest that there might be different processes of recovery from gambling problems compared to other addictions due to the specific psychological, social, and physical consequences of this addictive behavior (Koski-Jannes, 1999). For example, alcohol use disorder might lead, after worsening consequences, to a point where it is a question of recovery or death (Kirouac et al., 2015). Although gambling-related problems can have far-reaching negative consequences and may be linked to criminal behavior, relationship problems, and suicide (Moreira et al., 2023), it is not evident that this critical juncture, where it is a matter of recovery or death, appears the same in gambling problems as it does in alcohol or substance abuse. This means that the question remains, if the experiences and functions of “rock bottom” in relation to gambling disorder are experienced in similar or different ways compared to in other forms of addiction. This also supports Kemp’s (2013) question if there is more to rock bottom than what we already know. If so, a better nuanced understanding can help us understand what we need to do to support a person who is struggling to stay off their “rock bottom” or who is already at their bottom (cf. Canali et al., 2021).

With this background, we examine the recovery process from the individual’s own standpoint and highlight the narratives which individuals with lived experiences of gambling problems provide of the process of moving down, touching, and eventually moving up from “rock bottom.” The research questions are: How do individuals with lived experiences of gambling problems describe their journeys in relation to “rock bottom”? and How do these narratives support or challenge the “rock bottom” hypothesis in the context of gambling recovery?

Ethics

The study was carried out in accordance with the ethical principles in the Declaration of Helsinki (World Medical Association, 2013) and was approved by the regional ethical review board in Lund (No. 2019-01454).

Before the interviews were conducted, participants were informed about the study, about confidentiality, and that they could withdraw their participation at any time without giving a reason. The anonymity of the participants was ensured by the interviewing researcher anonymizing all data before the other researchers accessed the data. In this process, the participants were given a number that was later used when presenting the results.

Procedure

Participants were recruited through the national mutual support groups: National Association of Gambling Addicts (in Swedish Spelberoendes riksförbund) and Gamblers Anonymous. The societies shared information about the study in support meetings and on their social media platform. Interested persons were encouraged to contact the first author for more information or if they had any questions. The first author, who conducted the interviews, previously worked in addiction care as a clinical psychologist in training. Currently, she is employed both as a specialist psychologist and as a doctoral candidate.

Thirteen persons contacted the first author, and ten participated in an interview. The three others stated personal or logistic reasons for not taking part in an interview. The ten persons who participated also filled out a NODS (National Opinion Research Center DSM-IV Screen for Gambling Problems) questionnaire to make sure their gambling experiences were clinically relevant (Wickwire et al., 2008). Total scores on NODS can range from 0 to 10. Higher scores indicate more serious gambling problems (Wickwire et al., 2008).

Out of the ten participants, eight were men and two women. The scores on NODS varied between 8 and 10 (Mdn_score = 10), and the age varied between 35 and 67 years (Mdn_age = 46). The participants lived in different parts of Sweden, they were all parents, and most of them were currently employed. They were in different stages of recovery. The age range and the participants’ different stages of recovery provided valuable variability in the sample. By accounting for these different perspectives, our analysis acknowledges the dynamic nature of recovery and the complex ways in which individuals conceptualize “rock bottom.” For example, individuals in the early stages of recovery might describe recent and vivid experiences that focus on immediate challenges and the initial steps toward recovery. Those in a more mid-recovery may reflect on “rock bottom” as a turning point that is now part of their past. Their stories might emphasize ongoing struggles and the strategies they employ to maintain progress. Participants in a more long-term recovery might view “rock bottom” as a distant memory, providing insights into how their understanding of this concept has evolved over time.

Semi-structured interviews were conducted via a digital platform. The interview guide used consisted of questions regarding the participants’ general life and living situation, experiences of control, and their gambling history, including perceptions of what could have facilitated their recovery. One example from the interview guide is: “When you think about the last time you experienced a loss of control (please refer to any examples the person has given), what emotions and thoughts were associated with that situation? Negative? Positive? Both?” The idea of “rock bottom” did not guide the design of the study or the interview questions but rather emerged during the analytical process. Initially, our focus was on exploring experiences of control and loss of control in relation to gambling. As we engaged more deeply with the data, distinct narrative patterns began to take shape. Over time, we noticed that several participants described moments of crisis or turning points that shared common features—experiences that we came to understand as “rock bottom.”

The interviews were conducted by the first author. The transcription of the interviews was partially done by the first author, while professional transcribers completed the remaining transcriptions.

After the interview, the audio recording from the conversation was saved and later transcribed verbatim. The interviews lasted between 51 and 95 minutes (Mdn_time = 74 minutes). Before the interview, the participant signed an informed consent.

Analysis

In our analysis, we adopted Murray’s (2003) conceptualization of narrative, emphasizing its most notable feature: Providing a clear and logical explanation of an event that has occurred or is expected to occur. The data were very rich, and in this article our approach was grounded in the narrative psychology assumption that listening to individuals’ stories reveals insights into their psychological and social realities (Crossley, 2000). We also posited that analysis is an interpretative, active process requiring the interpreter to closely engage with the narratives (Crossley, 2000).

When the interviews were transcribed, each participant’s story was summarized from a narrative perspective. The interviews were coded using the software NVivo 14, and the codes were used to find common traits in personal narratives. The coding was conducted by the first author. The focus was on individual case stories first before comparing them. The analysis of the transcripts was carried out collaboratively by the entire author group.

The concept of “rock bottom” can be experienced and interpreted differently by individuals. This openness makes it particularly useful in a qualitative context, where the aim is to understand participants’ subjective experiences of crisis, turning points, and change. By using “rock bottom” as a sensitizing concept, we were able to identify and analyze narratives of personal limits, experiences of loss or vulnerability, and how these relate to motivation for change and recovery.

This approach enabled a deeper understanding of how participants themselves construct meaning around their experiences rather than imposing a predefined interpretation of what “rock bottom” entails. In this way, the concept helps capture the complexity and variation that characterize people’s life stories in relation to addiction and recovery.

The analysis focused on “key events,” and especially what Crossley calls “nadir experiences,” that is, a low or the worst moment in the participant’s life, and on turning points, that is, an episode where the individual experiences significant change (Crossley, 2000). This was made with the basis in the steps suggested by Crossley drawing on the theory formulated by McAdams (1985). The analysis was thus guided by the narrative psychological steps such as familiarizing and reading the texts, identifying important concepts, narrative tones, as well as themes and imagery (Crossley, 2000). The next step in the analysis consisted in creating a coherent story before writing up the research report (Crossley, 2000). Even though Crossley’s steps are formulated for individual cases, and not for finding commonalties between people, we found using the steps helpful as a guiding map through the process of analyzing the data. During the analysis process, one thought that we kept in mind was the circumstance stressed by Squire et al. (2008), that representations may vary over time, and that one phenomenon may yield different stories, even from the same person.

Dedication and Time Pushing You Down

Putting all the available time into gambling required participants to be stubborn and persevere on their path down. Plunging toward “rock bottom” could largely be about the increased time spent on gambling, about an increased level of tolerance, or about the search for the big win.

Several participants said they did not sleep: “It has certainly cost a lot mentally, those nights when you didn’t get any sleep and so on. But the stubbornness has also been there … it will work, and it does work!” (2). In addition to not sleeping, many participants stopped eating: “Yes, lunch was not a priority. I didn’t eat anything. A cup of coffee and a cigarette” (2). Even going to the toilet was hard according to some: “I just wanted to be with my phone. On the toilet” (2). As such, “all time awake is just thinking about gambling” (5). Gambling thus filled their entire existence: “So it was constant. From morning to evening” (10). The availability of gambling came to dissolve all routines and boundaries in life:

And because it is available all the time. At night, I couldn’t sleep. Because I wasn’t active during the day, I didn’t get tired. You lay there and couldn’t sleep. So, it was easy to start gambling and then it never ended. (6)

This also gave many a warped sense of time: “If you look at it from the outside …, look at the score, you might imagine that you’ve been sitting for an hour—you’ve been sitting for four hours” (9). If gambling was given enough time, the solution in the form of a big win would come: “As long as I stay here long enough, it will be good. Then I will feel good and then it will be good as well. So that’s also why you can disappear for hours” (9). Several participants said that it was impossible to stop gambling, because they did not know what to do with all the time they had access to: “It just feels like what am I supposed to do, it’s so boring, so monotonous, there’s basically nothing happening” (3).

The stories of dedication, time shaped around gambling, and long-term exposure to gambling show that it takes a certain kind of commitment to start the journey to “rock bottom.”

Vulnerability Pulling You Down

For some, hitting “rock bottom” in gambling seemed to be more related to their perceptions of different kinds of vulnerabilities within themselves. Gambling had taken a course where they did not or could not intervene to stop or change the ongoing process. Some said that they were affected by circumstances in childhood or the present, some were affected by personal attitudes, and for others it started when they were exposed to gambling without being able to behave in a constructive way.

The path to “rock bottom” could be marked by a longer period of heightened sensitivity and exposure to gambling, while for others it came like a lightning bolt. One participant described a rapid process of winning a gambling competition that they participated in with their colleagues: “It escalated quickly” (9). The win was the beginning of a quick journey along the road to the bottom.

Other participants referred to more theoretically expected vulnerabilities, such as having addiction problems in the family: “But I have a history of addiction in my family” (9). Several individuals described themselves as being particularly prone to developing an addiction. They believed that their gambling habits stemmed from a desire to avoid harming their bodies. Many of them had a strong interest in sports and enjoyed being physically active. While alcohol and drugs would have affected their sports performance negatively, they reflected that gambling could be combined with sports. One participant described how their challenges began already in childhood, growing up in an environment where their parents gave in to their resistance and did not teach them the value of money.

My parents were too nice to me. I mean, I kind of ran them over. I kind of didn’t let them raise me. Teach me things. I knew everything best. So, they never got that chance to teach me the value of a bill. The value of money. (1)

For others, gambling was described as a form of coping with a problematic situation. One participant explained how the worry of a child with mental health problems had been gnawing at them for so many years that they eventually turned to gambling as escapism. When things started getting problematic, their stubborn attitude that the problems “must be possible to solve” (2) just perpetuated the problems. Another participant shared a similar experience, describing how caring for a sick child and having a partner on parental leave led to a cycle of rapid online speculation and a sharp rise in gambling. Similarly, a participant living with a pain condition said that sick leave eventually led to a very difficult life of suffering and gambling:

My back was very sore so I couldn’t walk at all. So, I simply laid home. So, in the end I was taken off social security benefits [… and] I had to take all my savings to live at all […] I thought that I could start [gambling], as I had little to do at the time, and it is easily accessible on the internet, I played roulette on the internet. I thought that I could get back some of the money I lost on the other things. And I’ve won huge amounts, so I could have lived three lives. But then you get too far there, […] you can hardly stop. […] if you miss a spin, maybe it was the spin you could have won on. So, you could spin for a day at a time. That was often the case for me.

The availability of time, as the participant mentioned above, was also mentioned by others. Another participant described how a separation resulted in child-free weeks that gave “much more time” (5) for gambling, and the “stakes increased all the time to the extent that I lost control” (5).

The participants’ stories show that it is important to look at many different aspects of vulnerability, and that it can express itself in many complex ways even before gambling is a problem.

The Path Down via Self-Hatred or Indifference

“Rock bottom” was described as something many participants dreaded, but some also characterized it as enticing, as driving themselves down was in line with their self-hatred or indifference. One participant experienced “such hatred for this person who is really me” (1). This participant described how the bottom could be something they were consciously moving toward in a self-destructive way:

Let’s say I have 100 000. And I gamble away 20 000. Then I start to hate myself for gambling away the 20 000. Then. Then I want to hurt myself. I’ll gamble away the other 80 000 too. Just to hurt myself. It’s so sick. It’s so … it’s really sick. I’ve gambled away like this … 20 000 but I want to break myself. When I’m already broken. (1)

Just as the path to “rock bottom” could be lined with self-hatred, it could also be a ride down because of indifference. One participant explained that they felt that “Life is bullshit anyway, so I guess we’ll just keep going here” (8). As an indifferent observer, these participants just watched life get “worse and worse and worse” (1). Several described that this meant that things stopped to matter, and they just went with the fall:

When indifference sets in again, when it comes—when it feels like we’ve reached a limit where it doesn’t matter, then we might as well continue. If it comes, it comes; if it doesn’t, it’s all the same. (8)

Some also said that they did not surely know where their “rock bottom” would be, or how they would know if they would recognize their final exit out of there. One participant reflected, “But everyone has choices. So, you [people] say that you should hit your bottom. What if you don’t know where the bottom is” (9).

The stories show an experience where there was only one way down, like being on a roller coaster the second after the carriage has tipped over the edge, and there is only one way down, a breathtaking, fast-paced, and terrifying fall. The bottom could have a pull and drag individuals down via self-destructiveness or indifference; a fall could evoke horror but could also be driven by a will to actually break themselves.

“Rock Bottom” as Horrible

Being at “rock bottom” was associated with “such terrible anxiety. You’re just dripping with sweat. You don’t have the energy to do anything” (6) other than gambling for days on end, without winning anything. In this state, most described that gambling had taken over life completely: “When it was at its worst, […] I was gambling a …well, what can you say? Ten hours a day, if that’s enough” (8). As such, gambling had become “compulsive” (7):

I know I gambled […] without even looking at the screen and stuff. I had auto spin in my pocket during the whole working day and so on. So, there was none of this entertainment value left. And then it was … well, somewhere a desperate quest to make a profit, make up for debts and so on. But there was no pleasure. (7)

As such, “rock bottom” was a very dark place: “well, [it is] like you […] stand inside a lit room and turn off the lights […] that’s probably the best explanation” (4). Several participants talked about this “rock bottom”–experience as being without any kicks or pleasure, just a sense of trying to restore what has been lost and terrible anxiety. This led many to have suicidal thoughts, wished to make or even made suicide attempts: “When it was at its worst […] well, you know, I wanted to kill myself. I didn’t want to live … It was much worse” (10). For some, this was a result of the understanding “that you can’t handle it” (9). Many described a sense of hopelessness: “You should always restore your finances. That’s always the idea. That plus you have terrible anxiety. You have poor finances plus, well, when it’s at its worst it’s simply anxiety” (6). From having experienced some kind of glow on the way down to the bottom, there was now only emptiness, compulsiveness, and anxiety: “because there’s no more gas, you know” (9).

“Rock Bottom” as a Relief

While almost everyone talked about rock bottom as horrible, some also said it provided some relief when “it can’t get any worse” (9):

[It was] complete despair, of course, when you lost control—when you knew it was all over. But at the same time, it was nice. The times you’ve gambled away all your money. Because [you knew]: “Right, now I can’t get into this shit anymore, because there’s no more gasoline.” So, there’s also a paradox in the whole thing, that it was most peaceful when everything was over. […] you just have to be a gambler to understand, but… (9)

Several talked about how exhausting all resources meant an external stop to gambling, which was good: “In the end, I didn’t get any more loans. There is a barrier somewhere. It comes to an end. Fortunately” (2). Some also realized they had to stop to survive: “You gamble everything you have. So, you have no money left for food” (6).

The stories of hitting “rock bottom” thus also contained elements of relief and the realization that things could not get any worse. Either it stopped or it got better. But it couldn’t get any worse.

The Way Up via Suicidal Behavior

While several talked about “rock bottom” as a place with suicidal thoughts, two participants had attempted suicide and talked about it as a turning point: “Yes, it was a turning point. I scared myself. But it could have gone another way too, but it didn’t. I made it” (2). Many talked about becoming afraid of themselves, and realizing what kind of person they had become and that this was not the person they wanted and needed to be:

I ended up in this spiral, which for me was a downward spiral that made things worse and worse. I left, I fled to the extent that I left goodbye letters, and I tried to kill myself at another time to get away, and that’s not taking responsibility for my children. But it’s because, emotionally and mentally, you just feel really fucking bad, and as I said earlier, there’s a lot of shame and guilt that … You’ve pretended to be a strong, strong-willed person, knowledgeable, etcetera, etcetera., and then suddenly you’re weak because you do things … do things that are not good, that are shameful, that create guilt. (5)

These kinds of realizations led several participants to seek help. Getting help became a way of choosing life over death.

The Way Up via Imprisonment

Several participants described how change became inevitable when they were imprisoned for the crimes they had committed. One participant described how they committed a crime and then reported it to the police. This was after having previously been close to taking their own life on several occasions, leaving suicide notes, and making a suicide attempt without being able to change their situation:

And my journey ended with me committing a crime against the company I was working for, committing fraud, and that was the end, and I was so terribly tired of it all, and I went and reported myself to the police. From that day on, I decided that my life would be different. (5)

Breaking the secrecy around gambling was an important factor in breaking the cycle. Some participants said that being arrested forced them to be open about their gambling problems: “I had to be transparent, because I was arrested. So, there was no question about it. People wouldn’t know where I was otherwise” (9). Another participant, who had hit “rock bottom,” also described how finally being convicted was a turning point: “Yes, I have been convicted of some economic crime. Linked to companies. And that is a consequence of my gambling (10).

In retrospect, these experiences served as deterrent examples that could keep future gambling at bay. One of these participants said:

The difference today is that […] Whatever happens, I won’t go that way. Because then I know it will end badly. I will start where I left off. I won’t start carefully […] I don’t want that. […] I rarely think about gambling. [Gambling]’s not really an option anymore. (9)

While “rock bottom” was a deterrent example, relating to how bad life actually was at that point was hard: “It is difficult to imagine it again. How it was. It’s not so long ago. But still, it’s so very distant” (2).

Committing a crime and getting caught seemed to work both as an internal and external stop for both gambling and the existence of “rock bottom.”

The Way Up via Help-Seeking

Some participants described that life at “rock bottom” was so unbearable that it was impossible to continue as they were doing. At this point, several participants sought professional help: “When it was at its worst for me then, and it was quite late in life, I went and wanted help myself” (6). Some described this as making an active choice: “You realize that you have to do something now, otherwise it won’t work. You are on the street. Then you also have to make a choice” (2). To be able to seek help, participants had to have some kind of hope or belief that something else was possible. One participant said that they thought “‘It’s better that I die, so everyone around me doesn’t have to suffer’ … But that’s not what I really wanted” (10).

Even though participants then described wanting help, the window for seeking help was also described as very small. This meant that it was important to take advantage of the opening as soon as it was available:

What finally happened […] was that I got such a small, small window when I felt that I had to deal with this. […] then I sent a text message to my mom, in which I wrote in two or three sentences only, that I have lost a lot of money and need help. And somewhere, right after that […] I regretted it a little, “Damn. Now I have to … Now it’s out.” But that was also what made me send the text message. Because then I couldn’t come later and say: “No, I was just joking.” She would never have bought that. […] I’ve had that feeling several times, that now I have to solve this. But that window, when I feel strong, is so incredibly short. It can be a matter of seconds, a few minutes if you’re lucky. And then I think it’s very important to … well when you get that temporary strength … Then you must do something. (7)

The participant came clean to their partner and was surprised they were not abandoned, something they had been convinced would happen. The situation also became more real and concrete, as the debts unraveled and would not go away through “a big win coming up” (7).

For another participant, the search for help was opened by the fact that the participant was caught by a family member with their gambling, and the concealment of gambling, which had been central to their problems, came to an end when the person ended up at the enforcement agency:

“The feeling I had at the time was that I could have done anything to keep my salary, that’s not really good to think about either, but they went in and seized my salary and then everything came to the surface here at home.” (4)

When it was not possible to keep it a secret, this participant sought help together with their partner; both professional help and participation in peer-support groups helped to change their life situation and to quit gambling. The participants’ stories tell the importance of timing in offering help and that breaking the secrecy of gambling might be an important factor in change. The narratives indicate that reaching “rock bottom” can lead to a deeper realization of the severity of one’s gambling-related problems. Participants often recognized the value of being open about their problems as a crucial step in managing and verbalizing them. This openness and articulation were seen as essential components in their journey of recovery.

Future Research Directions

The narratives told in this study show that “rock bottom” experiences may play an important part when it comes to support individuals in their recovery from gambling problems. The different approaches and attitudes toward the individual “rock bottom” highlight the importance of attending to the personal processes involved in recovery. Even though recovery has many different meanings and research operationalizing the concept is far from reaching a consensus, this study suggests that we need to stay open for the subjectivity when it comes to perceptions and understandings of a difficult life situation. Outreach support, preventive measures, and treatment must be characterized by flexibility and promptness to facilitate person-centered and effective interventions for gambling problems.

No doubt these narratives tell us that “hitting rock” bottom may be a powerful and costly experience; more research is needed to understand how the perception of the individual can be helpful in prevention and treatment before the individual actually hits their “rock bottom.”